Indian Cross-Cultural Counselling

Eva Smoczynski

Ersta Sköndal University College Institute of Social Work

Social Work Program, with an Ethics and Philosophy Of Life orientation, 240 HP Bachelor Thesis, 20 ECTS Credits, Spring Term 2012

First cycle (undergraduate) Supervisor: Johan Gärde Examiner: Anders Kassman

Indian Cross-Cultural Counselling

- Implications of practicing counselling in urban Karnataka with Western

counselling methods.

Acknowledgements

I thank SIDA for the Minor Field Scholarship, it is a true privilege to have been able to make this trip and write this essay.

I thank Ingri-Hanne Brännewik, Ersta Sköndals international coordinator, for your support and belief in me during the process of finding a country to visit and a subject to explore.

I thank my supervisor Johan Gärde for wise words and support in meetings, Skype calls to India and countless e-mails concerning my trip and my essay.

I thank Parivarthan Counselling, Training and Research Centre for your generosity, time, shared knowledge and helpfulness before, during and after my stay in India.

I thank Jimmy, Kimberley, my sister and Tobias for contributing with useful comments on my English writing. I thank Veronica for answering all kinds of questions concerning the format of Bachelor essay. I thank Ida for calming support on what it can be like to conduct a Minor Field study.

I thank Anders for taking care of me and our home, for visiting me in India and for always believing in me.

I thank my friends who also have been writing bachelor essays all over the world, it has been amazing to go through this process with you through Skype, Facebook and phone calls thank you Karin, Karolina, Maria, Matilda, Sara A, Sara M and Soma!

Abstract

This study presents how Indian counsellors in urban India work with Western counselling methods with Indian clients. The study is categorised as part of the cross-cultural counselling research field where a major assumption is that counselling methods are part universal, part contextual. This study explores how counsellors in Bangalore culturally adapt Western methods. The method used is qualitative semi-structured interviews with seven counsellors at Parivarthan Counselling, Training and Research Centre in Bangalore. The theoretical

framework in this study is based on New Institutional Theory, with constructs such as

Glocalisation, Translation, and finally Cultural Preparedness to understand the context of the counselling profession in Bangalore. Results show that the Bangalore counsellors meet clients that are culturally prepared for short-term and advice-oriented counselling. The clients are part of a context where family and spirituality are of great importance. The counsellors use Western counselling methods only but adapt their approach and language with indigenous elements and emphasise the individuality of each client. They use a person-centred and an integrative approach, in which they are informed by several Western counselling methods, but do not use them dogmatically. The individuals’ needs and the relationship between counsellor and client is emphasised. Parivarthan Counselling, Training and Research Centre is part of a complex organisational field with influences from India, the East as well as from the West.

Key words: cross-cultural counselling, counselling methods in India, mental health in India,

Western counselling methods in India, cross-cultural psychology.

Table of contents

1   INTRODUCTION 7  

1.1   D

EFINITION

8  

1.2   P

ROBLEM

9  

1.3   P

URPOSE

9  

1.4   R

ESEARCH QUESTIONS

9  

1.5   O

UTLINE

10  

2   BACKGROUND 10  

2.1   T

HE

E

AST AND THE

W

EST

10  

2.2   B

RIEF HISTORY

11  

2.3   B

ANGALORE AND COUNSELLING SERVICES

11  

3   METHOD 12  

3.1   O

PERATIONALIZATION AND

C

ONCEPTUALIZATION

12  

3.2   S

ELECTION

14  

3.2.1   P

ARIVARTHAN

C

OUNSELLING

, T

RAINING AND

R

ESEARCH

C

ENTRE IN

B

ANGALORE

14  

3.2.2   G

ATEKEEPER

15  

3.2.3   T

HE RESPONDENTS

15  

3.2.4   O

THER RESPONDENTS

16  

3.3.1 I

NTERVIEWS AND OBSERVATIONS

–

INTENDED PLAN

17  

3.2.2   I

NTERVIEWS

–

OUTCOME

17  

3.3   T

RANSCRIPTIONS

18  

3.4   M

ETHOD OF ANALYSIS

18  

3.5   A

LTERNATIVES TO VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY

19  

3.5.1   C

REDIBILITY

20  

3.5.2   T

RANSFERABILITY

20  

3.5.3   D

EPENDABILITY

20  

3.5.4   C

ONFIRMATION

20  

4   ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 21  

4.1   R

ISKS

22  

4.2   C

ONTRIBUTIONS

22  

4.3   H

ANDLING OF THE INTERVIEWS

22  

5   PREVIOUS RESEARCH 22  

5.1   C

ULTURE AND COUNSELLING

:

