School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences
Master’s Thesis
Trickle-Down Inequality:
The Reconstruction of Crime and Immigration in the Swedish Context
Student: G. Susana Armengol R.
Supervisor: Daniel Sjödin
Abstract
News reports in relation to criminality are often considered a trustworthy and factual source of information. However, media consumers often disregard the discourses within the content they consume as well as the power structures it reproduces. News criminality discourses, in particular, are expressions of power that contextualize and shape identity configurations as well as social relations. It is these discourses that reproduce patterns of inequality in a trickle-down manner. Following a period of mass immigration, the Swedish crime and criminality discourse has blended with the immigration discourse in news articles with ethnonationalist undertones. With the purpose to identify the descriptions of different entities and agents depicted in the crime and criminality discourse and the relationships the press establishes between these groups, this thesis applies elements from Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze 72 newspaper articles (36 from Aftonbladet and 36 from Expressen). This analysis highlights the presence of a spectrum of righteousness by which the press places European identities on the right end of the spectrum opposite to non-western immigrant identities. Such discourses elevate European identities and legitimize intolerant attitudes which limit newcomers’ access to resources and opportunities for upward social mobility. Additionally, this analysis relates previous findings to the Swedish context and presents possible implications that the blending of these discourses has had on the integration process and social cohesion overall.
Keywords: Journalism, News Frames, Discourse Analysis, Trickle-effect, Cultural Racism, Immigration, Structural Oppositions, Identity, Risk Identities, Indirect Social Influence, Assimilation Theory, Resistance, Social Cohesion.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction ... 6
1.1 Problem Formulation and Research Aim... 6
1.2 A Brief Overview of Crime and Immigration in Sweden... 7
1.3 Disposition ... 10
2. Literature Review... 11
2.1 Theoretical starting points ... 11
2.2 Discourse, Knowledge, and Power ... 11
2.2.1 Trickle Effect Theory and the (Not-So-Neutral) Role of the Media in Discourse ... 12
2.3. The Creation of the European Identity and Vilification of Immigrant Identities ... 14
2.3.1 Structural Oppositions ... 15
2.3.2 Cultural Racism: From the ‘Good Citizen’ to the ‘Foreign Criminal’ ... 16
2.4. Assimilation Theory: Considerations for Social Cohesion ... 18
2.5 Summary ... 20
3. Data and Method ... 22
3.1 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) ... 22
3.1.1 Newspaper Article (NPA) Sample ... 23
3.1.2 NPA Text Analysis ... 25
3.1.3 NPA Image Analysis ... 26
3.2 Trustworthiness and Ethical Considerations ... 28
3.2.1 Researcher Notes on Confirmability and Ethics ... 29
3.2.2 Limitations and Exclusions ... 30
4. Analysis ... 31
4.2 Constructing the News Frames ... 32
4.2.1 Risk Assessors: The Media and Governmental Agencies... 32
4.3 Risk Producers: Criminals and Immigrants... 36
4.3.1 Immigrants and the No-Go Zones ... 36
4.3.2 Failed Citizens vs. Foreign Criminals ... 39
4.4 Risk Adjudicators and Risk Arbiters: The Government ... 40
4.5 Risk Managers: The Criminal Justice System ... 42
4.6 Risk Bearer or Risk Producer? - Criminality among the Youth ... 44
4.7 Risk Bearers: Bystanders and Victims... 46
4.8 Concluding Remarks ... 48
5. Discussion and Further Research ... 50
6. References ... 52
Appendix A: Complete Newspaper Article List ... 61
Figures and Tables
Table 1. Table adaptation of Risk Identities (Hardy and Maguire, 2017; p. 84) ... 17
Table 2. Search word translations ... 24
Table 3. Selection criteria ... 24
Table 4. Labeling scheme ... 25
Table 5. Frame analysis scheme ... 26
Figure 1. Image analysis scheme ... 27
Figure 2. Text sample from NPA BREX151 ... 34
Figure 3. Text sample from NPA BRAF183... 35
1. Introduction
This section presents a summary of the discursive connection between immigration and crime in the Swedish context, the research aim and relevance, and finally, the thesis disposition.
When discussing crime, it is common for the general public to overlook the power structures involved in news production. The media, and news in particular, "hold access to valued social resources such as [...] preferential access to public discourse" (Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996; p. 85). Over the last six years, the Swedish press has introduced the idea that a relationship exists between the current crime environment in Sweden and immigration. Combining discussions of crime with those regarding immigration assigns levels of worthiness to different social groups creating a division between native and foreign residents (cf. Griffiths, 2015). Therefore, it is possible to assume that crime discourses, especially those presented by the press, influence and may even increase fear towards newcomers and reduce social cohesion.
1.1. Problem Formulation and Research Aim
Considering that Sweden is known for being welcoming to foreign newcomers, particularly asylum-seekers, I consider the discrepancy between the public discourse, policy goals, statistics, and historical aspects regarding crime and immigration between 2014 and 2019 in Sweden. My thesis aims to draw attention to the characteristics of the crime discourse in Sweden over the last six years (2014-2019) and its possible implications on social cohesion. I hypothesize that the merging of the immigration and crime discourses is likely to problematize immigrant identities and I focus on identifying how the Swedish press constructs different identities as a result of the refugee crisis of 2014-2016 and their possible connections to significant limitations of the integration process and how it may affect future generations. I focus on the national level for two reasons: first, I intend to identify whether or not there are differences regarding the descriptions of areas with different population sizes and demographic characteristics in the Country (i.e. cities vs. small towns). Second, a majority of the articles available, and hence the ones used in this analysis, refer to criminality in general rather than localizing the trends. To achieve this, I guide my analysis with the following questions:
Research Question How has the Swedish media framed the crime discourse between 2014 and 2019?
Sub-questions
a) How has the discourse changed in the last six years?
b) Which social groups are included in the discourse? Which ones are not? c) How are these groups described in relation to one another?
These questions allow me to identify the discourse itself, the changes it has had over time, the entities and agents described and ultimately its possible effects on society. I seek to provide more insight into the groups identified within the discourse, the ways in which they are described, and the relationships there may be between them. I would also like to reiterate the social and sociological relevance of this study by emphasizing the influence that discourses such as the one I analyze here can have on social cohesion, and the public’s experiences. Nonetheless, since I have isolated my study to a specific time frame, it is crucial to contextualize the results of this study by considering the social climate regarding crime and immigration in Sweden during the relevant time period.
1.2. A Brief Overview of Crime and Immigration in Sweden
Before the post-war immigration spike in 2016, Sweden had one of the “European Union’s most generous asylum legislation” (Migrationsverket, 2020b; Swedish Ministry of Labor, 2015). During this immigration period, many people came to Sweden as asylum
seekers or refugees. Thus, between 2014 and 2019, the Swedish public developed an
understanding of immigrants as asylum seekers or refugees (Migrationsverket, 2020a; Sweden.se, 2020; Tomson, 2020; Swedish Ministry of Labor, 2015). The problem with this association is that these terms carry a class-based connotation that labels newcomers as not-so-highly skilled individuals from non-western contexts (cf. Griffiths, 2015; Tomson, 2020).
