Friends don’t come easy- but most find a way:
A qualitative study of refugee adolescents’ relationships with their peers
Mina N. Grip and Ylva Liljedahl
Institution of Law, Psychology and Social Work, Örebro University Psychology, Advanced Level, Graduate Essay, PS3111
Dr. Metin Özdemir May 24, 2021
Friends don’t come easy- but most find a way
A significant proportion of Sweden’s population consists of immigrants and refugees, many of whom are adolescents. Resettlement in a new host culture could be extra challenging during adolescence due to the additional burden that developmental tasks bring to the refugee
adolescents’ daily life. One of the most important developmental tasks during adolescence is the development of functional relationships with peers. Previous research on refugee adolescents and peer relationships has often been quantitative and much focus has lied on the pathological
outcomes and adversities that this population faces. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate how refugee adolescents experienced peer relationships from their point of view, taking in the full spectrum of experiences. Furthermore, this study aimed to highlight the strengths and
resilience this population posits. Specifically, the study used qualitative methodology to examine how newly arrived refugee adolescents experienced interpersonal relationships with peers and how they dealt with challenges faced. The sample of the study were 33 newly arrived refugee adolescents (Mage = 14.9, SD = .91; 55% females). Data was gathered through semi-structured
interviews and analyzed through inductive thematic analysis. Themes of language, quality of relationships, and integration appeared central for refugee adolescents’ experience of peer relationships. Despite the difficulties that this population faced, they showed great capacity in overcoming challenges. The findings indicate that peer relationships are a central part of refugee adolescents' adjustment and well-being, and that there is a strong motivation and capacity to overcome difficulties and create functional relationships among newly arrived refugee adolescents.
Keywords: newly arrived refugee adolescents, peer relationships, coping, adjustment, thematic analysis
Table of contents
INTRODUCTION... 4
NEWLY ARRIVED REFUGEE ADOLESCENTS ... 5
GENERAL ADJUSTMENT OF NEWLY ARRIVED IMMIGRANT ADOLESCENTS ... 5
PEER RELATIONS IN ADOLESCENCE ... 9
PEER RELATIONS FOR NEWLY ARRIVED IMMIGRANT ADOLESCENTS ... 10
COPING... 11
CURRENT STUDY ... 15
METHOD ... 16
RESEARCH DESIGN OVERVIEW ... 16
PARTICIPANTS ... 17
PROCEDURE ... 18
ANALYSIS ... 19
ANALYTIC PROCESS ... 21
RESEARCHERS’PRIOR UNDERSTANDING... 24
ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ... 26
RESULTS ... 27
LANGUAGE ... 28
Time and Language ... 28
Friends Being Instrumental to Learn Swedish ... 31
QUALITY OF RELATIONSHIPS... 32
Time and Friends ... 32
Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction with Peer Relationships ... 34
INTEGRATION ... 35
Time and Integration ... 35
Interaction of Ethnicity and Peer Relationships... 36
Factors Affecting Integration ... 38
INTERPLAY OF THEMES ... 43
DISCUSSION ... 43
EXPERIENCES OF PEER RELATIONSHIPS ... 44
NEWLY ARRIVED ADOLESCENTS’COPING WITH THE CHALLENGES IN THEIR PEER RELATIONS 49 METHODOLOGICAL STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS ... 51
Data Gathering Process ... 52
Analytic Process ... 54
CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH ... 59
Introduction
In 2020 there were around 272 million international migrants. Of these international migrants, 25,9 million were refugees who had fled war, violence, conflict, or persecution to find safety in another country (IOM, 2020; UNHCR, n.d.). Of the world’s total international
migrants, 40% are below the age of 18, and around half of the world’s refugees are children (IOM, 2020; UNHCR, 2020). Continuing conflicts in the world and the future threat posed by natural disasters will likely increase this figure in the coming years. A report from the
International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimated that by 2050 there will be
approximately 200 million climate migrants, which would be an unprecedented increase in the global number of refugees (IOM, 2008). Consequently, dealing with global migrants will inevitably be an issue for all countries in the future.
In Europe, there were 6,5 million refugees by the end of 2019 (UNHCR, 2020). Following the war in Syria, Sweden saw a peak in receival of refugees in 2015
(Migrationsverket, n.d.). Many chose Sweden as a country of refuge because of its humanitarian approach to child migrants and its beneficial educational system (IOM, 2020). The increase in asylum seekers, however, was followed by a polarized political debate, and in 2016 restrictions regarding immigration policy were made, which lowered the chances for refugees being granted asylum (IOM, 2020). Still, in 2018 Sweden received 248 000 refugees, making it the third-largest host country in Europe (IOM, 2020). Currently, 20% of Sweden’s population consists of migrants (IOM, 2020). In Sweden, 31% of school students are immigrants (OECD, 2019). Hence, immigrants, many of whom have experiences of refuge, are a substantial part of Swedish youth, and therefore a group that requires attention. In the current study, we aim to contribute to an understanding of the experiences of refugee adolescents who arrived in Sweden recently with a particular focus on their interpersonal relationships with peers.
Newly Arrived Refugee Adolescents
Research often uses the umbrella term “immigrants“ to describe fairly heterogeneous samples, comprising for example both first and second-generation immigrants, people who have immigrated due to labor reasons, and people who have fled due to war (see Fandrem et al., 2009 for an example). According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) it is essential to differentiate between the terms migrant and refugee (UNHCRb, 2020). Refugees are individuals who have “[...] fled war, violence, conflict or persecution and have crossed an international border to find safety in another country.” (UNHCR, n.d.). The term migrant, however, has traditionally been used to refer to individuals who have left their home countries voluntarily. However, it is becoming more common that the term migrant is used as an all-encompassing term for people who leave their home country both voluntarily and involuntarily. Intertwining these terms may lead to conceptual confusion, where groups who differ from each other on essential characteristics are treated as the same population. In the current study, where the participants and their families have arrived in Sweden after fleeing war, the term “refugee” is used to describe the sample. Accordingly, the review of existing research in the following
sections prioritized studies that focused on refugees, but also included studies on first-generation immigrants when no distinction about the underlying reasons to migrate was made.
General Adjustment of Newly Arrived Immigrant Adolescents
Adolescence is a time of substantial developmental changes. Beyond physical and cognitive changes occurring during this time period, it is also a period of major socioemotional development (Santrock, 2013). In the midst of these changes, adolescents are expected to accomplish several developmental tasks. Tasks during this period include identity formation, development of self-functions such as self-understanding, self-esteem, and self-regulation, as
well as emotional development (Santrock, 2016). In addition to the general challenges that all youth face, first-generation immigrant adolescents also encounter particular challenges related to the adjustment process in the host country (Berry, 1997; Berry 2006; Motti-Stefanidi, 2008; Dimitrova, 2016).