RESEARCH FIELDS

24  

5.2   S

TUDIES MADE IN

I

NDIA

26  

5.2.1   I

NCORPORATING INDIGENOUS METHODS

26  

5.2.2   E

VIDENCE

-

BASED PSYCHOLOGICAL TREATMENT

27  

5.2.3   F

ROM COLLECTIVISTIC TO BOTH COLLECTIVISTIC AND INDIVIDUALISTIC

28   5.3   L

AUNGANI

’

S THEORETICAL MODEL OF

E

AST AND

W

EST

29  

5.3.1   I

NDIVIDUALISM

– C

OMMUNALISM

30  

5.3.2   C

OGNITIVISM

- E

MOTIONALISM

30  

5.3.3   F

REE

W

ILL

- D

ETERMINISM

31  

5.3.4   M

ATERIALISM

- S

PIRITUALISM

32  

5.4   T

HE ALLIANCE BETWEEN COUNSELLOR AND CLIENT

33  

6   THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 33  

6.1   N

EW

I

NSTITUTIONALISM

34  

6.2   G

LOCALISATION AND TRANSLATION

36  

6.3   C

ULTURAL PREPAREDNESS

37  

7   RESULTS 39  

7.1   P

ROFESSION IN CONTEXT

39  

7.1.1   T

HE CONDITIONS OF THE PROFESSION

40  

7.1.2   A

NALYSIS

:

THE PROFESSION IN CONTEXT

42  

7.2   C

ONTEXTS AND FAMILY

43  

7.2.1   U

RBAN AND RURAL

43  

7.2.2   C

ONVERSATIONS AND COUNSELLING

45  

7.2.3   F

AMILY

46  

7.2.4   A

NALYSIS

: C

ONTEXTS AND FAMILY

47  

7.3   A

DVICE AND PREMATURE ENDINGS

49  

7.3.1   A

DVICE ORIENTED COUNSELLING

49  

7.3.2   P

REMATURE ENDING

51  

7.3.3   A

NALYSIS

:

ADVICE AND PREMATURE ENDINGS

52  

7.4   E

ASTERN AND

W

ESTERN METHODS AND APPROACHES

53  

7.4.1   S

PIRITUALITY AND RELIGION

54  

7.4.2   Y

OGA

56  

7.4.3   M

ETHODS

W

EST

57  

7.4.4   M

ETHODS

E

AST AND

W

EST

60  

7.4.5   A

NALYSIS

: E

ASTERN AND

W

ESTERN METHODS AND APPROACHES

62  

8   SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION 64  

8.1.1   C

ONTEXT FOR THE PROFESSION

64  

8.1.2   M

ETHODS USED

67  

8.1.3   C

ULTURAL SENSITIZATION

67  

8.1.4   F

UTURE RESEARCH

68  

9   REFERENCES 70  

10   APPENDIX 72  

10.1   A

PPENDIX

1, I

NTERVIEW GUIDE

72  

10.2   A

PPENDIX

2, F

OLLOW

-

UP QUESTIONS

73  

10.3   A

PPENDIX

3, L

ETTER OF CONSENT

75

1 Introduction

The connection between counselling methods and culture has been widely studied. Several scholars have directed focus to the Western bias that exists in science, and emphasised the need for cultural adaptation of methods and approaches in psychology and counselling.