These connotations facilitated the association between newcomers and crime since the mass arrival of newcomers between the years 2014 and 2016 paralleled an increase in reported crimes and deadly violence (Tomson, 2020; Brå, 2020c; Brå 2020d). Even though Brottsförebyggande rådet (Brå), the Swedish Crime Prevention Council, did not confirm this association, Sweden reverted to the EU’s minimum humanitarian requirements since the
population grew at unexpected rates and created a tense social response to immigration (Migrationsverket, 2020b; Swedish Ministry of Labor, 2015).
As a result of media’s coverage, it is common for the public to associate crime and immigration because the mass influx of newcomers between the years 2014 and 2016 coincides with an increase in reported crimes and deadly violence (Tomson, 2020; Brå, 2020c; Brå 2020d). However, Brå has not published statements to confirm these assumptions given that their reports have not included the country of origin or citizenship status of offenders since 2005 (SVT Nyheter, 2017). Ultimately, legislation was later reformed, and Sweden reverted back to the EU’s minimum humanitarian requirements since the population grew at unexpected rates and created a tense climate regarding immigration (Migrationsverket, 2020b; Swedish Ministry of Labor, 2015).
This influx of newcomers is officially referred to as the refugee crisis all over Europe, and a prominent discourse revolving it describes it as a social and cultural decline, especially in Sweden as its influx was one of the highest overall (Tomson, 2020; Migrationsverket, 2020a). It is not uncommon to see descriptions about newcomers, in particular newcomers from a non-western background, in Sweden as dangerous criminals and opportunists unwilling to assimilate to Swedish culture; especially in the case of young men (e.g. CBS, 2016 or KREX193). It is these negative assumptions that have attached a negative connotation to the word immigrant, as well as Muslim, and asylum seeker/ refugee by association; often used interchangeably and hence enhancing divisions between social groups (Tomson, 2020; Swedish Ministry of Labor, 2015). This is what Krzyżanowski, Triandafyllidou and Wodak (2018) refer to as "ethnonationalist 'politics of fear'" which influence the public’s understanding of these concepts through the media, and ultimately affecting newcomers’ experience of alienation (p. 2).
The government has attempted to address several of the outcomes of this discourse, without necessarily explicitly making the connection between the two. Firstly, The Us vs Them discursive separation between newcomers and ethnically Swedish citizens has been addressed in a letter from the Swedish Ministry of Labor released in 2015 regarding integration policies. The policy itself states that equal rights and opportunities are to be extended to all residents of Sweden regardless of their background with the goal to ease the Swedish society into a more diverse one. This means that the policies must be inclusive and flexible, since the population is expected to continuously become less homogeneous (Swedish Ministry of Labor, 2015).
Nonetheless, this letter refers to housing segregation as a noticeable trend since the 1980s and its negative effects on integration (Swedish Ministry of Labor, 2015). One of the reports that mentions newcomers is the Action against crime and insecurity in socially vulnerable areas (Brå,
2020e). In this document there is a clear link between ‘immigrants’ and vulnerable areas, and other
social problems such as lower education rates. This is of particular interest since in Sweden, the Migration Agency (Migrationsverket) is responsible for the housing assignments of asylum seekers and (Sweden.se, 2020).
A second investigation focuses on the Swedish crime and criminality climate.
Brottsförebyggande rådet (Brå), the Swedish Crime Prevention Council, has conducted the
Swedish Crime Survey (Nationella trygghetsundersökningen) for over a decade, and has adapted it in recent years (Brå, 2020b). Due to these changes, the data in some sections cannot be compared to surveys from previous years. Nonetheless, it has much to say about the public perception of crime and the criminal justice system in Sweden, and I intend to use it as a starting point for my analysis. The 2019 sample includes 73,500 people between 16 and 84 years of age.
With a sample of 73,500 participants between the ages of 16 and 84, the 2019 survey states that 24% of the population reports feeling unsafe, especially at night. Without much variation from previous years, 43% of the participants reported being concerned about crime in society, leading them to change their routines and affecting their quality of life. The report states that there was an increase in fear of crime and concern for the victimization of friends and family in 2016, again coinciding with the period of mass immigration (Brå, 2020a; Brå 2020b).
Another section of the survey refers to the public’s contact with and confidence in the criminal justice system. The results show that 48% of the participants stated having confidence in the system and the other 52% either had low confidence in the system or stated having no opinion on it; however, these percentages were not disclosed. Around 49% of the participants believe that suspects are treated fairly, yet only 28% of the participants have confidence that the criminal justice system treats victims appropriately, especially when it comes to the way in which the cases are being handled (Brå, 2020a; Brå 2020b). The results from this survey are consistent with trends within the discourse and suggest that the perception of crime, primarily produced by the media, significantly impacts people’s experience within Swedish society.
1.3. Disposition
Throughout this study I will analyze the role of the media in the construction of social identities and the social impact of these frames within the Swedish context. I consider background information presented in section 1.2 to lead into my analysis as well as my theoretical framework introduced in Chapter 2. The second chapter presents the theoretical frameworks I use to analyze the data, including topics such as cultural racism, identity politics, discourse analysis and rhetoric, and assimilation theory among others. Through a collection of previous research and theory, this section presents the framework by which I compile and interpret the data, which I follow in my analysis. In Chapter 3 I discuss the methodological approach and choices concerning data collection and analysis, the use of critical discourse analysis tools as well as a detailed description of the sample, limitations, and ethical considerations. These choices guide the analysis presented in Chapter 4. This chapter describes the news frames present in the Swedish crime and criminality discourse and follows the theoretical framework presented in chapter 2. Chapter 5 revises the implications of these frames and includes all the concluding remarks and suggestions for further research.
2. Literature Review
This chapter begins with a summary of the theoretical starting points and is later followed by a review of already existing literature relevant to this analysis.
2.1. Theoretical Starting Points
In this chapter I attempt to make connections between previous empirical studies and theoretical frameworks I encountered while conducting a systematic search for literature relevant for my analysis. I conduct my analysis primarily from a sociological perspective. However, considering that my analysis requires a multidimensional approach, I use two databases (Sociological Abstracts and IBSS1) to explore theories from a variety of fields including sociology,
sociolinguistics, psychology, and political science. I delve into discourse production and the power-knowledge connection to assess how power dynamics trickle down through different levels of society in a top-down manner. Foucault's perspective sheds a light on the intrinsic connections between power, knowledge, and discourse that result in the creation of social realities. Within this power-knowledge network falls identity politics and cultural racism. Later I explore the role power networks have on the development of group identity, sense of belonging, and culture. It is the interaction between these networks that create competition between some groups and solidarity among others. Lastly, I consider assimilation theory as it provides an opportunity to uncover how identity divisions impact immigration and integration processes, ultimately creating and feeding a vicious cycle of exclusion and social tension.
