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SCANDIA : Tidskrift for historisk forskning

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Summaries

Erik LGnnroth

The

codicil

to

Gusraf 111:s last will

W h e n King G u s t a f III w a s dying i n t h e morning o f March 2 9 t h 1792, h e signed a codicil t o his last will. It i s lost, and so i s i t s literal content, b u t w e have a fairly good knowledge of i t s content owing t o a clear official account m a d e b y a n under-secretary o f state. I t prescribed t h a t t h e future regent during t h e minority o f t h e crown-prince, d u k e Carl, had t o k e e p a council w i t h t h e same members as t h e temporary government during t h e King's illness after t h e attempted assasination. W h e n it w a s read after t h e King's death together w i t h h i s t e s t a m e n t , i t w a s considered b y those present, especially b y t h e Lord High Stuart and d u k e Carl hinaself t o be judicially inconsistent w i t h t h e t e s t a m e n t , and i t w a s superseded b y a personal assertion o f d u k e Car1 t h a t h e would k e e p t h e council prescribed b y t h e codicil. W i t h t h e existence o f t h i s n e w document t h e codicil lost i t s quality o f a constitutional document, and there are different informations o n i t s further fate.

T h e codicil w a s m e a n t t o secure t h e position o f t h e K n g ' s favorite G u s t a f Mauritz k n l f e l t as a leading m e m b e r o f government, a position which h e lost some m o n t h s after t h e d e a t h o f G u s t a f 114. A r m f e l t h a s w r i t t e n t h r e e account about t h e story o f t h e codicil; t h e largest, m o s t detailed and fascinating h a s been accepted as t h e t r u e story o f t h e events ever since Elof TegnBr mote t h a n one hundred years ago published a weel-known biography o f A r m f e l t . T h i s memorial account describes Armfelt as a friend o f d u k e Carl, persuading t h e deadly wounded King t o place his brother into t h e temporary government and inspiring t h e d u k e t o cancel t h e codicil and replace i t w i t h his personal assertion. T h i s account i s lwwever a party memorial, w r i t t e n i a a situation w h e n A r m f e l t w a s accused o f planning a revolution against t h e regency o f t h e d u k e and murder o f t h e d u k e h i m s e l t i t can't be accepted as a reliable source. T h e early documents about t h e codicil show t h a t t h e d u k e cancelled i t and replaced i t without a n y dramatic confrontations and t h a t h e accepted t h e prolongation o f t h e temporary council for t h e t i m e being. Armfelt on t h e other side understood already one m o n t h after t h e d e a t h o f King G u s t a f t h a t h e lacked a natural position for taking a leading part i n t h e government and tried t o establish a near friendship w i t h t h e 14 years old King G u s t a f I V A d o l f w h o w a s t o become o f age after four years. I n a later memorial account, w r i t t e n i n t h e reign o f G u s t a f A d o l f , A r m f e l t indirectly admitted t h a t h e k n e w a n earlier and ideal version o f t h e codicil, which contained a stipulation t h a t t h e minor King should be present at t h e meeting o f t h e council and t h a t these meetings should be reported b y w r i t t e n protocols for t h e benefit o f t h e King w h e n h e should become o f age. I n a memorial t o t h e Empress Matarina 11 o f Russia, w r i t t e n i n 1793, A r m f e l t mentioned t h e codicil as containing t h i s stipulation. T h e codicil w h i c h t h e dying King G u s t a f signed, had cancelled t h i s stipulation, which explains t h e relative indifference o f A r m f e l t t o t h e cacelling o f t h e codicil.

T h e so-called diary o f t h e duchess Hedvig Elisabet Charlotta tells, t h a t she some years after 1792 had got reliable evidence o f k m f e l t ' s authorship o f t h e codicil. T h i s d o k u m e n t w a s evidently part o f a n effort o f Armfelt t o surprise t h e dying G u s t a f III t o authorise a permanent position o f power o f h i s favorite. it failed, i n t h e beginning partly, i n t h e long r u n completely.

(2)

Patrik Lundell

The

Enlightenment in the Provinces

On

the Clergy in Linkiiping in the 1798s

T h e essay has two aims: one implicit, to strike a blow for t h e local history of ideas; one explicit, to convey a partly new view o f w h a t t h e Enlightenment was, and not least where it m a y be thought to have t a k e n place.

Local studies i n t h e history ofideas are rare i n Sweden, and to t h e extent t h a t t h e y have existed t h e y have mainly been concerned w i t h learned settings. T h e historians of ideas in U m e 5 represent a n exception which h a s been a source o f inspiration to m e .