Previous research on the adjustment of first-generation immigrant adolescents has found that this population reports more problems in school, psychological problems, and disruptive behavior compared to native youth, a phenomenon called migration morbidity (Dimitrova et al., 2016; Motti-Stefanidi, 2008). Contrasting this, research from North America has also found the opposite, where newly arrived immigrants often showed better adaptations compared to non-immigrants and second-generation non-immigrants, called the immigration paradox (Schwartz et al., 2010). This despite having poorer socioeconomic circumstances, which in itself is a risk factor for developing psychological problems (van Geel & Vedder, 2010). A meta-analysis by Dimitrova and colleagues (2016) examined these two phenomena with regards to internalizing and externalizing problems as well as academic outcomes in first-generation immigrant youth in Europe and concluded that the migration morbidity rather than the immigrant paradox
characterizes the situation for immigrant youths in Europe. Hence, it appears that, in Europe, immigrant youth have higher morbidity compared to native youth. However, most research on the adjustment of immigrant and refugee youth has looked into deficits within the population such as conflicts, losses, pathologies, and vulnerabilities (Güngör & Strohmeier, 2020). Focus has hence lied on the factors which complicate the adjustment process and not on functional aspects where the youth exhibit resilience and even flourish (Güngör & Strohmeier, 2020). For example, studies looking into academic adjustment often overlook the heterogeneity that exists among immigrants when it comes to academic performance (Özdemir & Bayram-Özdemir,
2020). This “deficit” approach often compares immigrant youths to non-immigrant peers, which may not be the most informative and appropriate approach because it risks always framing the immigrant group as lacking in some capacity (Motti-Stefanidi & Masten, 2020). Against this background, it may be more appropriate to have a “resilience” approach, where the focus lies on within-group strengths and functional aspects. Even though immigrant youth in the European Union, in general, are more likely to exhibit psychological, educational and behavioral adjustment problems, the youth also posit resilience despite having encountered multiple adversities (Özdemir & Bayram-Özdemir, 2020; Güngör & Strohmeier, 2020).
The higher prevalence of adjustment problems among immigrant youth that do exist could be related to the additional challenges that these adolescents experience compared to their native-born peers. Adolescents who establish themselves in a new cultural context face two important challenges: acculturation and acquiring a new language. Berry (2006, p. 305) defines acculturation as: “[...] the process of cultural and psychological change that follows intercultural contact”. Berry (1997) developed a conceptual framework with regards to different kinds of acculturation strategies. These strategies are dependent on two primary concerns, the first being “cultural maintenance” which refers to the extent to which maintenance of cultural identity is strived for and emphasized. Second is the concern of “participation and contact”, which refers to whether one should remain in one’s group, or seek involvement with other cultural groups. He proposes four different strategies that each combines these two concerns: integration,
assimilation, separation/segregation, and marginalization. These strategies can be the result of either personal preference or societal enforcement, can change depending on context and time, and can be employed by both majority and minority groups (however, carrying different names depending on which group it concerns). In terms of adjustment, the integration profile (where
youth show high involvement in both the ethnic and national culture) has been shown to be associated with the most beneficial psychological and sociocultural adaptations among immigrant adolescents (Berry et al., 2006).
The other important challenge faced by newly arrived immigrant youth is the acquisition of a foreign language. Learning a second language is easier in childhood than in adulthood, as evidenced by adult learners often being left with an accent or significant grammatical errors (Hartshorne et al., 2018). Previously it was thought that this “critical period” of language
acquisition ended in middle childhood, however, a recent study of 669,498 native and non-native English speakers found that the end of this period is rather in late adolescence (Hartshorne et al., 2018). Acquisition of a second language often takes place in a school context and is associated, among else, with academic achievement and cognitive development, hence serving an important function for refugee adolescents (Carhill-Poza, 2015). However, refugee adolescents often have been exposed to trauma and psychological distress which in turn can make language acquisition more difficult (Iversen et al., 2012; Johansson Metso, 2018). Host language acquisition, when successful, can serve as a protective factor against the stressors connected to adapting to a new country and is associated with higher self-esteem, and negatively associated with perceived discrimination (Buchanan et al., 2018; Kartal et al., 2019). On the other hand, not acquiring the host language can serve as a stressor in and of itself with associated negative impacts on mental health (Kartal et al., 2019). The pressure of having to achieve a high level of language
proficiency in a short amount of time in order to progress in school may act as an additional stressor for the youth (Carhill-Poza, 2015). A study of Spanish-speaking immigrant youth that had arrived in the United States within the last seven years found that peers play an important part in second language acquisition (Carhill-Poza, 2015). Results showed that interacting with
peers in English had a positive effect on language learning outcomes, especially on academic language proficiency. Hence, it appears that peers play an important role in second language acquisition.
Peer Relations in Adolescence
As adolescents search for autonomy and differentiation from their parents, the developmental importance of the peer group (i.e. individuals of the same age with whom the adolescent interacts) increases, and adolescents often spend around twice as much time with peers than with their parents (Gorrese & Ruggieri, 2013; Santrock, 2016; APA, 2020). Adolescents put a high value on being accepted and liked by their peers and achieving this results in positive emotions (LaFontana & Cillessen, 2009). On the other hand, being rejected can result in strong negative feelings. Altogether, peer relationships and how adolescents are seen by peers is a central aspect of most adolescents’ lives (Santrock, 2016).
Peer relationships can have both positive and negative influences on adolescents’ development and overall well-being. With age, adolescents can create bonds with their friends that are similar to the attachment bonds formed with parents, and peer relationships can act as “havens of safety” in the same manner as the relationship with parents (Gorrese, 2016). A meta-analysis looking at peer attachment and self-esteem showed that there was a significant positive correlation between these two factors, indicating that the development of self-worth is at least partly dependent on the quality of peer relationships (Gorrese & Ruggieri, 2013). Furthermore, secure peer attachment, characterized by reciprocity, security, and social support, has been found to be associated with lower levels of anxiety and having insecure peer attachment to be
the quality of peer relationships play an important role in the development and well-being of adolescents.
Peer Relations for Newly Arrived Immigrant Adolescents
For immigrant adolescents, developing positive peer relationships could be influenced by additional factors specific to the immigrant status. Leaving one’s home and resettling in a new country is, as previously mentioned, accompanied by acculturative demands, but also risks of being exposed to racism, prejudice, and discrimination (Plenty & Jonsson, 2017; Motti-Stefanidi, 2019). Studies have found that being an immigrant youth constitutes a risk of being isolated and rejected by peers and that this risk was greater for first-generation immigrant youth compared to second-generation immigrant youth (Strohmeier et al., 2011; Plenty & Jonsson, 2017). It has also been found that compared to Swedish host national students, immigrant youth with Asian or African origin report significantly lower levels of social acceptance and fewer peer relations (Hjern et al., 2013). A Swedish study found that for Iranian refugee youth, negative peer
relationships and peer victimization were related to low levels of social adjustment and feelings of self-worth (Almqvist & Broberg, 1999). Having positive peer relationships was however associated with higher levels of social adjustment and self-worth.