2.2. Discourse, Knowledge, and Power
The production of knowledge and language is the foundation for social and economic life, and hence create the inherent link between knowledge production and power (Foucault, 1978; Nic Craith, 2007). As a result, knowledge, and language carry the ability to increase one's cultural capital, social status, and one's ability to exert power (Nic Craith, 2007; Dalner, 2016; Alvesson
and Sködelberg, 2009). This framework establishes power as a scarce but crucial resource; however, power structures are dynamic and thus, once attained, it must be maintained and constantly sought after (c.f. Foucault, 1978; p. 99). Even though power may have several definitions, many agree with Foucault's view that power is not "the prohibition of things or actions, but rather the ability to induce a certain behavior" (Dalner, 2016; p. 236). Discourses are underlying structures that determine ways of approaching a multiplicity of topics, and most importantly, ideas of "who and what is 'normal' standard, and acceptable" and hence, are the convergence point between knowledge and power (Hardy and Maguire, 2016; p. 82; Dalner, 2016).
Discourses have become so embedded in society that it is common to misconstrue them as neutral communication (cf. Van Leeuwen, 2005). Nonetheless, Foucault (1978) stresses that what we know is a result of power; power is built through what we know and that it is always changing. Most importantly, through the rule of tactic polyvalence of discourses, he explains that discourses exist within power networks and are "both an instrument of and an obstacle to power" (Alvesson and Sködelberg, 2009; p. 255; Foucault, 1978; Nic Craith, 2007). Existing within these power networks, discourses become mainstream with time and create our understanding of reality (Dalner, 2016; Foucault, 1978).
2.2.1. Trickle Effect Theory and the (Not-So-Neutral) Role of The Media in Discourse Contrary to the general understanding, institutions foster relationships that maintain networks of power rather than creating power itself (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2009; Foucault, 1978). It is institutions involved in the creation of knowledge that define what or who should be studied, to maintain control over the conversation surrounding a particular topic (Foucault, 1978). These institutions are the source of a social influence process called the trickle effect. Through a
transmitter, sources shape the public conscience, often without the public’s knowledge (cf. Wo et
al., 2018). The trickle effect is commonly known by its downward direction in which a source influences the perceptions, feelings, attitudes and behaviors (i.e. public conscience) of recipients from a target group. However, it can manifest in different directions such as the trickle-in effect, in contrast, which is when the recipients’ response shapes the transmitter’s interaction with their target audience (Wo et al., 2018; Galak et al., 2016).
The media is one of the institutions that distribute discourses that institute and protect power relationships among the masses. Given that the news claims to report on situations factually, the media can build a relationship of trust with the public. Often by stating that they strive to scrutinize those in power in favor of the people, which has been enhanced by the increasing accessibility to information through online media (Richardson, 2007; Balica and Marinescu, 2018; Ekström, Johansson and Larsson, 2006). Hence, existing research describes the media as the transmitter and "far from being a simple reflection of reality, news presents a reconstruction of events and social processes" allowing the trickle-down effect to regulate the relationship between news audiences and the media (cf. Wo et al., 2018; Balica and Marinescu, 2018; p. 215; Richardson, 2007; Oktar, 2001). In the process of reconstructing reality, news outlets create social imaginaries, establish ideological affiliations and invalidate their status as neutral agents (Oktar, 2001; Rytter, 2018; Norquay and Drozdzewski, 2017).
The relationship between media and audience is inherently intricate and complex. Although there are state owned media outlets, most media outlets are businesses. Thus, the media-audience relationship can be perceived from a standpoint of media as suppliers and media-audience as consumers. Within this framework, a demand and supply mindset for profit exists, therefore, consumers’ beliefs trickle into the media that is being produced (Richardson, 2007; cf. Wo et al., 2018). Despite the existence of critical media sources that act as the anti-bias watchdogs for the public and focus on increasing accountability within media production, research shows that journalists are conscious of their ability to influence the public. They are familiar with how different groups perceive news about injustices through the principle of reception aesthetics (Simons et al., 2007; Richardson, 2007; Kryzanowski et al., 2018).
Previous studies state that based on the social context of reception, journalists focus on presenting events that they deem newsworthy and profitable (Simons et al., 2007; Richardson, 2007; Balica and Marinescu, 2018). Regardless of the desired outcome, newspapers’ stance on a topic legitimizes a political position that could endorse systems of oppression in which the media exists (Balica and Marinescu, 2018; Norquay and Drozdzewski, 2017; Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014; Ekström, Johansson, and Larsson, 2006; Richardson, 2007). The press uses sequences of events that combine facts and the ideological affiliation of each writer, also known as narratives. Hence, narratives politicize the news and regulate relationships between social groups (Richardson, 2007; Balica and Marinescu, 2018).
Through public discourse, journalists use representational tactics to construct identity frames, also known as news frames. These constructions become the basis for social cohesion and social relations and preserve or disrupt the status quo (Lichtenstein and Eilders, 2018; Oktar, 2001; Richardson, 2007; Machin and Mayr, 2012; Van Leeuwen and Wodak, 1999; Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996). Journalists’ frames, whether they be positive or negative, are not fixed and they may change with time influencing public opinion through, often biased, group descriptions (Oktar, 2001; Qazi and Shah, 2017). In analyzing these frames, previous studies stress that news outlets' political positions towards groups and their audiences become visible since descriptions of people are carefully framed based on journalists' choices (Richardson, 2007; Qazi and Shah, 2017). Exclusion is an incredibly significant choice in writing as writers can focus on or foreground preferred groups while backgrounding or completely suppressing other groups (Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996; Richardson, 2007). Eventually, writers' choices become the basis for people's understanding of their social positioning as well as what to expect from others and how to relate to each other (Oktar, 2001; Ledin and Machin, 2018).
2.3. The Creation of the European Identity and the Vilification of Immigrant Identities Group descriptions are categorized by in-groups or groups that conform to social norms, and out-groups, groups that do not. In-groups and out-groups are frequently displayed as homogeneous groups by the media (although they rarely are) that can be celebrated or criticized (Oktar, 2001; Delargy, 2007; Ben-Eliezer, 2008; Galak et al., 2007). As a result of homogenizing groups, (1) stereotyping increases, (2) in-group bias becomes normalized by focusing on the differences between groups and similarities within them, and (3) groups start homogenizing themselves thus creating a sense of belonging (Rytter, 2018; Lichtenstein and Eilders, 2018; Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014; Machin and Mayr, 2012; Delargy, 2007; Oktar, 2001).
People's sense of belonging consists of creating a bond between identity and culture that could translate into social systems requiring 'sameness' to exist (Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014; Giroux, 1993). In such a case, power struggles in society would originate from a conflict between cultures attempting to assert their dominance in society often by developing categories of deviance and conformity (Giroux, 1997; Lichtenstein and Eilders, 2018). Consequently, othering becomes the norm and conformity to the in-group’s requirements provides more status (cf. Galak et al.,
2007). Even if journalists use othering implicitly, as research suggests, it may lead to structural oppositions, commonly known as us-them dualities (Rytter, 2018; Machin and Mayr, 2012; Qazi and Shah, 2017; Breazu and Machin, 2018; Clark and Campbell, 2000).