Professor Uwe P. Gielen in Laungani, (2009) writes that psychology, at its birth in 1879 was a two-sided enterprise. Wilhelm Wundt, known as the creator of psychology, made a division between “physiological-experimental psychology and völkerpsychlogie (psychology of people)” (p. x). He claims that the latter, the one that focused on cultural influence, was forgotten. Gielen writes that psychology has emerged as a stand alone science, but that it is biased and many times mistaken as universal. Gielen continues:

(O)ur developmental, personality, social, clinical, and counselling psychologies, for instance, are suffused with individualistic assumptions and values that feel natural and right to most liberal Americans and Western Europeans but that would be experienced as odd, off-centre, and even immoral to the more collectivistic inhabitants of traditional sub- Saharan African villages (ibid., p.

xi).

Sub-Sahara is given as an example by Gielen, illustrative of collectivistic inhabitants, which are also found in India

¹

. What happens when methods, that are either posed as universal or simply produced in a Western context (not necessarily posed as universal) are used in non- Western countries? This question lies at the core of my essay.

I have chosen to explore cross-cultural counselling in India. Once a British colony with strong Western influences, India is a country with a rich indigenous culture and has a diversity of subcultures (Ranye & Cinarbas, 2005, p 155). In India there are over 400

different languages spoken. The country is a federation, with communist Kerala in the South and Tibetan influenced Dharamsala in the North, and within each state or region exists a multitude of expressions derived from these diverse influences. How are these cultural needs met in counselling with Western based methods?

Due to the lack of accreditation of counsellors in India and the lack of a governing body for the profession, counselling in one Indian region can suggest one thing and something else in another; practice and accessibility to counselling varies immensely.

I have chosen to do my field study in the state of Karnataka. Bangalore, it’s capital, is one of India’s biggest cities. It is known as a technological hub with a booming IT industry and a

1

See section previous research and Laungani’s theoretical model of East and West.

city under tremendous transition and modernization. Traditional Indian values meet with modernization and Western influences in a growing urban setting. More about why I chose this city can be found under the section Selection.

1.1 Definition

Counselling training in India can last from a two-week basic communication skills course, to a two-year Masters in clinical psychology, yet both of these educational backgrounds would qualify to practice under the title counsellor (Arulmani, 2009, p. 252). Therefore, one single established definition of what counselling is in Indian practice does not exist. On that note, one single definition of what counselling is, in an international context, does not exist either (Gerstein et al, 2009, pp. 5-6; 252). In Swedish social work, the term counselling has been introduced but is not widely known (Larrson & Trygged, 2010, p. 14). A broad definition of counselling is:

A focus on using a broad array of psychological strategies and activities aimed at the process of helping others to reach individual, group, organisational and system goals.” (Gerstein et al., 2009, p. 5)

In my essay I will focus on individual, couple and group counselling, with focus on psychosocial problems. The latter excludes themes such as medication, psychiatric help, diagnosis and severe mental illness. I have chosen this limitation partly because the scope of my Minor Field Study did not allow for more material. Partly because my interest in Western methods used in talking counselling is similar to the work that social workers do in Sweden. I therefore exclude the realm of psychologists that work with diagnosis and medication.

The centre in Bangalore that I have chosen to study does not offer help beyond counselling but they offer referrals to psychiatrists, programs for drug abuse, shelters, safe houses and so on. The counsellors do not diagnose, prescribe medication, they do not offer shelter at their centre. They are a stand alone non-governmental organisation (NGO) that offers an array of talk-based counselling. My empirical material therefore is focused on the type of counselling that is offered for psychosocial and emotional problems. A final definition is needed that includes the dimension of culture, I have chosen to use the term cross-cultural counselling:

The pursuit and application of universal and indigenous theories, strategies (e.g., direct service,

consultation, training, education, prevention), and research paradigms of counselling and mental

health help seeking grounded and in-depth examination, understanding, and appreciation of the

cultural and epistemological underpinnings of countries located worldwide. (Gerstein et al., 2009,

p. 6)

When I write cross-cultural counselling the reader is referred to the definition above. How cross-cultural counselling is practiced specifically in Bangalore will be presented under the section Results. In conclusion, I am interested in how counsellors in the urban setting of Bangalore reason about the context for counselling and how they reason about their use of Western methods and approaches in the Indian context. I will from now on use the term counselling as description of talk-based counselling aimed at helping people with psychosocial mental health problems.

