The Representation of Illicit Firearms in the EU Strategies - A content analysis on two policy documents

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Political Science: Global Politics ST631L Master's Programme (Two-year) 30 Credits

Spring Semester 2020 Supervisor: Corina Filipescu

The Representation of Illicit Firearms in

the EU Strategies

A content analysis on two policy documents

Elvira Korp

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Abstract

Illicit firearms and the proliferation of them are an increasingly discussed topic worldwide. This thesis uses content analysis to analyse the 2005 EU Strategy and revised version of it, the 2018 EU Strategy, on how to combat the proliferation of illicit firearms. With a

post-structuralist approach, related theoretical aspects and the use of Carol Bacchis’ six questions in the What is the Problem Represented to Be? (WPR) approach, the thesis examines problem representations in the thesis, and discusses these to identify the shift of the representation of illicit firearms in the EU Strategies. By doing this, it is filling the research gap of policies on illicit firearms that are examining problem representations. The comparison between the two Strategies shows that there is a significant shift in the problem representation, and that contextual factors and norms play an important role in why this shift has taken place. The thesis has identified the political climate at the time of the implementation of the EU Strategies as a vital factor to the differences in the Strategies.

Keywords: Illicit firearms, SALW, Policy, WPR, Problem Representation, Transnationalism, Norms, EU Strategy

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1. Introduction

Illicit firearms are a problem that has many implications, for instance the uncontrolled proliferation that takes place worldwide1_{. Firstly, they cause a large amount of human}

suffering worldwide, as firearms are estimated to be responsible for around 210 000 deaths worldwide each year (Small Arms Survey, 2017). Secondly, as they are often connected to other forms of organized crimes, they facilitate and increase the violence of various kinds of criminality (ibid: 2017). Also, although they are not the source of conflict in the world, they are multipliers of violence, facilitating prolonged conflicts (Hartung, 2008: 352).

The issue of the proliferation of illicit firearms is transnational, where international

organizations and bodies call for joint efforts to decrease the human suffering that they cause. For instance, the UN Office on Drugs and Crimes stated that “a multinational solution is clearly needed, as national borders often benefit weapons dealers and straw purchasers, in that they shop for countries with the fewest restrictions” (UNODC, 2015). With this in mind, globalization with its interconnectedness is often seen as facilitator for the proliferation of firearms. The major reason for this is that firearms mostly circulate across borders, making armed violence by illicit firearms an issue that rarely affects one, isolated state. This alone causes difficulties, as states have different legislations, causing judicial grey zones when it comes to combatting transnational crimes (Jojarth, 2009).

In the light of this, there are numerous frameworks, initiatives and policies, on international and regional levels that function as tools to combat the effects and proliferation of illicit firearms. Since the beginning of the millennium, several new international frameworks dealing with small arms and light weapons (SALW) have been created and implemented (Jojarth, 2009; Duquet, 2019). For instance, the European Union (EU) has undertaken several efforts and implemented several policies to combat the proliferation of illicit firearms, both within and outside of the Union. Despite this, the EU has been criticised in the public debate for not doing enough as illicit firearms have increased in several member countries the past years. Moreover, debates have been stirred up on what role the EU should have in this matter and whether they should initiate more policy initiatives (European Parliament, 2019;

European Commission, 2015). With an increasing societal debate on the role of the EU and international organizations, and to what extent they effectively can implement policies on national and global levels (European Parliament, 2019), it is of interest to look at what role

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the EU plays in the combat of illicit firearms, as this is an issue that is affecting the society on a local level as well as on a larger level in the EU and internationally. As the EU is an

important actor in the combatting of illicit firearms and also, where the debate on illicit firearms has increased, it is a relevant region to examine. Furthermore, as highlighted in the literature review, research on the problematization of policies on illicit firearms in Europe is currently lacking, making it more relevant to study.

The thesis will argue that the idea of policy as discourse, meaning that policy is not only a document, but also the constructions and discourses around it. This argues that policies are not understood as merely responses or reactions to a certain problem, but actually produce the very problem. The term policy-as-discourse was coined by Carol Bacchi, as one of three main approaches of policy analysis (Bacchi, 2000), a framework that will be discussed further in the thesis and used on the examination of the EU’s twoEU Strategy Against Illicit Firearms, Small Arms & Light Weapons & Their Ammunition. In relation to this, the main argument of

the paper is that the problem image of illicit firearms that led up to the creation of the EU Strategies is not an objective truth, but a construct, shaped and created through discourse, norms and political processes.

I will therefore argue that discourse is a powerful tool in the formation of policies and that norms and contextual factors are vital cornerstones in transnational policies, both on a European and international level. In order to understand the role that discourse plays in the formation of policies on illicit firearms, the thesis highlights the importance of understanding policies as discourse. Taking on a post-structuralist approach, using the critical thinking of problematization, the thesis examines and compares the discourses that are used in the 2005

EU Strategy to combat illicit accumulation and trafficking of SALW and their ammunition and

2018 EU Strategy Against Illicit Firearms, Small Arms & Light Weapons & Their

Ammunition to see how the problem representation of the issue of illicit firearms is framed

and also, how it has shifted.

The thesis will examine how the EU Strategy came about by firstly looking at the

problematization of the issue of illicit firearms, and in the light of that, discuss events related to this from the time of the implementation of the EU Strategies. It will do so by using Bacchi’s analytical tool What is the Problem Represented to be? (WPR).

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How has the representation of illicit firearms shifted in the 2005 and EU Strategies respectively?

a) What are the problems represented in the EU Strategies?

b) How can we understand the similarities and differences in the problem representations of the EU Strategies?

c) What role does contextual factors and norms play in the problem representation of the EU Strategies?

The following chapter will provide an introduction to the EU Strategy as well as the

background to why they were created. This is to provide the reader with an overview of how the EU Strategies are connected and shed light on the relevance of comparing them to each other.

1.1 Introducing the 2005 and 2018 EU Strategies

The EU Strategies of 2005 and 2018 are policy documents and serve as the case studies of this thesis. In 2005, the EU implemented the Strategy to combat illicit accumulation and

trafficking of SALW and their ammunition, a document to gather joint efforts on combatting

the proliferation of illicit firearms. It was recognised that previous policies have been mainly reactive, and that more actions on a preventive level was needed (Duquet, 2019). In light of this, the EU Strategy was revised in 2018. The revised document focuses greatly on the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and

Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects (UNPoA),

being the only binding international instrument in its kind (United Nations, 2006).