Another aspect related to peer relationships of newly arrived immigrant adolescents is the occurrence of discrimination (Berry, 2006; Reitz; 2015; Motti-Stefanidi, 2018). The experience of discrimination has been found to be pervasive and one of the most challenging experiences faced by immigrant youth (Reitz et al., 2015; Motti-Stefanidi, 2018). A Danish study of refugee youth from the Middle East found that perceived discrimination provoked internalizing
effects on both mental health and social adaptation, which was indicated by school attendance, engagement in leisure activities, spending time with friends, and criminal behavior.
Looking into what affects immigrant youths’ perception of discrimination, studies have found that being preferred by host national peers predicted lower levels of perceived ethnic discrimination, whereas being preferred by immigrant peers did not predict levels of perceived ethnic discrimination (Reitz et al., 2015). Additionally, higher levels of involvement in the host culture negatively predicted discrimination, indicating that the more you engage with the host culture, the less discrimination you experience (Motti-Stefanidi et al., 2018). Hence, it appears that both peer relations and level of acculturation affect the degree of perceived discrimination among immigrant youth.
Overall, existing literature suggests that peer relationships play an important role in the general development of adolescents and the quality of peer relationships highly influences adolescents’ well-being. Unfortunately, being a refugee brings about several challenges connected to creating high-qualitative peer relationships. These challenges include language barriers, pressure to acculturate as well as potential victimization and discrimination. As it stands, research into how such challenges are experienced, as well as how these challenges are coped with, is limited. It is important to understand these phenomena to develop relevant practices when working with this population and make the lives of refugee youths easier and more satisfactory.
Coping
Resettlement in the host culture could be extra challenging during adolescence due to the additional burden that developmental tasks bring to the refugee adolescents’ daily life. However, not all adolescents display maladjustment due to the challenges, and a significant number of
them even show just normal or better than expected adjustment outcomes (Özdemir & Bayram Özdemir, 2020). One potential reason that may explain the variations in adjustment outcomes could be related to how adolescents cope with their daily hassles. Coping is the strategy that individuals use to deal with stressful life events. It can be either adaptive or maladaptive in the sense that it could both promote or impede physical and/or mental health (Endler & Parker, 1994). Coping should be regarded as a dynamic concept that involves both behavioral, cognitive, and perceptive processes (Skinner et al., 2003). Consensus on how to structure coping has not yet been reached and there has been an abundance of different taxonomies proposed (Skinner et al., 2003; Stanislawski, 2019). One framework has proposed three different coping dimensions, namely task-, emotion- and avoidance-oriented coping (Endler & Parker, 1994). Task-oriented coping refers to confronting the stressful task and attempts at solving the problem at hand, for example through planning, or attempts to cognitively restructure the problem or alter the
situation (Parker & Endler, 1992; Endler & Parker, 1999; Stanislawski, 2019). Emotion-oriented coping are person-oriented strategies directed at the self to reduce stress (Endler & Parker, 1999). They can include emotional responses (such as self-blame or getting angry), self-preoccupation, and fantasizing. Avoidance-oriented coping strategies are cognitive changes and activities which involve both person- and task-oriented strategies and aims at avoiding the stressful situation (Parker & Endler, 1992; Stanislavski, 2019). When task-oriented, avoidance strategies can take the form of distraction, and when person-oriented they may involve social diversion for instance by seeking out other people (Stanislavski, 2019). Different kinds of threats appear to trigger different types of coping responses. When the threat is appraised as manageable, problem-oriented strategies are often used in trying to handle or change the distressing situation.
are perceived as uncontrollable, or where many stressors are present at once, there is a tendency to turn to emotion-oriented coping (Carver et al., 1989). Because emotion-oriented strategies have been seen to be related to different types of psychopathology, such as depression, they are often regarded as maladaptive. This pattern has also been found in the immigrant population, where the use of emotion-oriented coping strategies was associated with an increased likelihood of having depressive symptoms (Matheson et al., 2008).
Because of the high exposure for potentially traumatizing experiences both pre- and post-migration, refugees have an increased risk for multiple psychological disorders such as anxiety disorders, posttraumatic stress disorder, and depression (Matheson et al., 2008; Iversen et al., 2012). Studies investigating the mediating effect of coping between trauma and well-being among refugees found that the use of emotion-oriented strategies and avoidance strategies were associated with poorer physical health and psychological symptoms (Matheson et al., 2008). The more trauma was experienced, the more likely these maladaptive strategies were to be used (Matheson et al., 2008). Coping strategies have also been found to have moderating effects on depression and perceived discrimination (Noh et al., 2003).
When it comes to refugee adolescents’ peer relationships, literature on the presence of difficulties in these relationships is abundant, however, research on how they cope with such difficulties is sparse. One significant problem faced in adolescent peer relationships is, as
previously mentioned, victimization. A longitudinal study looking into adaptive and maladaptive coping and peer victimization found that seeking advice predicted lower rates of internalizing problems, and conflict resolution (through for instance telling the peer to stop) predicted
rates of victimization confidence in being able to cope decreased, and levels of distress subsequently increased (Singh & Bussey, 2010).
As previously mentioned, the refugee population is often victimized on discriminative grounds (Reitz et al., 2015; Motti-Stefanidi, 2018). A study examining the influence of coping strategies on racially-focused peer victimization found that coping responses were seldom effective. Telling adults at school about the victimization was an effective strategy only some of the time, but in the majority of cases, it made the situation worse (Mendez et al., 2016). Only the coping strategy of using humor to distance oneself from the racially focused victimization was found to be effective in minimizing the emotional impact that the victimization had on the adolescents.
All in all, coping theories suggest that how you cope with situations can lead to different outcomes, and can therefore be either adaptive or maladaptive. For refugee adolescents, research on coping in peer relationships is often centered around how they deal with victimization and discrimination, perhaps because of the higher prevalence of these phenomena in this population. With regards to previous research on coping and immigrants on a more general level, the focus has lied on coping in relation to multiple psychological disorders and showed that coping strategies affect psychological well-being. Employing adaptive coping strategies can thus decrease the risk of different forms of psychopathology, perhaps especially for the refugee population where there is already increased risk of morbidity. However, a recurrent issue is that research into how refugees cope has focused on pathology and coping in response to this, rather than on functional responses to everyday problems that most people face. There is, in other words, a need to expand the lens through which this population is examined, and also focus on adaptive and functional areas of their experiences.