2.3.1. Structural Oppositions
Writers reinforce dualities by using "pronouns like 'us', 'we' and 'them' [...] to align us alongside or against particular ideas [...] [and make] discourse[s] less overt" (Machin and Mayr, 2012; p. 85). Researchers have observed that such divisions make news more palatable for some audiences regardless of the audiences’ political standing, thus stressing their persuasive potential (Hameleers, Bos and de Vreese, 2017). Some examples of these dualities include the use of real
people and the suppression of who would be their opposite, as well as the link between nice or good with normal (Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014). Rhetorical constructions of each group focalize
normative efforts into establishing deserving or less deserving groups by stressing negative characteristics of out-groups (Norquay and Drozdzewski, 2017; Richardson, 2007; Oktar, 2001; Wettergren and Wikström, 2013). The purpose behind these dualities lies in establishing group hierarchies and foregrounding power structures (Kryzanowski et al., 2018; Oktar, 2001; Giroux, 1993; Giroux, 1997; Jylhä, Rydgren, and Strimling, 2019).
It is crucial to understand that exclusionary statements are not necessarily a choice of the journalists alone. In many cases, such statements are indications that there are in fact power structures upheld by dynamics of social division and exclusion (Norquay and Drozdzewski, 2017; Dalner, 2016; Foucault, 1978; Richardson, 2007; Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996; Van Leeuwen and Wodak, 1999). So is the case of immigration discourses, which can carry racial and nativist ideas that often establish "'whiteness' as a universalizing norm" (Giroux, 1993; p. 101). So much so, that it is common for writers to suppress whiteness and, at the same time build signifiers to describe non-whiteness (Lichtenstein and Eilders, 2018; cf. Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996). Any deviation from this 'whiteness' would indicate cultural incompatibilities that some use
to legitimize actions, including hostility towards out-groups, to avoid spatial evenness2 and remain
culturally distinct (Siebers and Dennissen, 2015; Kryzanowski et al., 2018; Rytter, 2018; Giroux, 1993; Giroux; 1997). Hence, people's sense of belonging is dependent on their ability to qualify within the in-group (Norquay and Drozdzewski, 2017).
2.3.2. Cultural Racism: From the ‘Good Citizen’ to the ‘Foreign Criminal’
There is a prominent narrative in immigration discourses labeling immigrants as detached and unwilling to participate in their new social environment (Ben-Eliezer, 2008). This narrative follows ethnonationalist ideologies which establish newcomers as guests in their new national setting, delegitimizing their presence in the country. Furthermore, several studies conclude that dominant groups, often framed as the civilized white citizen, construct discourses around good and bad citizenship reinforcing the host-guest relationship between them and incoming groups. Nonetheless, the limitations that newcomers face in the “process of achieving citizenship” are hidden behind slogans of acceptance (Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014 p. 49; Ben-Eliezer, 2008; Jylhä, Rydgren, and Strimling, 2019; Rytter, 2018; Griffiths, 2015; Keith, 2015). Dominant groups working under the host-guest mentality limit their assistance to incoming groups and disregard their ability to embody more than one identity (Griffiths, 2015; Hardy and Maguire, 2016). The problem with this asymmetrical host-guest divide is that it most likely will increase inter-group hostility and limit social mobility for out-groups since dominant groups tend to resist this mobility (Siebers and Dennissen, 2015; Rytter, 2018).
In other words, tensions will continue to arise as a result of the dominant group perpetually problematizing the incoming groups' version of the dominant identity (Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014; Griffiths, 2015). The resulting tensions are incongruent with the multicultural objectives that western governments continue to promote. Instead, groups engage in mostly covert cultural racism racializing different aspects of newcomers' identities. These anti-immigrant groups resist cultural coexistence and cultural blending and attribute intergroup conflict to communication issues rather
2 “Evenness refers to the degree at which a group is spread out in a particular residential area; the more spread out the group members are, the
than intolerant attitudes toward (Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014; Ben-Eliezer, 2008; Siebers and Dennissen, 2015). Cultural blending, thereby, is seen as a threat to the dominant cultural identities occasionally prompting people to engage in exclusionary behavior even if they do not consider themselves to be racist, xenophobic or ethnonationalist. Nonetheless, it is unclear if these behaviors arise from a desire to conform to the (citizen) in-group or to distance themselves from the (immigrant) out-group (cf. Galak et al., 2007). What anti-immigration groups in western contexts ignore, is that the concept of citizen while correlated with whiteness, still relies on the existence of categories of other (Griffiths, 2015).
Ethnonationalist narratives focus on including newcomers conditionally, limiting their access to power, and devaluating their identities, rather than resorting to their physical exclusion (Griffiths, 2015; p. 84; Nic Craith, 2007; Ben-Eliezer, 2008). They firstly enhance the importance of in-group bonds and, secondly, label the 'other' as 'dangerous' to distance members of the dominant group from cultural exposure (Mulinari and Neergaard, 2014; Hardy and Maguire, 2016; Keith, 2015). Riskification is a discursive element that allows groups in power to define different
risk identities and determine the boundaries of danger that give the public a sense of preparedness
(i.e. normalizing risk) (Hardy and Maguire, 2016). Journalists commonly use riskification to enhance readership by reporting on acts of violence that tend to involve people from cultural out-groups (Balica and Marinescu, 2018). In societies with culturally racist niches, such reports encourage ideologies that equate whiteness with being civilized. These reports are often supported by the overrepresentation of non-citizens in crime statistics (cf. Giroux, 1997; Griffiths, 205; Keith, 2015; Balica and Marinescu, 2018).
The risk identities assigned to each group are visible in the news frames that validate ideas of different kinds of citizens or immigrants (Balica and Marinescu, 2018; Marranci, 2007; Giroux, 1997). In an attempt to maintain cultural and socio-economic boundaries, these depictions become moral evaluations of people's actions and citizenship which also vilify other aspects of out-group identities such as age, race, gender, religion, and socio-economic status among others (Griffiths, 2015; Keith, 2015; Van Leeuven and Wodak, 1999). Basing their arguments on a culturally homogenous past, anti-immigration groups categorize immigrants on a spectrum of (un)righteousness to explain the nation's decline and appropriate public perceptions of justice (Jylhä, Rydgren, and Strimling, 2019; Keith, 2015; Wettergren and Wikström, 2013; Simons et al., 2007).
The spectrum begins with the 'Good Citizen', symbolizing absolute righteousness and civilization, and ends with the 'Foreign Criminal' as its polar opposite. The hierarchy depicts the 'Citizen Criminal' as more righteous than the 'Almost-Citizen', or the 'Good Immigrant' even if they pose less danger to society than the 'Citizen Criminal' (Keith, 2015; Griffiths, 2015; Jylhä, Rydgren, and Strimling, 2019; Wettergren and Wikström, 2013). Four main issues arise as a result of this hierarchy: (1) it legitimizes virtue-assigning labels making them virtually permanent; (2) it encourages the public to dehumanize newcomers, especially if they come from non-western contexts; (3) members of cultural out-groups, are estranged even under legal citizenship status, and (4) it promotes a mentality of alienation and punishment towards these out-groups (Griffiths, 2015; Richardson, 2007; Jylhä, Rydgren, and Strimling, 2019; Balica and Marinescu, 2018). Assigning any category other than the 'Good Citizen' to an individual automatically compromises their trustworthiness and access to social capital-building resources. This by default, negatively impacts society's social cohesion (Adman, 2020; Mitra, 2018; Simons et al., 2007).