The EU has a large legislative role over its member states, making it interesting to examine what the problematization of illicit firearms looks like, as the problematization determines the content of policies around the issue. The proliferation of firearms takes place across borders and the EU Strategy therefore clearly frames it as a transnational problem and highlights the need for collaborative measures when tackling it.

The EU Strategy from 2005 demonstrates the need to properly examine the problematization of firearms. I suggest that the strategy was formed in a time when the combat on illicit

firearms was driven by events. For instance, in the millennial, the discussion on how to tackle illicit firearms came as a response to the terror attacks in Madrid and London 2004 and 2005. Despite this, one criticism has been that 2005 Strategy is focusing little on the issue of illicit firearms inside Europe (Duquet, 2019: 5). Another criticism focused on the arms export of the

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EU and how that affected conflict zones worldwide. The new, revised strategy that was implemented in 2018 has instead, as stated in the title, shifted its focus towards internal security, with an emphasis on civilian protection. Furthermore, it focuses on norms, which is not mentioned in the 2005 Strategy. This will be further discussed in the analysis. Duquet (2019) also discusses how the political climate in Europe at the time of the implementation of the 2018 Strategy influenced its content. For instance, the increasing number of terrorist attacks and organised crimes are emphasised.

I argue that the criticism of the 2005 Strategy underlines the risk of a mismatch between the problem image of illicit firearms and the de facto effects of a policy. Furthermore, I argue that the criticism highlights that there can be difficulties of implementing international

frameworks in a transnational context, where an issue more or less affects every state across the globe, but in various ways, needs to be tackled transnationally.

The 2018 strategy has in fact put more emphasis on the transnational aspect, as EU member states, international organizations and non-governmental organizations have been part of the creation of the strategy (Duquet, 2019), something that is a significant improvement from the previous strategy, especially as this allows for a greater chance of looking at the issue from various perspectives It can therefore imply that the pluralistic idea of global governance has been taken into account to a greater extent than before.

1.2 Firearms definition

In this thesis, the focus will lie on the concept of illicit firearms. In the field of armed violence prevention, “small arms” and “light weapons” (SALW) as well as “firearms” are used as synonyms. There is thus no clear-cut distinction between these definitions, nor one agreed upon definition of small arms and light weapons. For the sake of simplicity, this thesis will use the term firearms, as this is the most commonly used one. Duquet (2019) discusses the use of terms by arguing that from a policy perspective the term used becomes irrelevant once firearms are diverted illegally.

In the following section, the literature review and theoretical background will be presented. Following is the methodology section, where method will be demonstrated. After that follows the analysis and the discussion where the findings are being presented. Lastly, main points are summarized, and conclusions are drawn as to how the problem representations in the EU Strategies have shifted and how this shift can be understood.

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2. Literature Review

I have identified two main scholarships, being research on illicit firearms prevention and research on policies and their definition. The gap that I have identified corresponds to the lack of problematizing the image of illicit firearms, that transnational policies on illicit firearms have not been studied in terms of problem representations and finally, the lack of studies on the EU when it comes to studies on policies on illicit firearms.

2.1 Global Politics and Transnationalism

Naturally, transnationalism plays a vital role in this thesis, given the focus on transnational politics. Before commencing the discussion on how illicit firearms have been discussed in relation to transnationalism, this thesis will first define the concept of transnationalism. It will be defined as by Skogstad and Schmidt (2011):

[…] the regularized interactions of state and non-state actors across and beyond national borders with the intent to shape political and social outcomes; and second, the existence and influence of transcendent cultural frames and principles that constitute part of the global order (Skogstad & Schmidt, 2011:5).

Given this definition, the EU Strategy aims to function on a transnational level, as it emphasizes the need to work cross borders as well as on a national level:

The effective countering of the diversion and illicit manufacture and trade of firearms/SALW and their ammunition requires norm and rule setting, implementation, enforcement and communication by government agencies and national, regional and global actors (EU Strategy Against Illicit Firearms, Small Arms & Light Weapons & Their Ammunition, 2018: 8).

The scrutinizing of the EU strategy is not only important in order to see the politics around an international issue, but also highlights the relevance of transnational governance on an issue that has an impact on every part of the world. To strengthen this argument, drawing upon the definition that globalization is “the process of becoming global” (O’Byrne & Hensby, 2011: 2), one could tie the global interconnectedness to the increase in illicit firearms worldwide. This does not in any means diminish the importance and positive aspects of an increasingly globalised world. On the contrary, it shows the need for increased transnational cooperation on politics. It also calls for an increased understanding of the complexity of the world, meaning that the problematization of an issue becomes even more important to examine and to not take these problematizations as real facts of the world.

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This way of thinking is perfectly phrased by the post-structuralists Finlayson and Valentine (2002):

Just as our conceptualisations of democracy, justice and equality have to be heightened and ‘globalised’ in response to the increased scope of world trade and the heightened power of international corporations, so our concepts need to be widened to bring us into contact with the kinds of experiences and phenomena we encounter in the contemporary ‘polis’ (Finlayson & Valentine: 2002:4).

This underlines the core argument of the thesis, claiming that if we are to understand the transnational world we live in as pluralistic and globalised, we also need to take into account that to do so without a wide sense of the world is deeply problematic as no one possesses the “real truth” about the world. This is especially important to understand in relation to

governance and power relations. When policies increasingly exist on transnational levels, the need to understand that norms and problem images cannot represent a unified reality becomes increasingly pressing, especially since transnational policies are created on a global scale but are supposed to be implemented on a local level.

A clear example of this can be seen in other international policies, where key aspects have been de-prioritized or even removed in the interest of key stakeholders. Jojarth (2009) exemplifies this in the case of the UNPoA, where she demonstrates that points connected to human rights and civilian possession of firearms have been removed in the interest of China and the US, something that was heavily criticised as a policy document that supposedly should be representative and helpful to states and societies worldwide. This is further connected to political processes, which are the administration and formulation of public policies, normally done by several actors, such as states, civil society and international organizations.