Current Study
Sweden has in the past few decades increasingly become a multicultural society, and many of its residents have refugee experiences. As environmental changes are predicted to significantly increase the number of climate refugees globally, the research field on refugee adjustment is an essential one. Aiding the adjustment of this population is of both societal and humanitarian importance.
A substantial part of the refugee population is under the age of 18. For refugee
adolescents, there are several adjustment challenges in addition to the developmental tasks that all youth encounter. Many of these developmental and adjustment tasks during adolescence are related to peer relationships, which makes peers and peer relationships an essential part of adolescents’ lives. The refugee status in itself affects peer relationships in several ways, evident for instance in the peer discrimination and peer rejection that this population oftentimes face. As such, examining the peer relationships of refugee adolescents and how they experience these relationships can serve an important function in gaining an understanding of these phenomena and how they relate to the adolescents’ adjustment and well-being.
Much of the research in this field is quantitative and research that focuses on refugee adolescents’ own experiences in a qualitative manner is sparse. Furthermore, much focus has lied on the pathological outcomes, problems, and adversities that this population face, and not on functional aspects of their lives (Cobb et al., 2019). The aim of using a qualitative method for the analysis of this data is to allow the participants themselves to formulate what challenges they face and how they deal with these challenges, rather than having predetermined convictions about the difficulties they may experience. The hope is that this procedure will contribute to illuminate the experiences of a group that may be largely overlooked and to give this population
opportunity to themselves formulate their needs, experiences, and problems. The aim is to try to counteract ethnocentric and preconceived notions about what these adolescents need in their efforts to adjust to Swedish society.
This study further aims to undertake a holistic perspective by taking into account the full span of refugee adolescents’ experiences with peers, not only focusing on negative aspects such as victimization and discrimination. Research into strengths interventions, which through identifying and developing strengths aims at promoting well-being, indicates that focusing on strengths has several positive outcomes such as personal growth and well-being (Ghielen et al., 2018). Therefore, the current study aims to also focus on strengths and counteract the often one-sided narrative of the refugee population as predominantly experiencing problems and struggles. This is done through investigating how the population copes with, and overcomes, challenges faced in their peer relationships, and by including the full scope of their experiences with peers, both functional and dysfunctional. Against this background the research questions of this study are: “How do newly arrived refugee adolescents experience interpersonal relationships with peers?” and “How do refugee adolescents deal with the challenges they face in their peer relationships?”. To answer these two questions, we used qualitative interview data from 33 adolescents of Arabic-, Kurdish-, and Somali-speaking origin who have been in Sweden for a maximum of 6 years.
Method Research Design Overview
This study is based on a re-analysis of qualitative data collected as part of the PIA Project. The PIA Project is a collaboration between Örebro University, Karolinska Institutet, Umeå University, and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health, and is a research project with the
purpose of developing interventions to promote adjustment and integration of newly arrived immigrant and refugee youth and their parents. In this project, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 33 youths and 30 parents. The project aimed to develop interventions from a salutogenic perspective (i.e. the focus on health and how to enhance physical, social, and mental well-being as opposed to retrospectively handling disease; Becker, et al., 2010) to promote adjustment and well-being of the newly arrived immigrants and refugees during their resettlement process. The interviews were conducted to develop an understanding of the
challenges and strengths of the newly arrived youth and parents so that the intervention content could be culturally tailored.
Participants
Since the aim of the current study was to examine the adolescents’ experience of
interpersonal relationships with peers from their perspective, the data collected from the parents in the original study was not analyzed. The participants of the PIA Project were recruited in person and via posters in the two Swedish cities Örebro and Stockholm through youth centers, community organizations, and introductory Swedish courses offered to refugee adolescents. Recruitment was done from the fall of 2019 to the summer of 2020. Inclusion criteria for the adolescents were that they should be between 13-16 years, and should have immigrated to Sweden with their families within the last five years. Furthermore, only individuals from the three largest immigrant groups (Kurdish and Arabic speaking refugees from Syria and/or Iraq, and Somalian refugees) were recruited. To achieve qualitative variation the aim was to include 5-10 adolescents from each of these immigrant groups and an even gender distribution was strived for. Receiving professional treatment for psychological problems at the time of the study was the only exclusion criteria.
The sample of this study consisted of 33 adolescents, ages ranging between 13 to 16 years (M = 14.9, SD = .91). The gender distribution was 55% female and 45% and male, 31% were Kurdish-speaking Syrian refugees, 31% were Arabic-speaking Syrian refugees and 38% were Somalian refugees. Upon completion of participation in the study, the participants received a gift card as compensation. To achieve qualitative representativeness and ensure breadth of data all 33 participants were initially included (Langemar, 2008). However, one interview was
excluded from analysis, resulting in a total of 32 participants. Procedure
The semi-structured interviews focused on adolescents’ adjustment to school and society at large as well as their relationships with peers and family. An interview guide was followed, with primarily open questions and following probing questions. The interviews were conducted with informed consent given by parents if the adolescents were below age 15, and by the adolescents themselves if they were 15 years old or older. The interviews ranged from 15-50 minutes and were conducted by trained project assistants who could speak at least one of the target languages. These project assistants were recruited from the community. To ensure quality of research and ethical conduct the project assistants underwent two and a half days of training before conducting the interviews. No prior relationship existed between the interviewers and the participants. The interviewees could choose between being interviewed in their native language or Swedish. Before the interview began, all participants were informed of the interview process, ethical issues, confidentiality, and privacy of their responses, and that participation in the
interview was voluntary and could be terminated at any time. After agreeing to the interview procedure, the participants were interviewed and audiotaped. The interviews were then transcribed and translated into Swedish.
The interview guide did not exclusively focus on peer relationships, however, topics that could be related to peers were covered throughout the interview, for instance through general questions about living in Sweden such as “How well do you feel that you are welcomed here in Sweden?” and “What are the most important challenges that you have experienced since you moved to Sweden?”. Peer relationships were also addressed explicitly through questions such as “How would you describe your relationship with your peers in school during the first couple of months of your arrival?” and “How is your relationship with your peers in school
now?”. Coping was covered throughout the interview where questions regarding challenges were continuously followed up with questions about how the adolescents dealt with such challenges, for instance, “What do you do when you encounter such difficulties in your daily life?”.
Analysis
Since the aim of this study was to develop an understanding of how newly arrived refugee adolescents as a group experience peer relationships from their perspective, a qualitative approach was chosen. Data were analyzed through thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2013). Thematic analysis is a flexible qualitative method that structures data into themes across a data set in relation to the research question (Braun & Clarke, 2006). It horizontally analyzes the data, looking at patterns across a group rather than examining detailed individual accounts (Langemar, 2008). In this sense, thematic analysis promotes breadth at the expense of depth.