2.4. Assimilation Theory: Considerations for Social Cohesion
Western discourses focus on the "right to dwell in the city" yet at the same time governments cluster minority groups with similar backgrounds in specific residential areas (Keith, 2015; p. 97; Lee, 2009). It is evident that the notion of Good Citizen has tainted the fundamental connection between space and people's cultural identities. Thus, immigrant communities develop different acculturation strategies to distance themselves from negative notions and reproduce the
Good Citizen persona as much as possible (Dandy and Pe-Pua, 2013; Lee, 2009; Rytter, 2018). To
achieve different levels of success in society, newcomers determine whether they want to detach themselves from their original culture (Assimilation), disassociate from the receiving country's culture (Separation), disassociate from both (Marginalization), or adopt both cultures (Integration) (Berry and Hou, 2017).
Since power cannot exist without resistance, acculturation strategy choices can indicate an individual’s willingness to challenge structures of domination and “multidimensional measures of deprivation” (Mitra, 2018; p. 513; cf. Foucault, 1978; Simons et al., 2007; Berry and Hou, 2017; Dandy and Pe-Pua, 2013). Individuals in these groups may resist conformity “because [they] may wish to maintain a sense of uniqueness by remaining consistent with their original [cultural identities]” (Galak et al., 2016; p. 2; Simons et al., 2007). A reasonable assumption is that resistance comes from individuals who have had negative experiences in the new context (cf. Berry and Hou, 2017). For instance, research has shown that non-western young Muslims are a group that tends to avoid conformity and actively opposes the vilification of their identity through different resistance tactics such as speaking their own language in public (Marranci, 2007; Berry and Hou, 2017). At the same time, individuals that choose to assimilate or integrate can sometimes reinforce domination systems by disapproving of individuals who challenge social systems (Ben-Eliezer, 2008; Galak et al., 2007).
Just as prominent is the existence of generational divides between first-generation immigrants and their children (second generation). Intergenerational communication is limited and because of language disparities and, therefore, different generations cannot fully comprehend each other's experiences (Ben-Eliezer, 2008; Nic Craith, 2007; Delargy, 2007; Lee, 2009). The first generations’ experiences during the adaptation period may be similar but are never equal to those of second generations being raised in the new context. Previous studies have shown that since their level of alienation from the wider society is greater, first generations go to great lengths to hold on to their cultural heritage. On the other hand, second generations are more likely to integrate and develop cultural identities that resemble both cultures enhancing the gap between them and first-generation relatives (Lee, 2009; Portes and Zhou, 1993; Bean, Stevens, & Wierzbivki, 2003; Lee 2009).
Having lived under a particular system their whole lives, majority groups can overlook that the inability to communicate effectively in either language, obstructs immigrant groups from
building and transmitting “privilege and prestige [...] through forms of cultural capital” to younger generations (Nic Craith, 2007; p. 2). This is a manifestation of multidimensional inequality which, among other things, includes the ability to retain one’s original cultural identity, ability for upward mobility, and the ability to develop positive social commitment (cf. Mitra, 2018; Simons et al., 2007). Consequently, majority groups tend to be absent from the integration process as they feel it is solely the newcomers’ responsibility. This expectation is problematic since the integration process requires members of the majority groups known as transversal enablers to facilitate the creation of bridging relations. These are mutual cultural exchanges in which the individual, regardless of their cultural identity, is able to both maintain their own identity as well as accommodate and explore other cultural identities (Dandy and Pe-Pua, 2013; Adman, 2020).
Bridging relations are more likely to ease the transition period for newcomers if there is governmental support for integration programs (Portes & Zhou, 1993; Lee, 2009). Individuals that have a positive integration process are less likely to resist cultural integration and build hybrid identities. Hence, governments should focus on lowering the negative outcomes of low intercultural or interethnic interaction through social exposure. Exposure is the key to achieving social cohesion as it breaks unfounded problematic categorizations that groups may have of one another (Lee, 2009; Portes and Zhou, 1993; Dandy and Pe-Pua, 2013). The acceptance of foreign identities aids the development of crucial elements in society such as individuals’ positive sense of belonging, “equal access to resources”, social and political engagement, “mutual respect and tolerance” and inclusive policymaking (Dandy and Pe-Pua, 2013; p. 233; Rytter, 2018). Elements that align better with the notion of the European city that the public believes in.
2.5. Summary
Ultimately, rather than being neutral, the media employs the power within discourses to encourage specific behaviors as well as determine standards of normalcy or deviance in society. These determinations are expressions of power structures which trickle down social institutions and perpetuate specific social dynamics that lead social groups to regard each other threats to their own cultural identity. The riskification of out-group identities and the reinforcement of normalcy of (usually white) in-group identities exacerbate the problematic nature of identity constructions established through Us vs. Them dualities. These dualities translate from discourse to host-guest
dynamics in which newcomers must decide whether to pursue social standards imposed by the host society or reject them, possibly negatively affecting their sense of belonging. These dualities are problematic and must be contested as they tend to reinforce narratives in which newcomers are depicted as culturally deviant, detached and attribute their lack of success in the host society to a propensity for criminality. Additionally, these narratives disregard contextual circumstances, such as generational divides, that limit resources for immigrant communities in their new social environment as well as the dominant groups’ responsibility in easing the integration process.
3. Data and Method
This section presents the methodological choices, data and sample descriptions, and execution the research as well as a discussion about important ethical and confirmability considerations.
Acknowledging the value of discourses, and the non-neutrality of the media, I explore "specific power interests" the mainstream insecurity and crime discourse exhibit through online articles (NPAs) published by popular Swedish news outlets (Ledin and Machin, 2018; p. 28; Van Leeuwen and Wodak, 1999). Considering the relevance of online news as a trusted source of information, it is essential to understand the mechanisms consolidating these power interests. NPAs use textual cues and observable objects which are signifiers known as semiotic resources used to enhance discourses (Van Leeuwen, 2005; Ledin and Machin, 2018). For this reason, my thesis is an exploratory and descriptive study in which I conduct a thematic analysis of the textual and visual content of the articles to provide the most detailed account possible of the discursive elements present in them. I focus on the interpretive sensemaking and contextualized explanations of different narratives, intended meanings to “understand how power and rationality shape each other and form the urban environments in which we live” (Flyvbjerg, 2006p. 219; Swanborn, 2010; Tsang, 2013).