T h e questions that I seek to answer i n th e essay are whether there was a11 Enlightenment among the clergy of Linkoping i n t h e 1790s and, i f so, what form it took. To do this, P describe the clergy from a broad perspective o f the history o f ideas and culture. T h e themes t h a t are studied are neology, t h e enlightened theology; anticlericalism, bad priests and t h e critique o f Catholicism; teaching; and what m a y be called t h e economic aspirations. These themes appear t o have been important t o t h e clergy o f t h e day.

B y far the most important source material is t h e town's press.

My attitude t o t h e Enlightenment follows the cultural hermeneutic view represented by Jakob Ghristensson ( w i t h inspiration from Clifford Geertz), most recently i n his dissertationLyckoriket ("Land ofBliss", 19961.A~ adesignationofan era, the Enlightenment could be described as t h e time that called itself b y that name, the age t h a t characterized its activities i n terms o f enlightenment. T h e content o f t h e Enlightenment would t h e n be t h e phenomena and thoughts t h a t people chose t o describe as enlightened. This varied from one stratum to another, from one place to another.

T h e Enlightenment among t h e clergy o f Linkoping was religious, utilitarian, often German rather t h a n French, and as a rule uncontroversial.

I t

concerned t h e spread of useful knowledge w i t h the ambition o f achieving bliss both here and i n eternity.

(3)

Sven Lilja

The Young Odhaaer and the Swedish Towns

Daditionally the Swedish preindustrial towns have been seen as kinds of underdeveloped quasi-towns. They were small, unimportant and more or less rural in economic character. This was the view of the late professor Eli Meckscher in the second quarter of this century, when Sweden was in the middle of a teeming process of urbanization. But the same view was shared by many others. Among them was Clas Theodoi- Odhner (1836-B904), who is often referred to as the founder of Swedish urban history. Odhner published his main publications on urban history as a young man, and before the era of modern urbanization in Sweden. In spite of that, he shared this view on the subject of the underdeveloped Swedish towns with later historians.

In contrast to the twentieth century positivist Heckscher, the nineteenth century idealist Odhner was a product of his idealistic age. He was a philosophically inspired state-idealist, and his interpretation of the urban development was influenced by the intellectual framework of his time. Living in a period when source criticism and modern methods of historical analysis were only in an embryonic stage of development, he made some methodological and interpretative mistakes. Me seems, for instance, to have overestimated the age of the Swedish urban system. And furthermore, we are probably right to distance ourselves from his strong emphasis on kings and great personalities as causes of social change. Another analytical weakness in Odhner's interpretation is his inability or unwillingness to separate economic/demographic developments from political and cultural developments. Odhner spoke of the "flowering", "rising development", and "importance" of the towns, as if those terms combined demographic, economic and political realities. The explanation for this is probably his view of the towns as parts of a greater civilization process within an overall development plan toward fulfilled transcen- dental reason. But in spite ofhis empirical and analytical shortcomings Odhner's general view of the Swedish urbanization process, during the medieval and early modern times, was reasonably correct. His location in time of the urban ups and downs are fairly accurate. His errors are to do more with details than with the general overview.

As an intellectual Odhner was in the forefront of his time. The young Odhner tried to

be

a member of the historical-philosophical avantgarde of the mid-19th century in Sweden. Although some of his ideas today are obsolete, his "holistic" approach and his cultural/civilizational framework have obvious links to modern ideas about mentalities, civilization processes, and culture theory. From some points of view Odhner might have felt himself a t home in our current stage of historical research.

(4)

Marion Leffler

Little brother or comrade

-

but never sister?

The image of a~ickaltaaral labourers in the trade union newspaper

FackfireningsrBreEsen,

1920-1931

The article analyses the image of agricultural labourers that was communicated to other organized workers in the 1920s via the central trade union press. Agricultural labourers a t this time were still working in the system of payment in kind, and their living conditions differed greatly from those of industrial workers. The image of agricultural labourers that emerges from the newspaper Fackforeningsrorelsen, published by the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, proves to be composite and contradictory. The agricultural labourer is described partly as a less knowledgeable "little brother" in need of enlightenment andleadership, and partly as acomrade capable ofassurningresponsibility on his own. At the same time the attitude of the agricultural labourers'wives to the labour movement is described as an obstacle to the liberation of the agricultural labourers.

The views expressed in the central trade union press are interpreted as a stage in the process that was supposed to integrate the agricultural labourers in the Swedish working class and the labour movement. The findings of the study suggest that this integration was fraught with conflict, with different meanings for men and women.

References

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