In this study, inductive thematic analysis was conducted. Inductive thematic analysis (as opposed to deductive thematic analysis) aims to analyze the data in a data-driven, bottom-up fashion, and should not be shaped by pre-existing theoretical assumptions (Braun & Clarke, 2013). However, even with an inductive approach where the aim is to be open and to not
analyze the data based on preconceived notions, it is not possible to completely free yourself from previous theoretical understanding. As Braun and Clarke (2006, p. 12) point out: “[...] data are not coded in an epistemological vacuum.”. Furthermore, the research process is not a process of simply uncovering pre-existing themes or truths but is an active process where the researchers decide on the topic of research, what interview questions to ask how to analyze the data and so on (Guruge & Khanlou, 2004).
Following the assumption that an objective account of reality is difficult to attain, the epistemological stance of this study was one of critical realism. Thematic analysis is not theoretically bound and can be conducted from different epistemological positions (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Critical realism is ontologically realist and epistemologically relativist, proposing that an external reality exists independently of human perception and that different methods will produce different perspectives on this external reality (Williams, 2018). Critical realism holds that reality is divided into three domains: the ‘real’, the ‘actual’, and the ‘empirical’ (Hoddy, 2019). The ‘real’ domain contains objects, structures, and mechanisms that generate events. The ‘actual’ domain consists of the events generated by mechanisms in the ‘real’ domain. Finally, in the ‘empirical’ domain are our perceptions, experiences, and observations of these events. It is difficult to assess the reality of the ‘actual’ and ‘real’ domain with perceptions and experiences in the ‘empirical’ domain (Hoddy, 2019). In research, where data needs to be interpreted, findings are therefore not a complete mirror of reality. As previously mentioned, we are always affected by previous understanding, the context in which we operate, our position in society etcetera, which means that it is a difficult task for research to fully grasp the true essence of a phenomenon. However, by studying and interpreting objects, structures and mechanisms we can attempt to approximate the reality (Hoddy, 2019). This study aims to reflect reality and truly
understand refugee adolescence experience with peers, but still acknowledge that this is a difficult task that is oftentimes unattainable.
Finally, this study identified themes at the semantic/explicit level, which meant not looking for anything beyond what was said, rather focus lied on the surface meaning (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
Analytic Process
The process of analysis was based on the guidelines provided by Braun and Clarke (2006).
Phase 1- Familiarization with the data. Since the interview data was already transcribed, extra attention was given to familiarize with the data before beginning the process of coding, to ensure an understanding of the depth and breadth of the data. This was done through actively reading through all 33 transcripts in their entirety. One of the interviews was excluded from analysis due to the parents of the interviewee being present in the room during the interview. As the topics of this essay concern experiences of peer relationships, the presence of parents in the room may hinder the interviewee to freely express the challenges or negative peer experiences they may have encountered, therefore risking limiting the validity of the data. At this stage, we strived for openness and only made preliminary notes of possible codes. This was followed by going through the transcripts again and relevant data were extracted and put into a document where the data was sorted under the following categories: positive experiences with peers; negative experiences with peers; unspecified experiences with peers; language; integration and culture; and coping. These headings were only a categorizing aid used for the initial sorting of the data. Here, the transcripts were divided between the authors, and before moving onto the next phase, a comparison was made between the two authors to ensure that similar information was
extracted from the interview transcripts. This phase ended with two documents with relevant data extracts from the transcripts.
Phase 2- Generating initial codes. The next phase entailed coding of the data. This was also done by dividing the data between the two authors who independently coded the data for semantic features. To ensure consistency of coding, the data extracts from three transcripts were coded independently and then compared. Any discrepancies in coding were discussed and decisions were made on how to best code the different aspects of the data. The data was coded by entering data extracts into tables in accordance with the above-mentioned categories, and the code was written in the adjacent column. In order to keep the context of the citation, the data extracts were entered inclusively. Also, the coding was done to include as many different codes as possible. This resulted in approximately 1000 codes. We were especially mindful of including contradictory or inconsistent information.
Phase 3- Searching for Themes. This was a process of organizing and reorganizing the data several times, with the goal of internal homogeneity and external heterogeneity. During this stage, we initially clustered codes (and the belonging data extracts) that were similar to each other under seven categories (including the categories mentioned above). Here many codes were collapsed into each other, creating 41 clusters with a total of 256 codes. For instance, the codes “Talking about everything with a friend”, “Feeling safe with friends” and “Spending a lot of time with friends” were collapsed into a new code: “Closeness with friends”. Following this initial clustering, we took a step back from the data and tried to grasp the overarching story. This resulted in a major reorganization where clusters that appeared to belong together were put together in the same table. The themes were created on different levels with main themes and subthemes, and consideration was given to how these themes related to each other. This was
done cooperatively using visual aids such as tables and mind maps. No information was entirely abandoned at this stage. This process finally resulted in six themes and 26 subthemes, with 116 codes.
Phase 4- Reviewing Themes. At this stage, the themes formed in the previous phase were refined. The data within the themes was thoroughly analyzed and evaluated based on whether they captured key aspects of refugee adolescents’ experiences of interpersonal relationships with peers and the way they dealt with possible challenges. It was ensured that the data within the themes cohered in a meaningful way by reading through the extracts for each theme, looking for patterns. As a result of this, six themes became four. One of the themes labeled “Spare time with peers” was excluded because it described the occurrence of leisure activities with peers rather than experiences of interacting with peers at these activities. The other theme that was discarded was “Experiences of Swedes as a group” due to the data not referring to interpersonal
relationship experiences as such, but rather to perceptions of others. Initially, a separate “Coping”-theme was created. However, because questions about coping always related to specific challenges reported in the other themes, it was deemed more appropriate to report coping along with these challenges. Hence, the theme “Coping” was removed and the data was merged into the remaining themes. Also, subthemes that appeared to overlap were collapsed and many previous subthemes became codes under new subthemes. For example, “Having both host national and immigrant peers”, “Having only immigrant peers”, “Having a majority of immigrant peers”, “Having a majority of host national peers” and “Not putting a value on the ethnic
background of friends'' became the code “Peers and ethnicity” under the new subtheme of “Interaction of ethnicity and peer relationships”. During this process, the number of codes and subthemes was substantially reduced, resulting in three themes, 7 subthemes, and 24 codes, see
Figure 1. Finally, a model was created to illustrate the dynamic interplay between the themes, see Figure 2.
Phase 5- Defining and Naming Themes. At this stage, suitable names for the themes and subthemes were established. The three final main themes were: quality of relationships,
language, and integration.