2.2 Research on Illicit Firearms Prevention

The first part of the discussion on previous research will examine scholars that have been studying illicit firearms prevention. Although not a heavily researched subject, there is research done on illicit firearms prevention (Duquet, 2019, 2016; Jojarth, 2009; Holtom & Bromley, 2011; Wood & Abdul-Rahim, 2015). The thesis will further take into consideration that the diversion of illicit firearms is multi-layered, which makes it necessary to view the phenomenon form different perspectives. Picarelli (2018: 458) discusses how illicit firearms exist on three levels, with different levels of difficulty to control: a regulated licit market, an

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unregulated grey market and an illicit black market. Since the research on firearms prevention is stretched throughout several disciplines and methods, it may seem difficult to identify areas of agreements. There is, however, a general criticism of firearms in the hands of civilians, as well as the security implications they have on society (Duquet, 2009; Alvazzi del Frate et al., 2020; Pierre, 2014). This might be an obvious finding, but it highlights an interesting research gap. Although the research is quite unified on the problems that firearms pose, both on a local and transnational level, the discourses around the subject is barely touched upon in the existing research, with the important exception of national gun policies in the US, which will be further discussed in the following section. As demonstrated here, there is a body of research contributing to the study of policies on firearms prevention, However, in the systematic literature searches conducted for the purpose of the current thesis, studies that problematize policies in connection with illicit firearms have not occurred. Instead, the works on illicit firearms prevention existing focus on the policy analysis, looking at the

implementation and trickle-down effect of the policies. These works are therefore mainly qualitative, rather analysing the effects of policies than critically examining the content of them. No research attempts to identify the problematization of illicit firearms in policies. Aning (2008) examines the image of firearms as a problem in West Africa, where he compares the view of the issue from a government and civilian perspective and identifies a mismatch in the image (Aning, 2008). He further discusses how this has affected policies from a securitization point of view. Naturally, this is interesting and relevant for this thesis, as the themes are closely linked. Analysing “the problem represented to be” (Bacchi (2009) is however a different undertaking.

The research on firearms that looks at regions or specific countries has a strong tendency to focus on the US (Pirelli et al, 2018; Castillo-Carniglia et al, 2019; Leung et al, 2019; Hartung, 2008). I am suggesting that this can be due to the gun ownership laws in the country that stands out in the world. Furthermore, the research often focuses on the health implications that firearm-related violence has (Castillo-Carniglia et al, 2019; Leung et al, 2019). This is important to mention, as it demonstrates a research gap on other regions in the world, such as the EU, as well as in the field of political science in firearm policies.

Another set of scholars have focused on policies of illicit firearms prevention, examines transnationalism and its role in the field. As the issue is transnational in nature, much of the research focuses on international policies, or the effect that transnationalism has on local policies. Jojarth (2009) and Duquet (2019) examines this by scrutinizing the content of the

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UNPoA and the EU Strategies. An important disagreement in the studies of policies on firearm trafficking, is the notion of rational choice. There are scholars that explain the increasing market of illicit firearms by rational choice theory. This means that the illicit firearms market is driven by rational actors, measuring costs and benefits and that it is therefore easy to predict when and why the market looks the way it does. Proponents of this perspective argue that policies should be formulated accordingly. (Eyre, D., & Suchman, 1996; Gat, 2006). Other scholars find analyses and policies based on a rational-choice approach simplistic and argue that the trade of illicit firearms is a far more complex issue. (Horwath & Wydra, 2009; Arsovska & Zabyelina, 2014; Bromley, 2007; Eide, 1994). Arsovska and Zabyelina (2014) uses this argument to explain why policies to reduce illicit firearms in the Balkans and North Caucasus have weak results and that a more deep analysis of the situation needs to be done in order to explain the complex situation (Arsovska & Zabyelina, 2014). This division of approaches is important, as it touches closely upon the post-structuralist ideas of thinking against a more realist approach to illicit firearms. Moreover, this is a vital discussion to identify, as the transnational nature of illicit firearms calls for a deeper understanding of the actors involved.

2.3 Research on Policies and their Definitions

As this thesis will look at policy as discourse, and argues for the power that discourse carries, it is important to map the research field of policies, mainly the ones that are also viewing policies as a discursive practice.

The existing research focuses much on the societal implications that policies have and the study of its content (Jojarth, 2009; Duquet; 2019; Wood & Abdul-Rahim, 2015). This is often also connected to transnational organized crimes, a subject which has been under scrutiny in different disciplines and with different approaches (Ezrow, 2017; Kowalick et al. 2018; Picarelli, 2008). In terms of global policies, a critical lens is often undertaken which criticizes the lack of possibility or willingness to implement policies, claiming that new approaches need to be taken in transnational policymaking when it comes to combatting crimes (Jojarth, 2009; Ezrow, 2017). The criticism of international policies is often tied to the concept of global governance (Jojarth, 2009; Efrat, 2010), where emphasis is put on the little influence actors and smaller states have in for example decision-making in the UN. More recent literature has emphasised the complexity of studying policymaking on a transnational level, shedding light on the construction of problems rather than taking the issues that policies deal with for granted. Jojarth (2009) frames this clearly when discussing the politics of

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international policymaking: “Academics and policy-makers alike have tried to outdo each other in presenting transnational crime as an existential threat” (Jojarth, 2009:5). The

scholarly field has therefore shifted significantly from a more realist perspective on policies to a more critical one where discourse is an important factor. This highlights the idea that there are underlying ideologies and values behind policies (Trilokekara & El Masri, 2017) and that this is important to understand in order to see power relations. A cornerstone in the consensus of this body of research, is the importance of pluralism in global governance. This is naturally tied to the criticism of realism and demonstrates that most researchers believe that a pluralistic approach is necessary for a democratic and representative governance in international

organizations (Ansell & Gash, 2008; Gribanova, 2017; Müller, 2013). However, the research field is more split in terms of whether or not the international organizations, such as the UN manage to take on a pluralistic approach.

When it comes to the study of policies through post-structuralism, Carol Bacchi is a

prominent researcher. The problematization of issues as the basis of policymaking has been used in studies through her What is the problem represented to be (WPR)- approach. This is a method commonly used to problematize the construction and representation of problems. Bacchi (2009) argues that policies are shaping problems instead of reacting to them. According to Archibald (2020), there is little research and discussion on the definition of problems when it comes to policy making and initiatives. This is something he brings up, as he highlights the need to bring this type of critical thinking forward in order to properly grasp all factors needed to be considered in policymaking. He finds that lack of this thinking around policymaking is especially evident in the context of transnational research, where

problematization is even more rare. This could be tied to the fact that international policies for tend to be vaguer as they cannot be applied to one states national laws. This emphasises the need to problematize international policies and scrutinize the effect the problem image will have on their implementation. The shift away from the realist perspective on policymaking, that Bacchi and other critical policy-researchers represent, brings norms into light. In this perspective, analysis of transnational policies need to take international norms into account. Policymaking on a transnational level can and should therefore be tied to international norms, a research field that mainly embraces the constructivist approach (Winston, 2017;

Terechshenko et al, 2019). Rosert (2019) discusses norms as creators of problem images (Rosert, 2019). The connection it then has to this thesis, is the idea of a problem image that is being created, based on normative constructs. McDonald (2008) exemplifies the role of

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international norms by bringing up the case of the Iraqi war in 2003 and the image of what the security threat was, was not only based on material factors, but also normative. Furthermore, Müller (2013) discusses international norms when it comes to multilateral arms control. This can also be connected to Behr, who argues that political philosophy needs to be incorporated in the studying of policies to be able to see the normative currents affecting policies (Behr, 2019).