3.1. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
As a basis for my analysis, I apply Dryzek's (2013) CDA model since discourse analysis brings light to the groups responsible for creating social reality and the public's understanding of it (Graham, 2018). Additionally, I intend to highlight the trickle effect and clarify the implications of the discourse presented in the Swedish news landscape by conducting a macro-textual analysis that allows me to categorize groups in terms of risk identities and agency (Richardson, 2007; Hardy and Maguire, 2016). It is crucial to understand that language carries power and discourses define, change, or maintain social conditions and a status quo (Van Leeuven, 2005; Van Leeuven and Wodak, 1999; Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996; Richardson, 2007). Therefore, in my analysis, the 'us' versus 'them' division is a focal point. This is to highlight the power inherent to the news discourse and exemplify that representations in the news are not neutral (Machin and
Mayr, 2012; Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996). I chose to apply elements from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) since I am analyzing social texts; in this case, digital news which shapes the public's understanding of a context-dependent and historical reality (Machin and Mayr, 2012; Van Leeuven and Wodak, 1999). I apply these elements since I am not able to conduct CDA in its full intended form. Nonetheless, these tools allow me to include language as well as other semiotic materials such as images and formatting in my analysis.
3.1.1. Newspaper Article (NPA) Sample
I analyze the text from NPAs published between 2014 and 2019 to explore the crime discourse corresponding to the years during and after the immigration spike. I aimed to complement the NPA analysis with interviews of the youth as a method of triangulation. I chose this audience to narrow the scope of the study, and since a great majority of the articles discuss crime’s impact on the youth I chose news sources with a high online presence that would be more likely for this audience to access (Slettemeås and Storm-Mathisen, 2018). However, due to unforeseen circumstances happening worldwide, I could not conduct the interviews. Although I was not specifically for privately owned newspapers, the NPAs are published by Aftonbladet and
Expressen, two prominent newspapers in Sweden. Several sources list these two newspapers as
the top two most widespread newspapers in Sweden and sit within the top 3 digital newspapers (Topp100, 2019; 4 International Media & Newspapers, 2019; All You Can Read, 2020). As such, publications from these newspapers are likely to reach a significantly large audience, thus influencing the public consciousness (Richardson 2007).
I focus on the discursive difference between the search words (Brott and Kriminalitet) rather than the discursive difference between the newspapers as these are direct competitors (Mass Media in Sweden, 2020). Both words have several meanings in English that are relevant to this study. The bab.la Swedish - English dictionary translations for these words are the following:
Since the websites reload with each scroll, searching for these two keywords on the newspapers’ websites is difficult. Therefore, I use the advanced search in the Google search engine with the format NEWSPAPER “KEYWORD” YEAR (e.g. Aftonbladet “Brott” 2015 or Expressen
“Kriminalitet” 2018”). These searches provided articles I chose based on the following criteria:
Selection criteria
a) The articles describe crime and/or criminality in Sweden. b) The articles text-image articles only3.
c) The articles are available online.
d)The articles are published between 2014 and 2019
I use systematic sampling to include every third article resulting from a curated search by year, category (keyword), and monthly windows (January to April; May to August; September to December) provided (Leung, 2015; Validity section). The search criteria ensure that in later assessments, I accurately and equally analyze the themes present in the NPAs by keeping track of changes in themes and descriptions over time.
The sample contains data from 72 Newspaper articles4, all originally in Swedish. One half
(36) belong to Aftonbladet, and the remaining 36 belong to Expressen. The sample is also equally divided between categories containing 36 articles from Brott and 36 from Kriminalitet to make carefully compare the discourse(s) embedded in each search tag. The sample consists of 17 opinion pieces with labels such as ‘editorial’, ‘debate’, ‘opinion’, ‘leader’,
3 No videos or newscast segments are included because my proficiency in Swedish is not sufficient to conduct reliable research on
this type of media.
4 Find the complete list of articles in Appendix A
Brott “Crime, infringement, violation, felony, breach, break, breakage, caper, delinquency,
infraction, offense, perpetration, quarry, criminal offense, criminal [adj]”
("Brott", 2020).
Kriminalitet
“Crime, criminality, crime rate" ("Kriminalitet", 2020).
Table 3. Selection criteria
‘columnists’, and ‘society’; and 54 news reports labeled as ‘news’, ‘crime’, or no specified
category. Having this many newspaper articles to keep track of, I utilize the following labeling scheme:
Keyword Newspaper Year Window Article label
Brott Aftonbladet 2014 Jan-Apr à BRAF141
Kriminalitet Expressen 2019 Sept-Dec à KREX193
I use two levels of translation to ensure that nuance is not lost in translation and to provide an accurate view of discursive elements present in the discourses. The initial level is an automatic translation through the Google Chrome Translate feature. Secondly, a native Swedish speaker revised the translations prior to the analysis. I, therefore, accompany direct quote translations with the original quotes from the NPAs when I have made syntax corrections.
I chose to use search engines to gather the NPAs as this was the best way to randomize the sample. Considering that news sites use SEOs to optimize their online presence, it is reasonable to assume that the data reliability is compromised as a result of Search Engine Optimization (SEO). Nonetheless, the Google News algorithm suppresses articles older than 2 days (Polemic Digital, 2019; Heitzman, 2018). As the NPAs in my sample are past the time threshold for SEO, this collection of articles remains relevant to produce a pragmatic description of the crime and criminality discourses over the last six years.
3.1.2.NPA Text Analysis
I carry out the text analysis using Dryzek's (2013) adaptation of CDA. This model dissects discourses into four elements: (1) Entities, which are individuals or groups that are affected by the discourse but lack the power to control it. (2) On the other hand, Agents are entities that do have power over the discourse. (3) Assumptions about relationships among the groups involved result from agents' motives. (4) Lastly, the discourse establishes expectations of these relationships and entity and agent identities through key metaphors and rhetorical devices (Dryzek, 2013). Understanding these elements of News frames is crucial since these are the basis of social
ambiguous and shifting nature of [...] conflict” (Ledin and Machin, 2018; p. 42-3). Therefore, through text analysis, I identify this discourse's different news frames and their influence on social configurations.
The formatting of the table makes the identification of entities, agents, and their relationships more effective. Entities include the public, victims of crime, criminals, the youth, other countries, the government, and the police. However, only a few of these, such as the government and the police, are considered agents in this discourse. The entities and agents are described in more detail in the results section.
Secondly, after identifying the agents and the entities, I keep track of keywords mentioned repeatedly throughout the discourse. These keywords include taxes and/or tax crimes, drug dealing/trafficking or consumption, violence, organized crime (criminal organizations, gangs, mafia, and criminal networks), death or murder, sex crimes, hate crimes, corruption or political crimes, immigration, the criminal justice system (CJS), the youth, education (as a solution), vulnerable areas, and NPAs without a specified crime. Analyzing these categories separately from the general descriptions of groups can uncover implicit themes or patterns that strengthen the discourse in favor of those producing it.