Phase 6- Producing the Report. The final step consisted of writing the analysis. The goal was to be concise, but still tell a complex and interesting account of experiences of peer
relationships among refugee adolescents. Vivid data extracts were used to capture and exemplify the main analytic points made. These data extracts were translated by the authors from Swedish to English, trying to remain as true as possible to the meaning of the quote.
Researchers’ Prior Understanding
As previously described, the sampling, production of the interview guide, and interviews were done prior to this study. These are processes in which the researcher can have a substantial effect on the data gathered (Farahani, 2010). However, the analytic process is also influenced by the researcher. As previously mentioned, analyzing, interpreting, and creating a result is not a process of uncovering pre-existing themes, waiting to be put into words. The researcher always takes an active role in identifying themes, selecting what is of interest and what should be reported to the reader (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
In this study, the authors’ positions of being born and raised in Sweden, belonging to the majority group, being white, and having higher-level education probably affected the way the testimonies were analyzed and written about. Lacking similar experiences to the participants of the study might have made us vulnerable to misinterpret and misjudge the information - perhaps unable to grasp the essence of what was being conveyed. Our prior knowledge regarding
migration and resettlement processes was limited. However, as members of society, we are affected by the public discourse in relation to refugee adolescents. This discourse consists both of portrayals of an underprivileged and vulnerable group as well as false statements, prejudice, and racism- a narrative no one is immune against. The inductive approach, in its essence, where data is analyzed without a theoretical framework requires one to look at information with curious and open eyes which could result in freeing oneself of preconceived notions, often based on stereotypes. However, lack of prior knowledge also risks giving space to prejudice due to the human mind tending to subconsciously ‘fill in the blanks’ with biased information in the absence of sufficient information (Blanco, 2007). Therefore, an awareness of these factors, and not taking any preconceived notions for granted was pursued throughout the entire process.
The choice to focus on interpersonal relationships stemmed from a prior understanding of the crucial importance of interpersonal relationships with regard to mental as well as physical health for all individuals. As psychology students, we posit a psychological frame of reference, which predisposes us to see processes and human phenomena from a psychological perspective, perhaps at the expense of other explanatory models. Our training in psychology and
psychotherapy may bias us towards focusing on the difficulties these individuals face, perhaps being particularly concerned with the psychological suffering i.e. having an implicit pathogenic focus rather than a salutogenic one. To overcome this, an explicit focus on the full span of adolescents' experiences with peers, as well as on their strength and abilities, was pursued. Ethical Considerations
Ethical conduct involves not submitting participants to physical or psychological infringement – something that is of particular importance when the study participants are under the age of 18. Since the refugee population often has been exposed to traumatizing events, the need for caution not to retraumatize the participants is of the essence. The PIA Project, from
which this study draws its data, had a salutogenic perspective which led to the focus being on strengths and adaptive behaviors rather than on potentially traumatizing memories. The challenges that were covered in the interviews regarded the experiences of coming to and establishing oneself in Sweden, and not the experiences before arriving in Sweden. However, as a precautionary measure, the interviewers could contact clinical psychologists within the
research team in case the participants experienced urgent difficulties or distress during the interviews. Furthermore, if participants experienced distress of a less acute nature, the interviewers had information about where to refer the adolescents, e.g. to specific clinics or counselors at school. Thus, the ethical aspects of not causing psychological harm to the subjects were taken into account.
Another aspect of ethical conduct is that the research should benefit society at large. The present study focused on understanding how adolescents themselves experience both positive and negative aspects of their relationships with peers, and also highlight the strengths of the adolescents in order to establish what capacities the population already possesses. This
information can be used to determine how best to support this population, and further strengthen their already existing capacities.
Results
The inductive thematic analysis of refugee adolescents’ experiences of peer relationships reveal three main themes: language, quality of relationships and integration. All these aspects regarding experiences of peer relationships were affected by the amount of time the refugee adolescents had spent in Sweden. In other words, level of integration, language acquisition and quality of relationships are not static phenomena, but change as an important function of time spent in Sweden. To take this into account, each section will begin with a discussion on the effect of time with regards to that particular theme. Within each of the three themes, challenges
encountered by the adolescents and the strategies used to overcome these are going to be
described. Hence, throughout the results there will be a focus on coping-strategies. Moreover, all these experiential components affect each other in a dynamic way, where improvement in one area leads to improvement in another and vice versa. To illustrate this perceived dynamic interplay an illustrative model was created, see Figure 2.
Language
Throughout the data there was an emphasis on language as a key aspect of the adjustment process, affecting all parts of the everyday function but perhaps first and foremost the
adolescents' social interactions with peers. Time and Language
Unsurprisingly, not knowing Swedish was reported by almost all participants as the main challenge the initial time in Sweden. Lacking language skills was a major underlying reason for experiencing difficulties socializing with peers upon arrival to Sweden. Adolescents often
mentioned hardship in making friends because of their limited language skills. Some attributed this to Swedish peers not wanting to befriend someone with lacking language ability:
I didn’t have any friends [the first months in Sweden] because we didn’t speak the same language [...] I was alone. (#102)
At the beginning I didn’t have any friends. I was new in the country and at school, and I didn’t know the language. The students at school didn’t want to make friends with someone who didn’t know the language. (#138)
Although the adolescents with time were able to develop relationships with peers, language limitations continued to be a persistent issue. Many adolescents found not being able to
communicate with peers effectively a frustrating experience. Not being able to understand what peers said or spoke about also resulted in withdrawal, shame, loneliness, and suspicion about others. There were also statements that indicate strong feelings of defeat:
It feels like I don’t understand anything at all, and that I don’t know anything in the Swedish language [...] If I don’t find the word I feel like I don’t know anything at all [...] If that happens I can ruminate over it for a whole week and feel that I am lousy and that the language is too difficult for me, only because of that specific word. (#110)
Language skills also affected peer preferences during the initial time in Sweden. Many chose to socialize with peers who spoke the same language in order to make friends.
For many, time in Sweden led to improved language skills which in turn enabled social interactions with peers and making friends. This often represented a significant improvement with accompanied subsiding negative emotions:
I wasn’t very happy because I didn’t know Swedish. I wanted to learn the language as quickly as possible to get friends. [Now] I’m very happy. I have friends, I go to school. I do everything. I’m very happy here. (#140)
Despite the intense challenges that the adolescents experienced with learning the language upon arriving in Sweden, they also demonstrated functional responses to these challenges. Since language difficulties play such a central role in peer relationships for refugee adolescents, coping with language difficulties by extension could be seen as coping with peer relationships. Most youths described how they coped independently and creatively with the difficulties they experienced in learning the language. One of the common strategies was persistent studying and practicing Swedish. This practice and learning often took place outside school. Another common way of independently learning the language was by watching Swedish television and movies as well as using different types of online media such as YouTube or phone applications.