1.2 Problem

Within India there are several University level programs that offer degrees in counselling; the content made up of research and methods from U.S.A, Europe and India, though the Western methods dominate the field (Gerstein et al., 2009, p. 252). That research and methods are created in the West and put into use in a non-western countries is problematized by previous research. Scholars emphasise the need for cultural sensitization, meaning a practice that includes a cultural adaptation of counselling methods (Laungani, 2009; Gerstein et al. 2009).

Further the lack of a governing body hinders a unified profession and therefore a range of diverse practices exits. Scholars claim that counselling methods should be culturally adapted and that the counsellor must be culturally sensitive in their practice. Lack of cultural

sensitization risk ineffective methods. At worst it can cause psychological damage to individuals, and/or impose post-colonialism at a structural level.

1.3 Purpose

The purpose of my essay is to explore the use of Western mental health counselling methods through the perspective of counsellors at an Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) in Bangalore. The focus lies on understanding the indigenous context for counselling at the chosen centre and analyse how the Western counselling methods are culturally sensitized.

1.4 Research questions

1. How is the context for the counselling profession at Parivarthan Counselling, Training and Research Centre in Bangalore described by the counsellors?

2. What methods or approaches do the counsellors use in their counselling?

3. How can the methods be understood in terms of cultural sensitization?

1.5 Outline

In the section Background the reader is introduced to the field of counselling in India and Bangalore. After that, in the section about Method follows a description of how the study was conducted from start to finish. I start of with describing the conceptualization process,

followed by how I made my selection of the counselling centre in Bangalore. I then

introduced the counselling centre to the reader. After that I present my intended plan and the actual outcome of the interviews; how I handle the interviews; alternatives to validity and reliability and finally my method of analysis. That is followed by Ethical Considerations in the study. The next section is a summary of the Previous Research within the field of cross- cultural counselling where I present Laungani’s theoretical model of East and West;

summarize three major research fields: cross-cultural counselling, cultural counselling and indigenous counselling. I also summarize several empirical studies about India and

counselling/mental health. The section after that describes my Theoretical Framework; New Institutionalism, Glocalisation, Translation and finally Arulmani’s construct of Cultural Preparedness. Finally I present my Results, Analysis and a Summary and Discussion of my conclusions.

2 Background

The section below offers the reader a short introduction to the meta-categories East and West.

It is followed by a description about India and mental health services and about Bangalore and counselling services.

2.1 The East and the West

Reading about grand constructs such as the East and the West, inevitably lead to

categorizations, which of course are based on generalizations. I have repeatedly come across

labels such as the individualistic West and the collectivistic or communal East in previous

research (Laungani, 2009, pp. 4-5). Of course there is something very problematic about

generalizing entire continents in this manner, ignoring the heterogeneous world we live in. At

this point in the essay I will use these categories to refer to methods that are produced within

a Western culture, and how they are applied to ethnic minorities in the West or by counsellors

in an Eastern country, like India. In the section Previous Research I present Laungani’s

theoretical model for these constructs. I find it necessary to categorise and do not necessarily

find the categorisation- as such, to be dangerous (mindlessly reproducing colonial discourse) what is dangerous is not discussing what a category means. With the help of Laungani’s model I will discuss the categories East and West.

2.2 Brief history

India was a British colony from the year 1859 to 1947. The effects of colonization has influenced many areas in India. The British built mental hospitals during the colonial years, though primarily to treat Europeans residing in India. After India gained its independence in 1947 mental health services were expanded. Psychiatric services were instead incorporated into general hospitals rather than organized as stand alone mental institutions. This re- organisation led to somewhat of a decreased stigma for mental health patients. Around this time the government also formulated policies important for the advancement of the field, among them subsidized health care (Raney & Cinarbas, 2005, p. 154).

“In India, there are only 37 governmentally run mental hospitals, 3,500 psychiatrists, 1,000 psychiatric social workers, and 1,000 clinical psychologists to serve a population of more than one billion.” (ibid., p. 154) There is great need for an expansion of mental health services.