This can be connected to the securitization realm, where a security threat is seen as a discursive tool rather than a real, objective security issue. Securitization, as seen by Copenhagen School, is when an issue is becoming accepted as a matter of security by an audience, undertaken by the actor who drives the securitization process (Stritzel, 2014). This has common features with the idea of problem representation in policies, as both of them challenge the idea that “a matter of security” is simple. However, this thesis does recognise illicit firearms as an actual issue with security implications, not least on a societal level. Therefore, I will not recognize the “security” aspect a mere discourse. Instead, it is the

representation of the problem that will be critically examined. An important disagreement that can be seem among scholars on the analysis of policymaking, is the way in which policy should be defined. This is not odd, as the research on policy does not have a clear definition of what a policy is, nor have laid out a standardized way to look at policies. Generally, a difference is whether policy is seen as merely the policy document, or, as in the case of this thesis, also the discourse around it (Bacchi, 2000). Again, the general shift towards a more constructivist approach has made the latter one more extensive and naturally, within the subject of problematization of policies.

A general consensus within the research on policies is that a more nuanced approach needs to be taken to policy emergence and to the implementation process. Based on my own review on the research field, few scholars undertake a realist approach to the subject, and the majority fall within a more constructivist or liberalist approach. Furthermore, the ones using the WPR-approach to analyse policies, have a post-structuralist WPR-approach. We can therefore see that policies are to a lesser extent looked at through a realist perspective. This is because although the role of the state continues to be important, most researches argue that states are not the only actors of significance, and that realism fail to explain the globalizing and transnational processes going on worldwide (Ezrow, 2017; Eyre & Suchman, 1996; Finlayson & Valentine, 2002).

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understanding and to grasp the meaning behind words. There is also research that utilizes the policy-as-discourse approach to explain and grasp the complexity of policymaking (Shaw, 2010; 2012). Shaw (2010) argues that by using the approach of policy as discourse, you can grasp aspects that other methods and theories simply cannot reach. She further argues that the approach enables critical analysis of policies as complex and inherently contextual (Shaw, 2010: 209). Although her research focuses on health policies, it grasps the vital point of attempting to understand policies in a deeper sense. As the current thesis is based on the notion of policy as discourse, this concept will be further elaborated on in the theoretical section. In terms of global governance and policies, Ansell & Gash (2008) and Gribanova, (2017) in their reviews of policies in the UN, both found there is a division between policy studies that problematize the power structures of the world, and those that focus efforts to social and political inclusion, rights perspectives and non-governmental organizations. The latter were generally found to adopt a more positive stance towards supra-national

organizations and their policymaking.

2.4 The Research Gap and the Contributions of the Thesis

In the review of research on illicit firearms prevention and policies carried out for this thesis, three main categories were identified: transnationalism, research on illicit firearms prevention and problem representations and securitization in policies. The review also indicates possible gaps in the research field. This thesis aims to respond to three of these, first the lack of problematizing the image of illicit firearms, secondly that transnational policies on illicit firearms have not been studied in terms of problem representations and finally, the lack of studies on the EU when it comes to studies on policies on illicit firearms.

Firstly, there is a clear lack of problematizing the image of illicit firearms. This thesis aims at filling this gap by critically examining two interconnected policy documents dealing with firearms on a European level and thereby, look at the transnational aspect of the

problematization of said issue. It will shed light on how the construction of a problem image affects the creation of policies, and on the potential hazards created in this process. As

mentioned previously in this section, this is of special significance on a transnational level, as the problem of illicit firearms look different in different regions, countries and even in different cities, highlighting how a policy based on a problem image, can fail to take all factors needed into consideration. Winston (2017) discusses how problems must be understood in relations to the values existing in the social order. “A fact becomes problematized if it is interpreted in such a way that its existence negatively impacts the

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attainment or continued practice of something that is valued, thus necessitating some form of corrective behaviour” (Winston, 2017: 640). Drawing up on this quote, the thesis argues that illicit firearms are a problem that has societal implications. However, the problem

representation presented in the EU Strategies is not objective and therefore needs to be scrutinized. Especially since the nature of illicit firearms varies greatly from place to place, depending on legislations, position and other factors of a place, not only worldwide but also within the EU.

Moreover, a politicised issue such as the proliferation of illicit firearms tends to be trigging the spreading of misinformation in discourse and media, making it vital to look at the

problematization of the policies around illicit firearms. Also, agreeing with the scholars using the approach of policy as discourse, the thesis argues for the importance of looking at the problem images created in policies are essential for not only understanding the functions behind said policy, but also to problematize the way global governance works. In the case of such a burning issue as firearms in a constantly changing political climate, it is important that this research gap is filled.

3. Theoretical Framework

This section will discuss the theoretical framework that will be applied to the analysis and discussion of the thesis. Firstly, it will provide an explanation of post-structuralism as a broader approach and how it will relate to this thesis. Secondly, it will discuss the critical term problematization as a point of view in analysis, as well as the idea of policy-as-discourse. Finally, the notion of international norms will be discussed.

3.1 Post-Structuralism

Post-structuralism is an approach that argues that it is in order to study structures and

knowledge, there is a need to understand that there is no such thing as an objective truth, since everything is inevitably affected by biases and misunderstandings, created through culture and history. It therefore argues that in order to study something, like in this case, the EU

Strategies, you cannot only study an object as such, but also the systems of knowledge that has been created around said object (Raulet, 1983). Post structuralism examines all sources of meaning, which means that the EU Strategies cannot in themselves be examined, but also the culture, background and norms that have been created and existing around them need to be scrutinized. Bacchi (2016) argues that to study policy from a post-structuralist point of view, it is important to view the documents not only as a government or actors way to solve a

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problem, but a way to critically examine how policies actually produce problems (Bacchi, 2016). In the light of this, the post-structuralist approach provides us with the tools to

critically examine the EU Strategies, not only as documents, but what problem representations that they create and uphold. This post structuralist idea is an important theoretical approach in this field. From an epistemological view, we cannot find out what the problem behind illicit firearms are as such, but what power structures and discourses that have a role in defining the problem.