I learned Swedish quickly and started watching Swedish films or cartoons or translated, where there are Arabic subtitles (#134)
Many were very goal-oriented in their efforts to learn Swedish and took responsibility for their learning process. For example, there were accounts of writing down unknown words and asking the teacher for an explanation the following day. Many also described reading extensively and going to libraries as a strategy to learn Swedish. There was often a determination to learn Swedish and many account that they have fought hard and spent a lot of time to achieve language proficiency:
There are many challenges when you’re newly arrived, like the language.[...] But if you fight hard you’ll learn it. I had many difficulties at the beginning that I don’t have anymore, but every person who is newly arrived has their own individual challenges. (#113)
Some expressed intrapersonal ways of dealing with language difficulties. Some highlighted that learning a new language is enjoyable and fun. Many also expressed hopefulness about acquiring
Swedish skills in the near future despite the difficulties they faced:
I’m 90-100% sure that in two to three years I will speak Swedish fluently. (#120)
Others normalized having language difficulties. This was done by emphasizing that it is natural to face difficulties when you are a novice in the language and that these experiences were shared with other newly arrived immigrants. However, some accounted for more maladaptive ways of coping with language difficulties such as ruminating. Others described becoming passive in response to struggles with the language:
[When I encounter language difficulties] I lose the will. Then I don’t want to do anything at all. (#115)
Friends Being Instrumental to Learn Swedish
Overall statements indicate that, for refugee adolescents, interaction with peers is important to learn Swedish. Some describe learning Swedish from, or together with, immigrant peers. Learning from/with immigrant peers is especially common for adolescents who attend classes where the peers are also new to the country. The adolescents also account for actively practicing Swedish with immigrant peers, even in situations where peers speak the same native language:
I used to ask my friends to speak Swedish with me. If they speak Somali with me I tell them to speak Swedish with me instead. (#102)
For others, interaction with host-national peers serves an important function to learn Swedish. Some account for language acquisition being a fortunate side effect of relationships with Swedish peers, whereas others account for consciously seeking out interaction with Swedish peers primarily (and sometimes exclusively) to improve their Swedish language proficiency:
There are Swedes that are really nice to immigrants and they want to be with them and you also learn the language. (#140)
I don’t prefer [spending time with Swedish youth] but it’s better for my language. (#104)
[I spend time with Swedish youth] so that I can learn the language from them, nothing else. Language is the key, right? If I hang out with them it can help me with my Swedish. (#102)
Additionally, several account for receiving help with language difficulties from peers. This help is often provided by immigrant peers who have been in Sweden for longer. The help can take the form of teaching and interpreting but also of encouragement from peers when facing setbacks. There is both accounts of getting help and support from peers with language difficulties without asking for it, but also for actively seeking out help or asking for further explanations:
When I came to school she had been here for like two years, and she knew [Swedish] a little better than me. She said that you will learn, check this, do this. She said that you will learn [...] I said that I will never learn Swedish. (#130)
You shouldn’t be ashamed. There are people who are ashamed [over lacking language capacity] and that don’t dare to ask for help, but I do. If I need help with something it’s only to ask. My friends help me at once. (#123)
Quality of Relationships
Overall, there are both accounts of satisfactory and dissatisfactory dimensions of peer relationships. In general, peer relationships are described as having improved as a function of time.
Time and Friends
Meeting and making friends was reported by many as one of the most challenging aspects when first establishing themselves in Sweden. Above and beyond the relationship challenges
posed by limited language abilities, as discussed above, the adolescents described other
challenges connected to being in an unfamiliar context. One individual described that difficulties with making friends the initial time in Sweden were associated with awkward situations where they felt like there was a need to “impose [one]self on” (#109) others, which in turn was associated with strong feelings of shame. Even though several reported having trouble with finding friends the initial time in Sweden, there were also accounts of not having any difficulties with peer relationships in the initial time. Furthermore, many reported that friendship dynamics improved over time. Gaining friends appeared to impact the adolescents’ well-being where many became more outgoing and content:
Honestly, I was very shy in the beginning and I didn’t dare to talk to anyone and when someone said “Hi” to me I didn’t answer but just nodded my head. I was quiet, but now my friends ask me to be quiet. [...] The difference is that in the initial time I felt left out. Now I am open and happy and have many friends. (#109)
When I came to Sweden I didn’t understand anything. [...] I was afraid like “Oh my god” how am I going to learn Swedish, how am I going to go to school. I didn’t have any friends. So I couldn’t, it was difficult. Then I started school, new friends. [...]. Now it’s good, which is a big difference. (#130)
Among those who experienced difficulties making friends, several also had many ways of coping with this. For instance, some actively approached their peers, showing their wish for interaction, and others described being selective regarding who to befriend:
I let them know that I wanted to talk to them [...] and that I didn’t want to be alone. (#121)
Before I hang out with someone I think it through. Will the person have a good influence on me, will it have any benefits? If no, then I don’t pursue it. I always think before I hang out with someone. (#125)
As the above statements show, the adolescents exhibited several ways of creating friendships when experiencing a lack of friends.
Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction with Peer Relationships
Both satisfaction and dissatisfaction with peer relationships are accounted for by the participants. At a general level, many state that they are very content with their current peer relationships. Aspects that constitute these satisfactory experiences include having
encountered “good people” (#101) as well as having a rich and frequent social exchange, often characterized by mutual liking. Others describe receiving help and emotional support from friends as a positive aspect of their peer relationships:
Now our relationship is very good, and they help me with everything I need help with. We hang out both at school and in our spare time. I’m never bored at school. When there is a dull subject, I talk to them instead. (#113)
If I’m upset about something I usually talk and also get help with how to think about the problem. (#108)
A deeper emotional connection with peers is also part of several participants’ accounts, for example comparing the quality of the relationship with peers to that “of my own siblings” (#124). Others describe emotional closeness characterized by disclosure and “feeling safe” (#135) with friends:
We’re with each other 24/7 [...] We talk about everything with each other. (#138)
There are also accounts of dissatisfaction with peer relationships. There are mentions of having problems finding friends in the past as well as still finding it difficult to connect with peers. Many refugee adolescents are excluded by peers for different reasons. Of the participants that describe peer exclusion some attribute it to lacking Swedish skills, and experiencing peers as unkind. One individual describes the following difficulties with peers:
The other classmates were very afraid the first years. With classmates I mean Swedes [...] I talked to my mentor several times about this. Nobody dared to talk to me in my class and my teachers said this was because they were afraid of me, but I didn’t think this was the case. (#122)
There are also accounts describing more explicit conflicts, confrontations, and peer hostility: [...] some of the students were against us. You give the respect you want. With
some, we even used to fight on a daily basis. (#111)
Some attribute the difficulty to connect with peers to being different from peers. Adolescents highlight the role of differences in interest, preferences, and taste in making friends. When not sharing the same interest, making friends is reported as more difficult:
They like other things, enjoy doing things that I’m not used to [...] They have other interests, are different in their studies, they’re just not like me. (#132) The above-mentioned problems often lead to isolation and negative emotions. Participants describe hardship when facing loneliness and not having anyone to turn to for support:
It didn’t feel good, you feel alone and you’re sad all the time (#103) Integration
The ethnicity of peers seems to affect peer preference among refugee adolescents. However, in general, there seems to be a trend of increasing interaction with host national peers with time spent in Sweden. Connected to integration, several factors enable or hinder peer relations to take form. Throughout the data, integration is seen as desirable and something that the adolescents often strive towards.