The lack of licensing and accreditation for professionals within the mental health field causes several problems, among them the lack of statistical information and the possibility of

informed choices for patients and their families. Even though the services mentioned above are targeted at groups with severe mental illness, the mental health field affects the

counselling profession and the stigma surrounding mental health problems.

Indigenous models of healing such as Ayurveda, Astrology, Yoga, Gurus, Priests and Shamans are prevalent in India and there is a development towards incorporating indigenous methods into counselling such as breathing exercises or holistic body-mind approaches from Yoga (Raney & Cinarbas, 2005, p. 157). Although to a large degree, the traditional methods mentioned above are separated from Western based counselling methods.

2.3 Bangalore and counselling services

In the urban city Bangalore, there are many different counselling services offered: career counselling within the corporate world, government funded counselling and non-

governmental counselling centres (NGOs); secular and non-secular. There are counselling

services offered as stand alone services or part of holistic interventions, such as combinations

of long-term stay at institutions with rehabilitating programs (for example Medico-Pastoral

Association). Besides counselling, variations of training in psychotherapy, psychology and coaching are offered in short and long-term courses. Further various other methods such as hypnotherapy or Yoga Therapy exist. The problem of what is what, relates back to previous statement that titles are not accredited or protected and therefore a wide range of services are offered with various practices.

3 Method

In all research, empirical data is connected to ideas or concepts. “Measurement links the data to the concepts, yet the measurement process differs depending on whether our data and research approach are primarily quantitative or qualitative.” (Neuman, 2011, p. 200) I have chosen to gather my empirical material through a minor field study in Bangalore, India. I have used semi-structured interviews, a qualitative method. Below follows a description of my methodological process.

3.1 Operationalization and Conceptualization

Qualitative studies are commonly approached through an inductive process, “where we are measuring and creating new concepts simultaneously with the process of gathering data”

(Neuman, 2011, p. 200). Measuring can be done through quantitative and qualitative methods.

While quantitative studies are commonly known for measurement in numbers and qualitative studies can do that also, the latter often includes measuring other units than numbers, such as words, observations, body language, tone in “non-standard shapes, sizes and forms” (ibid, p.

200). According to Neuman the measuring process includes two steps: operationalization and conceptualization. As mentioned above this process will look different depending on if it is a qualitative or quantitative study.

“Operationalization describes how we gather specific observations or data and how we struggle to understand the data as the data evolves into abstract constructs.” (Neuman, 2011, p. 206) The operationalization of my study is made simultaneously with the gathering of data.

Once I made the first interviews, I narrowed down the amount of questions I had in my initial interview guide. I also understood what topics I needed to ask in-depth and repeating

questions about, to gain a fuller understanding of a certain topic. Through this process I found

important concepts that further on where connected to theoretical constructs. As part of my

operationalization I include a description of my intended plan for the interviews and the

outcome, as well as my method of analysis.

I have chosen to gather my empirical material through qualitative interviews because they allow for open questions and instant follow-up questions. It has resulted in the type of in- depth empirical data that I intended to gather. This could also have been handled in a quantitative questionnaire with open questions, but I would loose the opportunity to ask spontaneously for clarifying answers and conduct in-depth interviews.

In my study I want to explore the counsellors subjective experience of cultural sensitivity.

Previous research states that cultural sensitivity is needed. I do not want to prove to what extent it is practiced at Parivarthan. This study is based on a small number of practitioners, instead the focus is on understanding how the counsellors reason about cultural sensitivity.

In order to reach my goal I started of with abstract constructs such as counselling and culture. Through the help of previous research I came in contact with theoretical

terminologies such as cultural sensitivity and various constructs concerning the relationship between counselling and culture such as: cross-cultural counselling; multicultural counselling;

transnational counselling; indigenous counselling and so on. By reading about these research fields, visiting India, visiting the chosen centre and conducting interviews I have developed an understanding of the different constructs in an on-going process of finding boundaries. “In qualitative research, we also reflect on concepts before gathering data. However, many of the concepts we use are developed and refined during or after the process of data collection.”