Ontologically, this thesis highlights how “facts” about the world cannot be objective, as our perception of the world is shaped by society, ideas and culture. Moreover, as argued by Bacchi (2000), concepts do not have a fixed meaning, they are merely proposals for how to proceed with an issue and are also a way of understanding or construct the ‘reality’. Drawing upon this, the thesis argues that the problematization of illicit firearms cannot relate to “truth” in a realistic or absolute sense, as a standard. It is rather based on a constructed idea of what the real world and real problems look like.

The thesis will therefore scrutinize the deeper rationale that underlies the EU strategy, rather than simply attempting to understand what the policy is intended to mean. By understanding the ideas behind the policy as shaped by society in a socio-political and historical context, we can see the complexity of the world and highlight that impartiality is impossible in the

creation and phrasing of policy documents.

3.2 Policy- as- Discourse

As the thesis will embrace the idea of policy as discourse, meaning that policy is not only a document, but also the constructions and discourses around it (Bacchi, 2000), it will take into account what role the discourse around the issue of illicit firearms was at the time of the creation of the strategy. Discourse will thus in this thesis be defined as in Bacchi’s WPR approach, as knowledges, instead of simply the use of language. Knowledge will then be defined as political creation and therefore the interest does not lie in discovering or producing any “real knowledge”. Instead, people have perceptions of reality, created in a societal context (Bacchi, 2009).This goes in line with the idea that problematizations and policies are steered by the world we live in and that we need to understand the context in which they have emerged to be able to understand the problem image that have been created. Furthermore, it goes strongly in line with the use of the post-structuralist approach that focuses more on discourse as the tool shaping our perceptions of the world. As policy-as-discourse looks at the

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constructions and discourses around a policy, it undertakes the post structuralist idea of understanding the context and constructions around the EU Strategies.

3.3 International Norms

This thesis will follow the rather basic definition of norms, as defined by Finnemore and Sikkink (1998): “A standard of appropriate behaviour” (Finnemore and Sikkink, 1998: 891). International norms are of importance to discuss in the light of problematization, as problem representations are directly related to political behaviour, meaning that this thesis sees norms as something that supposes a problem, which in its own turn drive political behaviour. Norms can for instance be used as the justification of actions and also, which is central to the analysis of the EU Strategies, drive the responsibility and solutions to a presupposed problem.

Furthermore, I argue that norms play a particularly important role on an international level, where a governance is less clear than nationally. In relation to this, the 2018 EU Strategy has four pillars of actions foreseen, whereas two of them explicitly mentions norms.

In terms of problem representation, norms play a vital role, as they are created around an issue. Winston (2017) discusses this by claiming that all forms of global issues are the bases of an international norm or set of norms that are revolving around a problem. “[…] a norm presupposes a problem, which is the issue to be addressed. Second, the norm includes a value. “It is the enjoyment or attainment of something “good” or the avoidance of something “bad” and, as such, gives moral weight to the problem” (Winston, 2017: 640). This way of viewing norms which goes in line with how the EU Strategy discusses the term, as well as with the post-structuralist idea of the world. By seeing norms as the drivers of a problem, we can grasp the role they play in the problem representation of illicit firearms in the EU Strategy.

The thesis will also discuss the norm diffusion, a concept explaining how norms are transferring from one specific context to another (Winston, 2017: 645). According to norm diffusion, norms can either be accepted in their entity, or be modified and adapted to the new context. This concept has a significant meaning in this thesis, as norms play an important role in the EU Strategies. Moreover, as the EU Strategy discusses norms in a transnational setting, it is of importance to examine how values and problem representations are transferred

between contexts. Finally, through a post-structuralist lens, norms become important to examine, as they play a vital role in how actors behave and thereby, how we can understand society. Moreover, as norms are standards for good behaviour, they underline that there are no

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objective truths, but rather that norms drive what humans perceive as correct, strongly in line with the post-structuralist realm.

3.4 Contextual Factors

A key concept used in this thesis, tightly related to policy as discourse is the one of contextual factors, which is are defined as factors that reflects and represents a specific context, a definition used by Barzilai-Nahon and Gomez (2012). In this thesis, it will therefore be factors affecting the policies, that are related to a certain context, for instance the political climate at the time of the emergence of the EU Strategies, or the terror attacks taking place in 2017 and 2018, which I suggest has affected the discourse in the 2018 EU Strategy.

Contextual factors are thus important as they are examined in this thesis as cornerstones for why problem representations emerge. As post-structuralism argues that in order to understand a policy, you need to look at the context in which they emerge, contextual factors become key to make understanding of the EU Strategies from a post-structuralist approach.

3.5 Problematization

Problematization is a term that has already appeared many times in the thesis. It is not a theory, but more of a way to ensure critical thinking in an analysis (Crotty, 1998).

Problematizing something, in this case the problem image of illicit firearms, is to consider all elements of the issue as a challenge. Simply put, it challenges the idea that ‘knowledge’ and ‘common sense’ are objective and opens for new perceptions and reflections (Bacchi, 2000). As this thesis will use the WPR- approach, through the post-structuralist realm it will

scrutinize the problem image of illicit firearms that the EU Strategy has painted through a problematization lens. Problematization thinking will thus be used here as a tool to challenge the image that the EU Strategy has painted of illicit firearms, demonstrating how the

knowledge around the issue is shaped by perceptions of reality.

4. Methodology

Critical policy analysis using WPR as a version of discourse analysis to compare the EU Strategies along with quantitative content analysis, makes the methodological design of the thesis a form of triangulation. These are useful research methods as they allow for an explanatory and descriptive analysis. Furthermore, as we seek to identify how problem images are being created and what they are saying about policymaking, the thesis uses a problem-driven narrative rather than merely describing what the policy texts are saying. For simplicity and clarification, when referring to both Strategies as one policy, I will simply refer

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to them as the EU Strategies. However, when discussing them separately, they will be referred to as the 2005 EU Strategy and the 2018 EU Strategy.