3.1.3. NPA Image Analysis
Photojournalism has two important characteristics that make images fundamental in my analysis: firstly, it has represented social processes as moments, which changes the shared understanding of reality; secondly, it has presented itself as a “reliable document [...] of reality” (Ledin and Machin, 2018; p. 41-42). Since the NPAs are digital, this format permits writers to
create multi-media content with different semiotic materials or connotators that carry specific meanings to convey a message (Ledin and Machin, 2018; Machin and Mayr, 2012). The purpose of this analysis is to determine which ideas, processes, actions, and identities are presented to understand social relations and their value according to the discourse (Ledin and Machin, 2018; Breazu and Machin, 2018). For the image analysis, I focus on recognizing the setting, the people, objects, and processes depicted and cluster the images according to these. The main distinction lies between images portraying people and images portraying objects or settings.
Out of the 72 articles, only 8 articles do not include any images, and on average each NPA has 4 images, amounting to a total of 154 images considered for the analysis. Due to copyright guidelines I cannot include the images, and therefore, I will describe them in detail as well as their relevance in the analysis. To keep track of the article that each image belongs to, I will continue to use the article coding mentioned above and include the order of appearance in the article by attaching a letter: e.g. KREX143-C would be the third picture to appear in this article. If an article only has one image, I do not attach this identifier. The image analysis is limited to the reasoning behind the use of certain images and their connection to the discourse. This makes the scope of this part of the analysis narrower than that of the text analysis because of the short character of this study. Unfortunately, I am not able to include a more detailed analysis of the image composition, as a result of which the image analysis is primarily thematic. The following flow charts show the themes that I have identified to carry out this analysis:
There are two things to note about these categories. Firstly, even though these concept maps separate the images into categories, there are several that contain objects from different categories. This is why I have categorized them based on the object that is in focus in the image. Nonetheless, this overlap is explained further in my analysis. Secondly, there are two articles (KRAF151 and KRAF152) which I have deemed outliers for they have 19+ images each. The purpose behind the use of this many images and their captions will be included in the analysis as well.
3.2. Trustworthiness and Ethical Considerations
It is my responsibility as a researcher to ensure that this study has been conducted in a transparent and ethical manner. Firstly, I must stress that this is qualitative study, and hence, its purpose is to examine this phenomenon “from the inside out: to see it from the perspective of those involved” (Gillham 2000; p. 11). Consequently, I have focused on understanding the discourse in the Swedish context only. Even though this decision limits the generalizability of the study, my purpose is not to create a universal understanding of this phenomenon. Rather, I aim to perform an in-depth analysis and bring to light the characteristics of the crime discourse within the parameters of the Swedish context (Leung, 2015; Generalizability section). Nonetheless, I have
attempted to disclose my method and analysis in such a way that this study could be replicated in other contexts, thus, increasing the validity of the study (Shenton, 2004).
In addition to the thick description of my study design (both materials and processes), I attempted to increase the validity of this analysis by ensuring that I provide answers to the research question and sub-questions by ensuring that the choices and use of the selection of theories and resources I utilize for my analysis are clear. Moreover, including multiple theories and resources allows me to analyze the NPA images and text data from different angles while coming to a concise conclusion (Leung, 2015, Validity section).
Although this is predominantly a qualitative study, there is consistency throughout the text and the qualitative analysis includes some quantitative aspects to recognize patterns. This is especially true when discussing image analysis and the difference between opinion pieces and news reports (Leung, 2015; Reliability and Generalizability sections). It is important to consider that the newspapers in which the NPAs are published are private and therefore carry the companies’ understanding of the Swedish crime discourse.
3.2.1. Researcher Notes on Confirmability and Ethics
I conduct my research according to the American Sociological Association Code of Ethics and the Swedish Good Research Practice (Vetenskapsrådet). Conducting this research, I have strived to be as open and transparent as possible to ensure that my choices are justified, and my sources are accounted for. Since my data comes from a public source, my study does not breach terms of confidentiality, anonymity, or secrecy. Nonetheless, I must clearly state that I have not received nor provided any monetary compensation to conduct this research or produce any specific results, hence, there is no conflict of interest compromising my position as a researcher or the quality of the data used.
Regarding the confirmability of this study, I have made every choice possible in order to reduce investigator bias (Shenton, 2004; Graham, 2018). Nonetheless, because of my position as a non-native resident of Sweden, I must disclose firstly, that I have a left-leaning political position and as a result I have chosen a research design based on this ideological viewpoint. Nonetheless, I aim to be as transparent as possible to show evidence of different patterns that are present within the data regardless of my political position. Secondly, my perspective as an outsider means that I
have a different conception and experience of crime. This may be helpful to uncover taken-for-granted meanings, yet it may also limit my understanding of certain systems or customs that I may not be familiar with. For instance, certain laws or conditions that may promote or discourage particularities within the discourse. I am aware that as a researcher I am not able to be completely neutral regarding this topic (cf. Machin and Mayr, 2012). Nonetheless, I have tried to remain as neutral as possible focusing on the description of what the discourse is in nature rather than promoting or condemning NPAs based on my personal beliefs
3.2.2. Limitations and Exclusions
Considering that I want the analysis of the discourse to be pragmatic, and that a majority of the 72 articles in the sample contain an exuberant amount of data, I was not able to increase the sample size as a means to include other newspaper companies that could provide insight from more polar positions on the political spectrum. Secondly, I focused on the discourse corresponding to the 2014-2016 immigration spike and the years following. However, I was not able to explore the crime and immigration discourses prior to this time period thus not considering the prominence of discourses regarding Eastern European immigration trends. Thirdly, I did not actively search for overlaps between the search categories during my data collection, possibly disregarding articles in which both Brott and Kriminalitet were used.
Additionally, the scope of the image composition and linguistics analyses was limited due to time and the language barrier, restricting my analysis to a thematic analysis only. Included in this language barrier is the use of the word ‘Jakt’; a word that appeared throughout the NPAs. Relevant translations of this word according to bab.la include ‘hunt’ or ‘hunting’ but it can also be translated as ‘pursuit’, ‘shooting’, and ‘chase’. The discrepancy in definitions has led me to exclude this particular word from my analysis even though it was recurring. Nonetheless, the use of this word and other linguistic choices in the criminality discourse in Sweden should be researched in the future, as should the videos that I have chosen to omit due to my limited knowledge of Swedish. Although my analysis is limited due to the language barrier, this thematic analysis provides an overview of the patterns present in the discourse that can be analyzed in more detail in future research.
4. Analysis
For the analysis of the newspaper articles (NPAs), I start with a brief summary of the general results. Then I identify the entities and agents within the discourse, their assigned attributes, risk identities and relationships, and lastly, their possible impact on social cohesion.