(ibid., p. 200) This has influenced my choice of what to finally include in the sections:

previous research, theory and results. By large the areas within previous research shaped my interview guide (see appendix 1 & 2).

As mentioned above in qualitative studies, measurement and conceptualization is produced parallel with collecting data. Through my stay in India and my recorded interviews I have gone through a process of placing further boundaries to the purpose, scope and core themes of my study (Neuman, 2011, pp. 202- 203). They are as follows: the unit that I study is a group:

counsellors that work at Parivarthan. By studying the premise for the profession in India I have come to learn that the title counsellor means various things from organisation to organisation. I have therefore chosen the unit one organisation, and explore cultural

sensitivity in counselling amongst counsellors within that organisation. All the interviewed

counsellors are trained and work at the same centre. Some of them have also trained in the

West, all of them have come in contact with counsellors or psychologists that are trained in

Western countries by working together at Parivarthan. The respondents all have access to

supervision, have gone to private counselling and abide by the same ethical guidelines.

3.2 Selection

Initially I wanted to establish contact with a counselling centre before arrival in India. I was open to visit one or several centres in any city in India. My criteria for the centre was that they conducted counselling face to face with clients, that they had several employed counsellors so that I could conduct several interviews, that they were trained counsellors

²

and that they used counselling methods (rather than pure therapy or coaching). I have therefore used purposive sampling (Neuman, 2011, pp. 267-268). My aim was not to find one case that would represent counselling in Bangalore. The practice of counselling, as stated previously, is different from case to case and finding cases that are representative would create demands beyond the scope of this essay.

Since I have no contact in the country I searched for counselling centres online. This limited my search a lot. I could only contact centres that first, have a website and second, that were in English. I googled the search words: counselling+ therapy+ social work+ mental health+ centre+ clinic+ organisation+ India in various combinations.

I found clinics and centres all over India and initially e-mailed them in short about my essay and asked if they would be interested in participating with interviews. I received few serious answers. Many answered that I could call them once I arrived, but I needed a contact that I could engage with before arrival. The counselling centre Parivarthan in Bangalore gave me a serious response, asked for my intentions, purpose and study plan and they matched my criteria.

3.2.1 Parivarthan Counselling, Training and Research Centre in Bangalore

All the counsellors that work at Parivarthan have gone through the preparatory course “Life Skills Training - Module I”. After this course, counsellors can apply for the one year long

“Training Program, Basic Skills in Counselling” which they all have completed to be able to work as counsellors at Parivarthan. They are taught several counselling methods and theories.

Such as:

Theories of Counselling/ Psychotherapy:

• Humanistic Approaches: Person-Centred Counselling, Gestalt Counselling

• Transactional Analysis

• Cognitive Behavioural Therapy

• Psychodynamic Approaches

2

Since there is no national governing Board supervising counselling I initially included centres that stated in

their website that they have trained counsellors and asked for more details about the duration of training once

• Developmental theories under-pinning above approaches Counselling Skills:

An integrative framework of training in micro skills of Counselling drawing from:

• G. Egan – 3 Stage Model of Helping Skills

• R. Carkhuff – Interpersonal skills

• A.E. & M.B. Ivey – Intentional Interviewing (Parivarthan, Training program) (www.parivarthan.org)

They also discuss a range of topics in the training such as ethics or spirituality. They work with children, adolescents, couples, families and individuals. The problems that the clients need help with vary immensely. The counsellors evaluate, from case to case, what the client needs. If the counsellors regard a problem as a serious mental health issue, they refer the client to a doctor or psychiatrist for evaluation. Thus, the counsellors that I have focused on do not work with medication or severe mental illnesses as previously mentioned.

3.2.2 Gatekeeper

Parivarthan's director is the one that answered my initial e-mail and kept contact with me before, during and after my stay. She answered several of my e-mails before arrival, she was clear about what was expected of me and helped me with practical things such as suggestions for housing.

She was also clear about the organisations ethical policy and that I was not allowed to interview clients or take part in counselling sessions. She made all my appointments for interviews with the counsellors and introduced me to NGOs’ that work within the field of mental health. She was my so called “gate keeper” into the research field and made the circumstances for my empirical gathering very effective (Neuman, 2011, s. 429-430).