Time and Integration
One aspect of the refugee adolescents’ experiences with peers related to integration was being an ethnic minority in their school or class the initial time in Sweden. This was associated with negative consequences, and some described feeling lonely as well as experiencing
No one was from another country. I was the only one and I felt alone. This is what I didn’t like. But now it’s different. (#125)
Another person further expressed that peer relationships were easier the initial time in Sweden because they attended a class with a majority of newly arrived immigrants. However, problems with peer relationships emerged when they started in a class with primarily Swedish peers, resulting in feelings of alienation and being different:
In the first months I was in a class full of immigrants so it wasn’t hard because we all had a similar background, totally. But when I started in the Swedish classes, then the Swedes looked at me differently. It felt like I was a completely different person [...] I mean, it wasn’t only the language, it was that I had a completely different appearance, thoughts and background. It made it harder to become a part of society and it was a bit hard actually [...] It felt very hard, I couldn’t understand anything because I was a child. I couldn’t even control my emotions and I often cried at school. [Now] it’s good, I mean, I don’t hang out with everyone, I don’t speak to everyone either, but there are some people who are very nice to me. And there are those who don’t even look at me (laughter). (#112)
One trend seemed to be that interaction with host-national peers gradually increased with time spent in Sweden:
Nowadays I talk even more to the Swedes. I’ve gained more Swedish friends. (#115)
Interaction of Ethnicity and Peer Relationships
Throughout the data, there is an awareness among the adolescents regarding the ethnicity of their friends. Several describe having only, or a majority of, immigrant friends:
[My friends] are all from different countries. There are a few Swedes, but not many! (#109)
No one describes having only Swedish friends, and only one person describes primarily spending time with host national peers. A majority of the participants, however, account for having both Swedish and immigrant friends. The reasons for why these constellations differ vary and no clear picture is painted. Some describe that it is simply a product of chance, whereas others appear not to put a value on the ethnicity of friends:
I haven’t actively chosen [to interact with both Swedish and immigrant peers]. It was just that our desks happened to be next to each other. (#101) I mean, I don’t prefer it, it doesn’t matter to me. I’ve come here, I’ve left my homeland because I want, I’ve fled that culture and the thoughts there. Now I want to live in this society and therefore I want to live with this society. (#121)
As previously described, a reason for preferring Swedish peers is often due to them being instrumental in learning Swedish. However, where the adolescents express a preference for socializing with immigrant peers, there are often other reasons which can be summarized as sharing a common understanding. For some, the preference is attributed to a common history of having immigrated and sometimes even similar experiences of having fled war:
[Me and my immigrant friends] have a lot in common, those who came here from Syria for instance. They’ve fled war, they’re new in the country, so we understand each other in another way [...] There are Somalis who hang out with ethnic Swedes. I’m only speaking for myself right now and the friends I’ve chosen. (#114)
Others describe feeling “the same as” (#138) as well as having an “immediate understanding” (#133) with immigrant peers. There are accounts of “they are like me” (#112) and that “we have the same blood” (#138) indicating that having a sense of belonging, feeling alike to peers, and by extension feeling understood is a central part of why refugee adolescents prefer to spend time with other immigrant peers. On the other hand, there are also several mentions of feeling dissimilar to Swedish peers and therefore preferring immigrant friends. Furthermore, some
express not feeling understood by Swedish peers due to them “having a completely different background” (#112) and lacking experiences of hardship:
[I prefer to spend time with immigrant peers] because we understand each other a lot better. Because the youth in Sweden, they don’t have any difficulties. But with those from other countries, there is war and they have experienced a lot of things with their family. [When I hang out with Swedish peers] it doesn’t feel very good, because they often don’t understand you. It’s a bit hard to have contact and hang out with them. (#103)
Others describe that in order to become friends with Swedish peers, they need to adjust themselves to the majority group in order to be accepted:
I fought not to be different and to become one of them so that I wasn’t left out. (#102)
Factors Affecting Integration
An aspect that affects refugee adolescents’ opportunity for developing and maintaining peer relations is the neighborhood in which they live. There are accounts of being dissatisfied with the neighborhood due to it being “a deserted island and no people” (#110) and failing to provide opportunities for social interactions by not offering community youth centers or other settings to socialize:
There are no places where you can meet. No leisure spaces or public spaces, there are only buildings, housing and tenancies, nothing else. (#121)
Furthermore, some describe having to move frequently between places, forcing the adolescents to change schools and therefore obstructing maintenance of friendships. This is described as challenging and there is a desire for residential stability:
There was a lot of moving [...] Every time we moved you had to get new friends [...] This was hard, I went from 7th to 8th grade and it was hard. It felt hard. [I wish that] we had an apartment, lived well and had safety at school. (#134)
Apart from the neighborhood, another important arena for peer relationships is the school context. As adolescents spend a majority of their time in school, it is perhaps the most important context. There are several accounts of schools segregating between immigrant and host national youth and not providing an opportunity for the refugee adolescents to get to know Swedish peers:
[...] In my previous school we were divided. So we rarely saw each other. (#118)
If I would have had a Swedish classmate I would have approached them. But there wasn’t any. I even looked for one. (#110)
It also appears that on a more general level, some refugee adolescents experience difficulties connecting with Swedish peers beyond obstacles imposed by the school context:
Because it’s very hard to come into contact and become friends with ethnic Swedes I don’t hang out with them [...] It’s very hard to integrate, especially among youth [...] You’re non-Swedish and so it’s hard to quickly come into contact with people. (#118)
Another factor that seems to affect the adolescents’ daily life is racism and prejudice. In the data, it is not always specified whether experiences of racism and prejudice are connected to experiences with peers. However, one can assume that peers are a crucial context in which perceptions of people as racist form, and that perception shaped by societal discourse influence the relationship with peers. One individual that has several experiences with racism expresses that their life would improve in Sweden if “there weren’t any racists” (#108):
[I would wish that people in Sweden] treated you better, sometimes there are many that are racists and you can see how they look at you in a weird way. (#108)