Performing a content analysis with a poststructuralist lens, is used for the purpose of identifying the portrayal of problems in the policy texts, as well as understand what role contextual factors have in the EU strategy. When taking on a qualitative approach, I will discover the problematization of a burning issue beyond statistics and discuss what

implications problem representations may have. Relating back to the research discussed in the literature review (Bacchi, 2016; Shaw, 2012), this is where we can clearly see the contribution which this thesis brings, as well as identifying a research gap, by employing a content analysis and a problematizing approach to an international policy on firearms. This further highlights the relevance of using two case studies to compare.

The methodology chapter of the thesis is divided into five sections. Firstly, the role of the researcher in this type of studies will be discussed. Secondly, I will outline textual analysis and how it will be used in the thesis. Following, the approach What is the Problem

Represented to be will be presented and explained. Afterwards there will be a brief discussion

on the EU Strategy and its structure. Finally, the analytical tools and the methodological implications of the thesis will be presented and discussed.

4.1 Reliability and Validity

Validity and reliability when in qualitative studies have been discussed among scholars. Some researchers are arguing that these concepts are not applicable and relevant as qualitative

studies are not measurable in the same sense as quantitative ones. This is also related to the fact that these terms stem from a positivist approach to research. Halperin and Heath discusses these terms in qualitative studies as to in which measures the study is plausible to others (Halperin & Heath; 2012: 352). This can be seen as to which extent this research method can be applicable to other policy documents and that it therefore can provide some deeper understanding of the phenomenon beyond the policy documents which we are looking into. Validity in qualitative research refers to the appropriateness of the tools used, meaning that the proper theoretical framework and method is used for the analysis and answers you are seeking (Bryman, 2017). The post-structuralist approach used in the thesis is then suited to be used to look at problem representations, as it does not only examine the policy document as such, but also the systems of knowledge that has been created around it. In order to answer the

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research questions and understanding the problem narrative of the thesis, the research design is appropriate.

The key to reliability in qualitative studies lies in the consistency of the research and whether the result would be the same or similar if the research was to be conducted again. Simply put, it can be seen as the stability of the research (Ibid, 2016). As this thesis takes on a

post-structuralist approach, these concepts are complicated but critical. From an epistemological standpoint, knowledge is a fluid concept. This in itself makes reliability and validity

complicated as the knowledge yielded is difficult to measure. However, by using triangulation more reliability and validity is added to the thesis (Ibid, 2016). On the one hand, triangulation provides a cross-examination, validating the analysis and on the other, it provides the

possibility to see the results of the analysis from a broader perspective. This is done in this thesis and thus reinforcing the reliability by conducting an in-dept content analysis on the two cases, as well as doing a comparative analysis on the documents.

4.2 Textual Analysis

In line with the critical approach to policy-analysis adopted in this study, policy will be treated as a discursive representation, and significant focus will be put on which actors that are mentioned and the role that they are assigned in the text. Such actors may be e.g. states, EU, traders and end-users of firearms. The main focus will be to identify core patterns and dominating ideas in the policy text to be able to see what the most evident representations are. Textual analysis is used to gain understanding of for example language and symbols. This will provide information of how humans make sense of and communicate life. This means that it is vital to understand and grasp the broader structures that influence a text (Bryman, 2016). The thesis will use qualitative content analysis, where the emphasis is on examining the meaning associated with the messages behind the text unlike a quantitative approach, where the focus is more on the number of times a word has occurred. Specifically, the method is to identify codes in the text and the identifying themes and categories based on them.

Furthermore, the codes will be examined in terms of what connotations they carry, meaning if they are discussed in a positive or negative light and what that connotation mean. Bengtsson (2016) argues that this is method is good to use, not only for the deeper understanding of a complex phenomenon, but also because different concepts of credibility can be used to validate the research. She sums up the essence of content analysis by saying that “[…] the goal is to link the results to their context or to the environment in which they were produced”

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(Bengtsson, 2016:3). In conclusion, as this thesis aims to look at the meaning behind the policy documents, a qualitative content analysis provides appropriate tools to conduct an in-dept analysis driven by the research questions.

A note will also be made on the choice of restraining the analysis to the two EU Strategies. As the original strategy was implemented in 2005, it is of interest to conduct the same analysis on both policies to see what the differences and similarities are in their problem representation. The reason for choosing these cases is two-folded:

1) To be able to fully conduct a deep, qualitative analysis, it is given the time frame and scope of the thesis better to prioritize two policies rather than more. A textual analysis requires deep scrutinizing of the data. Therefore, taking on a big portion of text, risks jeopardizing the depth of analysis, making it difficult to produce a valuable analysis and findings.

2) The 2018 Strategy is naturally the one being used today, making it vital to study from a European context. However, in order to fully understand how the problem images in the Strategy has come about, it is also valuable to look at the previous strategy.

4.2.1 Quantitative Content Analysis

In order to make the qualitative analysis more reliable and comprehensive, a quantitative content analysis will also be undertaken, meaning that I will conduct a mixed method. This will be done by counting relevant key words in the documents to see what the role they play. To provide an overview and understanding of how the coding was conducted and how the quantitative analysis functions on the EU Strategies, this section will also shortly describe the structure of the two EU Strategies. As the two EU Strategies have different lengths and therefore, different number of objectives, it is not sufficient to solely compare how many times a certain code or word has appeared, but also how we can understand the appearance of words and their role in the overall text. In this way, we will be able to identify what has been given priority and clearly be able to do a comparison between the texts. The EU Strategy of 2018 consists of 13 objectives, each containing so-called actions, meaning measurements for how to tackle the specific issue. The objectives can be seen as categories, or areas in which illicit firearms will be tackled. In total, there are 50 actions in the document (European Union, 2018). The EU Strategy of 2005 is structured slightly differently, containing three main sections with objective listed under each (European Union, 2005).

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4.3 Comparative Analysis

To gain a deeper understanding of how the two EU Strategies are connected and how they relate to each other, I will also conduct a comparative analysis. This will be done by carefully looking at the similarities and differences between the two texts and draw coherent

conclusions on that. It is important to make sure that the cases used in a comparative study are commensurable, or it is not possible to make a coherent comparison between the cases

(Bryman, 2016). Although the EU Strategies are of different lengths, they are dealing with the same issue from the same governmental body. This allows for identifying the similarities as well as differences between the documents. A clear strength with this method, is that it opens up for more explanatory variables, providing more nuanced light on the cases. Pickvance (2005) argues that it is important to differentiate the comparative nature of all forms of

analysis to the one of a comparative analysis. The reason why I have then chosen to undertake a comparative analysis along with a content analysis, is that by using the theoretical concept of policy-as discourse, the Strategies need to be examined and compared separately, as they are actually representations of discourse that has emerged in a political context. This is important, as the key concept of policy-as-discourse highlights how policy is a discursive practice. Therefore, since they emerged in different historical, and therefore also political contexts, they can and should not be analysed as one policy.