As a way to organize the entities and agents I identify in my analysis, I utilize Hardy and Maguire’s (2017) riskification model. I divide my analysis into several groups: risk assessors, risk producers, risk arbiters and adjudicators, risk managers, and lastly, risk bearers. Through this model I identify trends within the discourse that can be related to the conceptual and theoretical framework and empirical background presented in Chapter 2. Each section addresses a different dimension of the connection between the immigration and criminality discourses. I begin by examining general patterns and the press’s relevance within the discourse. Following this, I analyze each one of the prominent news frames I identified in the NPAs and the
4.1. General Findings
The Swedish crime and criminality discourses present similar elements and players consistently throughout the years focusing on presenting the context and the social circumstances that give rise to criminality, yet their focus slightly changes around 2017. Between 2014 and the end of 2016, the core arguments revolve around the high levels of youth recruitment by criminal networks and society's responsibility to prevent this phenomenon. In 2017 the discourses’ focus changes towards the militarization of the urban space. This change is consistent with the rise of ethnonationalist movements surfacing after immigration peaks in Sweden (Tomson, 2020). While every opinion piece mentions organized crime, only 6 (33%) mention immigration explicitly and (72%) 13 mention the youth. In short, the news frames visible in the sample suggest there is a connection between immigration and organized crime and the media depicts these phenomena as threats to the integrity of the Swedish public.
The two search words contain different kinds of articles yet present comparable news frames. The search word Kriminalitet contains NPAs describing organized crime and rarely refer to specific crimes. The Brott category, on the other hand, alludes to individual cases more often and references corruption, sex crimes, and deaths rather than organized crime alone. Additionally,
it presents a unique trend in which murder cannot be confirmed or ruled out in death investigations (e.g. BRAF1425). There are two reasonable explanations for this discrepancy; first, there are more
possible definitions for the word Brott than there are for the word Kriminalitet. Second, all the opinion pieces raise concerns regarding organized crime yet only 18% of them fall within the Brott category. This sheds a light on the possible connection Swedish mainstream media makes between the word Kriminalitet and the discourse about organized crime compared to that of Brott. Despite the content differences between the search words, news frames appear to be consistent across categories.
Considering that the semiotic resources that the press includes in the text either reproduce and enhance or introduce narratives, I combine the results of both the text and image analysis to produce a complete view of the discourse’s news frames. It is worth noting that the lack of images in an article does not present a trend in this sample. The greatest commonality between NPAs without images is their tendency to be shorter articles in both news reports and opinion pieces. Lastly, a substantial part of the image sample revolves around the CJS and the police.
4.2. Constructing the News frames
4.2.1. Risk Assessors: The Media and Governmental Agencies
The press is a silent agent in the discourse and one of the only forms of accountability that the press demonstrates is the disclaimers of their political affiliations in opinion pieces. However, very few articles in the sample address the media’s influence on the public conscience. This sample exemplifies that the first level of inequality begins in the news production phase given that the journalists producing the NPAs in the sample are Swedish or at the very least, European-passing individuals. Furthermore, while members of the Swedish public are included in interviews or images, other (over)represented groups (i.e. criminals, immigrants, the youth) are not allowed the space to confirm or deny the accuracy of the identity frames imposed on them. The construction of these frames confirms “that [the media and the Swedish public] pretend to talk about crime but think refugees” (KRAF171). Associating crime with newcomers is a rhetorical strategy that enables the press to repeatedly undermine non-European identities and experiences by inducing
fear onto the public, not only of crime, but of the loss of their identity (Richardson, 2007). However, most of the articles that do seek to hold the system accountable, focus on seeking accountability from the criminal justice system and the government rather than the media.
The inclusion of governmental agencies increases NPAs’ credibility as these are publicly trusted authorities legitimized by their connection to the government. It is this trust which allows the media to exert power as an agent reinforcing dualities such as the Good Citizen vs. the Foreign Criminal while attempting to appear neutral. Journalists include statements from these agencies to quantify economic and social risks posed by organized criminals and accompany the agencies’ risk assessments with opinion pieces. Consequently, the media can be considered the risk
assessors in the Swedish context along with governmental agencies such as Brå and Skatteverket
(e.g. BRAF1616).
Once the press builds a relationship of trust with the audience, news outlets gain the power to uphold Us-Them dualities that simultaneously legitimize majority identities recognizing members of these groups as individuals and delegitimize minority identities by collectivizing them (Lichtenstein and Eilders, 2018). Subtle choices like presenting criminals as "strategic people", criminal networks as "the mafia world" (KREX1517) and immigrant communities as "a large
minority" (KRAF1718) background minority groups' positive characteristics and constantly
homogenizes them (Oktar, 2001). In contrast, journalists give a higher level of social status to individuals that represent Swedish cultural integrity. This enhances the intimacy between this group and the audience since these groups are thoroughly described, presented by name, and even interviewed and photographed as it is the case for Gunnar (KRAF1439) and Sandy (KREX16310)
(Galak et al., 2007; Machin and Mayr, 2012; Richardson, 2007).
Intimacy and trust furthermore translate into the media's power over NPA content (i.e. newsworthy events) (Richardson, 2007; Dryzek, 2013). Although a majority of the NPAs discuss the reduction of organized crime, the protection and education of the youth, security debates, and immigration, the most relevant examples of newsworthy events in Sweden are NPAs BREX181, KRAF152, and KRAF151. These articles are significantly longer than the rest of the
6 BRAF161: “The Swedish Crime Prevention Council, Brå, has released comprehensive statistics on crime in Sweden in 2016.” 7 KREX151: “The new method of accessing the mafia world is to target "strategic people"”
8 KRAF171: “Sweden in general will be safer, but for a large minority, Sweden will be more insecure”
sample and writers portray these events as tragic anomalies in Sweden. KRAF151 references the first death of a “bystander caught in the crossfire between gangs” (Crouch, 2015). The other two NPAs are treated similarly to KRAF151 as they 'report' on the death of a young mother in Luleå (BREX181) and the murder of a young woman in Jönköping (KRAF152). Journalists produce these anomaly articles to reinforce desirable and undesirable identity frames and frequently accompany them with semiotic materials. The majority of NPAs have image carousels (or sliders) and/or single images throughout the article in addition to the bolded text, colored text (often blue), and increased size fonts as presented in figure 2.
Although semiotic materials are a complement to the text, they can contain just as much information as the text itself to consolidate desired social structures (Van Leeuwen, 2005; Ledin and Machin, 2018). Collections of images, as the one in KRAF15111, reaffirm discoursive choices
such as the criminal vs. citizen duality and include additional elements of the narrative. The collection includes several images of police officers, crime scene investigators, the prime minister at the crime scene yet there are only a few of the victims and their families. This particular sequence contains the highest number of images in the sample and attempts to assign high levels of worthiness to the government, police officers, and direct and indirect victims. Another example is BREX181 in which several images of the young mother and a memorial for her are included in addition to the article’s focus on her motherhood reinforcing her worthiness through classification (Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard, 1996).
Journalists include graphs and maps as semiotic resources to strengthen the effectiveness of their arguments as these “make [statistics] accessible for readers” (Balica and Marinescu, 2018; p. 219). The graphs in the sample are not specifically included in the text. It should be noted that these graphs of rising crime do not disclose their scale and are only available in Swedish. Maps, on the other hand, seem to be more user friendly as a majority of the maps are interactive and tend
11 NPA with the most images KRAF151-A to Z. It contains 31 images in total but only 28 are available.