3.2.3 The respondents

One important aspect of the counsellors experience at Parivarthan is that some of them have educational experience from abroad (Germany, Netherlands, U.S.A) and that the clinic has had employees from the U.S.A. and the U.K., or they have offered work-shops with

counsellors from a Western context. The counsellors have worked for several years in India, they are all born and raised in India. Some of the counsellors have not trained abroad and are schooled entirely in India. These experiences make the comparison between East and West, based on more than premonitions and speculations, which raises the validity of the study.

Further the counsellors work part time at the centre and therefore also have other counselling

jobs that contribute to the range of experiences. All the counsellors at the centre are female,

therefore no men are part of the study. This is a variable that will not be part of my analysis.

Not because it is not important, on the contrary there could be a lot of interesting research done on how that affects the counselling. It is a boundary I have made due to the scope of the essay, I do not find - considering my purpose, research questions, and time in India, that it was possible for me to gather enough valid material to draw conclusions about gender as well.

All the counsellors have a Certificate in Counselling (BSIC), four counsellors have a Certificate in Couple and Family Counselling, five have a Certificate in Child and Adolescent Counselling, five also work as trainers at Parivarthan, one is in charge of out-reach work. One has training in Sand Therapy, two have studied NLP, one has a Masters in Integrative

Psychotherapy, one is a Drama Therapist. I intentionally present the information about the respondents like this to maintain their anonymity. Since I am not examining the correlation between a counsellor’s individual experiences with cultural sensitivity, I will not present the counsellors further. They will be presented as R1, R2 and so on in the section Results and each counsellor has been informed of what number substitutes their name.

3.2.4 Other respondents

I attended a work-shop at Parivarthan and through that came in contact with one more respondent that has started a counselling service at a school for children in Chennai. I also found a private counselling clinic in Bangalore through Google and conducted one interview with the founder of that counselling organisation. I have used the latter two as informative interviews, to better understand the context. As I found that I would need a lot more

interviews from their specific background to be able to include them without a selection bias I have not used them in my analysis (Neuman, 2011, p. 294).

Since these respondents all work in urban settings I also looked for respondents that work with clients in a rural setting. I applied to visit an organisation in rural Karnataka but was declined with the motivation that I knew to little about the cultural context and that a bachelor essay would not contribute to their work.

Through my tutor I came in contact with an organisation in Trivandrum, Kerala. I

conducted two interviews there with counsellors. Because of language barriers and perhaps my lack of knowledge about their specific context, I felt that my questions were not answered.

I decided not to use these interviews. If I had had more time and came in contact with more

counsellors in a similar context, and used translators the interviews could have been used as a

comparison with the NGO in Bangalore. I did not find more counsellors in that setting and

fore mostly at that time in my field study I felt limited by time.

Hence, I base my analysis on seven interviews and four follow-up interviews as well as complementary e-mail questions with the seven counsellors at the centre in Bangalore.

3.3.1 Interviews and observations – intended plan

I intended to ask each counsellor the same 15 questions and left room for individual follow-up questions. The interviews were planned to last about 45- 60 minutes and I was open to

conduct follow- up interviews if necessary. I also planned to make interviews with NGOs’

that work with mental health and counsellors from other clinics to widen the perspective.

Before I travelled to India I asked the centre if I would also be able to interview clients. I was not able to interview them because of the centre’s ethical policy.

Early on I also had a suggestion to leave a questionnaire for the clients to fill in anonymously but that suggestion was also declined due to ethical reasons. The reasons mentioned above are partly the explanation to why I have focused on the practitioners.

Another important reason is that I wanted to extract conscious reflection about the use of Western methods in India and the use of Eastern methods in India. Practitioners have naturally access to a deeper understanding of this by putting their education into practice in relation to several clients.

3.2.2 Interviews – outcome

First I conducted an informative interview with the Director of the centre to learn more about how the centre works. I was then appointed interviews at the clinic with seven employed counsellors depending on when they had a slot open for me.