Smelser (1976) presents 2 factors that he argues defines a comparative analysis: “1. an interest in the explanatory question of why the observed similarities and differences between cases exist, and 2. reliance on the collection of data on two or more cases, ideally according to a common framework” (Smelser, 1976: 160-2). As this thesis critically examines the

differences and similarities between the two chosen cases, and carefully examines the reason behind the similarities and differences, it fulfils the criteria for utilizing a comparative analysis.

4.4 What is the Problem Represented to be?

I will use the analytical tool What is the Problem Represented to be? (WPR) by political scientist Carol Bacchi, which will serve as a foundation for the analysis work. This approach scrutinizes the problematization of an issue by looking at a public policy and analyse it through the following six questions:

1. What’s the ‘problem’ (for example, of ‘problem gamblers’, ‘drug use/abuse’, ‘gender inequality’, ‘domestic violence’, ‘global warming’, ‘sexual harassment’, etc.) represented to be in a speciﬁc policy or policy proposal?

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2. What presuppositions or assumptions underpin this representation of the ‘problem’? 3. How has this representation of the ‘problem’ come about?

4. What is left unproblematic in this problem representation? Where are the silences? Can the ‘problem’ be thought about differently?

5. What effects are produced by this representation of the ‘problem’?

6. How/where has this representation of the ‘problem’ been produced, disseminated and defended? How has it been (or could it be) questioned, disrupted and replaced?

(Bacchi, 2012: 1).

The answers to the questions will be found by identifying themes stemmed from codes in the two documents. After these themes are presented, the questions from the WPR- approach will be answered in section 5.1.5. For each question, an answer will be presented underneath for clarity. By following the order of the questions when analysing the EU strategies, a

comprehensive image of the problematization of illicit firearms will emerge and various problem representations will be found within each theme identified. Moreover, by discussing and answering these questions, we will be able to discuss and answer the research questions of the thesis.

4.5 Analytical Tools

The thesis will employ a thematic unit within content analysis, with a focus on identifying themes and patterns in the text. By using NVivo, a programme made for analysing qualitative text, I have been able to identify themes in the EU Strategy that are analysed with the WPR-approach. Furthermore, a comparative analysis was done simultaneously for a triangulation of the analysis.

The program was used as a starting point to discover codes. Specifically, the thesis is using grounded codes. This is a method referred to as open coding, meaning that as a researcher, putting aside prepositions and previous knowledge on the subject area and concentrate on finding themes in the data. This connects to post-structuralism as this form of method attempts to distance the previous ‘knowledge’ of the researcher from the findings. This is firstly important in content analysis of this kind and secondly, vital when examining problem representations. I have done similar coding on both of the strategies. However, by using open coding, an important aspect of the process was to also notice the differences in code

appearances, meaning to put aside assumptions on the similarities and differences between the two documents.

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The first step was to sort each EU Strategy into categories. These were decided based upon the WPR-approach, meaning that they were identified to facilitate finding themes and codes that could answer the research question. Since I have used open coding and created tables based on the reading rather than developing a codebook in beforehand, I have undertaken an inductive approach to the coding of the documents.

Firstly, I identified all the parts of the text where the implications that illicit firearms have on society are mentioned as one category. Secondly, I did the same with what actors that are portrayed as users of illicit firearms, as well as the mentioning of where the problem of firearms is said to take place. The codes that then emerged, are signals and presence in the recording units. By categorizing text passages in the policy document into codes, using the post structuralist lens, 4 different themes, representing ideas and assertions in the policy text emerged.

In order to do a comprehensive and structured coding for the analysis, I created a template for how to conduct the coding that will be presented in the analysis. This template presents within which categories codes have been found as well as within what themes they have been

categorized.

4.6 The role of the researcher

By taking on a qualitative, critical approach, it is vital to underline the subjectivity of

problematization. This also goes for the researcher, who by being part of society and therefore also is shaped by it, cannot be fully freed from subjectivity and biases. Therefore, the impact of the self must be an integral part of the analysis in the thesis.

Kant famously frames the inability to obtain an objective truth, a “self-incurred immaturity”, which he explains as "the inability to use one's own understanding without the guidance of another" (Kant 1970:54). To put it simply, every researcher has pre-understandings of a subject that needs to be considered. Again, being aware of this does not mean that the bias can be removed from the study and it further implies that I as a researcher, will miss aspects because pre assumptions will select what I find of interest. In line with reliability in

qualitative studies, it is then important to have a transparency, where the tools and process of the analysis is clearly outlined.

4.7 Collection

This section is a presentation of the coding-schemes constructed for the analysis, based on terms that are significative of policies that concern the inhibition of firearms proliferation, and

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a description of how they were applied to the chosen policy-documents. Firstly, I began by identifying categories, meaning within what categories I would look for codes. The results of the analysis will be based upon the themes identified, and they will be discussed from their respective codes. Thus, the table serves as an overview to show the structure as well as focus of the analysis. The themes are situated in a logical order, so that themes that are connected or intertwined are easier to identify as well as discuss, leading up to the answering of the WPR-question in the second part of the analysis. Furthermore, the table is further a way of

transforming the WPR-approach to this study and to answer the research puzzle of the study.

Category Problem Representations and

Threats Solutions

Theme Problem Images and the Concept of Security

The Globalized World and Its Implications on Illicit Firearms

Protecting the Citizens: The Role of the Good States

Changing the Norms

Code What is the

threat? Where is the threat? What are the solutions? Definition of norms

Code Who is the

threat? Globalization as positive or negative

What does the EU already have in place?

Global frameworks

Code What is security

defined as? Words used to describe the global world

Military use of

firearms Presupposed ideas about values

Table 1

5. Analysis

The following section of the thesis presents the result from the analysis. They are organised as following:

1) a presentation of the main themes, which are featured in both documents, and a discussion of how they relate to problem representation and related concepts. 2) a comparison between the two using WPR. Furthermore, in line with the theoretical point of view that is undertaken, discussions of possible interpretations and implications are integrated in the projection of the analysis. I have not answered the questions in a section each in the findings but divided the findings into themes that corresponds to problem representations. In the second part of the analysis, I answer and discuss each of the questions, based on the previous section. The themes were chosen based on the first question in the WPR-approach, as well as counting keywords I have identified as significant for answering the research question.

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5.1 Categories and Coding Scheme

In the methodology chapter, I have discussed the coding used to identify keywords for the analysis, which I did with the computer coding programme NVivo, as well as explained how they are applied below. In table to, I have identified 12 key words that represent the themes and carry meaning for understanding the WPR approach as applied to the Strategies. They will be used to discuss and explain the problem representations in the EU Strategies and to analyse them through content analysis and the theoretical background as presented in section 3. In relation to the table above, I searched for words that were connected to the categories I picked and how many times these words occurred to get an overview of which words that were representative keywords, and how these differed between the Strategies. I did not include the times these words appeared in the reference list or as in titles of frameworks and policies, as this does not represent the discussion of the words. The table is inspired by the policy study by Nylund (2010) in which he uses the frequency of words to make

understanding of the content in policy analysis. I have used quantitative content analysis to find the words, using NVivo. The words are not divided by themes but provides an overview of which words that are of significance to make understanding of the representation of illicit firearms in the EU Strategies. The word search yielded the following result:

Keywords 2005

Strategy Strategy 2018 Keywords Strategy 2005 Strategy 2018

Threat 10 13 States 17 41 Security 15 25 Multilateral 5 3 Criminal 4 10 Cooperation 40 10 Terrorists 1 14 Norms 0 5 Terrorism 4 4 Global 1 24 Illicit 24 96 Military 10 10 Table 2

To ensure that the research puzzle is in the centre of the analysis, the themes that uphold the analysis relates to the questions in the WPR-approach, as well as following a logic and

structure that ensures a clear discussion of the research questions. Therefore, the questions in the WPR-approach will be discussed and answered in the second part of the analysis. The themes are chosen as they constitute central parts of the Strategies. Under each theme, at least one body of text related to the theme from both Strategies will be presented as an example, and related concepts and ideas will be discussed.

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be discussed, the analysis ties to the previous literature within the field. Below we will apply content analysis to the categories and codes to discuss the themes that emerged.

5.1.1 Theme 1: Problem Images and the Concept of Security

I have identified the word threat as a key term in the EU Strategies, as it is frequently used and carries underlying meaning or understanding of a phenomenon. When identifying codes in the policy documents, I began by searching for ones related to illicit firearms and SALW as a threat. This means that I examined how passages of the text explained the implications of illicit firearms. The reason why this is an important category, is because the problematization of illicit firearms in the policy document, is the assertion that they are a threat to society, human security etc. Furthermore, as the word threat is used frequently in the EU Strategy, ten times in the 2005 EU Strategy and 13 times in the 2018 EU Strategy.

What is of interest is that in the 2018 Strategy, the word threat is almost exclusively used in two contexts: the one of terror attacks and the one of regions outside of Europe. This can be seen as indicative of a representation of the political climate at this time, where several terror attacks inside Europe stirred up debate on the implications of armed violence to society. This is a vital difference between the two Strategies, as the 2005 EU Strategy was criticised for not properly acknowledging illicit firearms within the EU (Duquet, 2019), while it is the focus in the 2018 Strategy. However, the term threat is used similarly in both Strategies, in relation to the description of the societal and global implications of illicit firearms. By acknowledging the term this way, I could identify threat images, by coding the implications of firearms in the strategies without the explicit use of the word threat, as the below example will show.

These new wars are conducted not by armies, but by opportunistic armed factions, with no military discipline, that are frequently responsible for serious violations of humanitarian law and human rights against civilian populations, and women and children in particular

(European Union, 2005: 4).

The above quote sheds light on how we can understand problem representations. The phrasing suggests that without military discipline, violence from illicit firearms become uncontrolled and arbitrary, outside the frameworks and laws of states. It further suggests that the risk of humans being killed or harmed from armed violence is not tied to political motives, but rather due to the lack of control from states. This is also interesting from another point of view. The threat image is very general, and does not specify the users of armed violence, nor where it takes place, showing a rather vague idea of the implications of illicit firearms. This is also

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interesting, as the 2005 Strategy uses the word 10 times, and the 2018 Strategy uses it 13, showing that in relation to the length of the Strategy, it is used with more frequency in the 2005 Strategy. It is then important to reflect upon the threat image in each Strategy, as there is a clear shift in terms of use of the term. When comparing the idea of threats to the 2018 Strategy, there is then a clear difference, as the threat is significantly clearer defined and furthermore, with an emphasis on implications for the European Union:

Relevant developments since 2005 include the evolved security context, including the threat of terrorism inside the EU and developments in SALW design and technology affecting the capacity of governments to address the threat (European Union, 2018: 3).

It is evident that the image of the threat in the 2018 EU Strategy puts more emphasis on an overall threat to the EU and member states. This is further clear by the extensive use of the word security. Although never explicitly defined, security is used frequently in the Strategy as what illicit firearms pose the largest threat against. What is of interest, is that overall, the 2005 EU Strategy uses the words more in connection to civilian protection and human rights,

whereas the 2018 Strategy uses it more frequently in connection to the threats of organized crimes and terrorism. Another reflection is that the victims of illicit firearms are discussed differently in the Strategies. In the 2005 Strategy, individuals are underlined as the victims of illicit firearms, whereas in the 2018 Strategy, the federation and nations are underlined as the victims of the violence caused by illicit firearms. Small Arms Survey and other important organizations covering the global issue of illicit firearms emphasises the impact that illicit firearms have on human security. Therefore, it is of interest that the 2018 Strategy that has been created in cooperation with other actors, such as non-governmental organizations (Duquet, 2019: 5), and yet is the document that puts less emphasis on the issues of human security and human rights, which is the focus of the organizations working with armed violence prevention. This can be seen on how the term security and the term rights never are connected with the word human or in discussions of human or civil rights.

It is therefore interesting to discover that the threat to international security is further emphasised in the 2018 Strategy. Again, this can be tied to the political climate at the time, with the numerous terror attacks that taken place the year prior, for instance the attack in Manchester in 2017, killing 23 people. This reinforces the idea of post-structuralism and how problem representations are deeply affected by societal factors as well as contexts. In relation to this, it is notable that the 2018 Strategy is the first one to explicitly mention terror attacks inside the EU (European Union, 2018: 3), and to specify the meaning of terror attacks by

The Representation of Illicit Firearms in the EU Strategies - A content analysis on two policy documents