After the first two interviews (out of seven) I narrowed down my interview guide from fifteen to eight questions. I did not have enough time to ask all fifteen questions and also ask follow-up questions, also it became clear that some of the questions transcended each other and one question did not work in the context. With the eight questions I noticed that I still received the information I needed to achieve my purpose. The selected eight questions have been asked to all respondents (see appendix 1).

I intentionally left room for spontaneous follow-up questions as the counsellors have different specialties and interests.

The duration of the interviews vary from 49 minutes to 160 minutes. I chose to conduct

four follow-up interviews. Two of them I interviewed first and needed to meet again with the

selected eight questions, and two of them I chose because I needed further information about

certain topics that were unclear to me.

A final selection was made in the analysis process where I choose to narrow down my empirical material further, and exclude questions about accessibility and obstacles (question 7

& 8 in the interview guide, as well as questions 1 & 5 in the follow-up interviews). Some of the answers from these questions transcend others. And other answers turned out to stretch beyond the purpose of the essay in the thematisation process.

3.3 Transcriptions

I recorded all of the interviews and transcribed them. Certain parts that I found irrelevant for my essay were deleted. Sounds like “ah”; “ehm” are deleted, as well as laughter or coughs. I have changed some words in the transcription to make it easier to read, such as missing verbs or repetitions. No changes have been made to alter the content of the interviews.

In total I had about 100 pages of transcriptions. I sent the transcription of each interview to the corresponding counsellor by e-mail to confirm that I could proceed and use the material. In these e-mails I asked the five follow-up questions mentioned above (See appendix 2). The purpose of these questions were to cross-check previous answers that I thought were unclear, and to ask more direct questions about the consequences of using Western counselling methods in Bangalore. The decision to include further material was done last, after the decision of not including other respondents from other counselling institutions.

Six out of seven counsellors answered the additional five questions, one counsellor was not able to answer them, nor confirm the transcription. I decided to use the interview anyway since she had signed the letter of consent and I was informed by the director that it should be alright.

3.4 Method of analysis

I have organized the transcriptions into themes. I did this by organizing the interviews in

accordance to the interview guide. I created a file for each question and copied all the answers

to the same question in each file. Secondly I organized the rest of the material (based on

spontaneous follow-up questions) by opening a new document in Word for each new subject

that arose and started an open coding, which is “the first coding of qualitative data that

examines the data to condense them into preliminary analytic categories or codes” (Neuman,

2011, p. 510). When the entire material had been processed in this manner, I went over the

content in my new themes. This was a first process of selecting of what I should continue to

break down into themes, and select that which did not belong according to the purpose of the

essay. I repeated this process a few times: copying and pasting so that similar content would not end up in different themes. Some themes overlap, in these cases I have chosen the “home”

of the theme by identifying a hierarchy in what is being said. For example a respondent might be asked about the urban context and says something about urbanization but is really

describing a family system. In that case the content was sorted under the theme family. This second stage of coding is called axial coding. “…during which the researcher organizes the codes, links them, and discovers key analytical categories.” (ibid., p. 512)

When I had a clear overview of the titles of the themes, I read each one in detail and made an overview of each “theme within the theme” which helped me make the final adjustments or selecting my analytical themes, called “selective coding” (ibid., p. 514). This process has resulted in the central themes: Profession in context; Context and family; Advice and Premature Endings; Eastern and Westerns Methods and Approaches.

3.5 Alternatives to validity and reliability

Some scholars suggest that qualitative studies should be valued by other criteria than validity and reliability. Qualitative studies do not arrive at one objective conclusion about the world and therefore it is difficult to generalise the findings to other contexts (external validity). It is also difficult to generalise the results to other cases because the empirical material is often based on a in-depth perspective rather than on quantity. One advantage of qualitative studies is that scholars are often present in the research environment for a long time and therefore strengthen the process of reaching conclusiveness between observations and theoretical selection (internal validity). Good reliability is measured by the possibility of replicating the study. Since qualitative studies are conducted in dynamic and social environments that are difficult to isolate, the setting of the study will inevitably have changed and parts in the attempt of a replication will be lost (external reliability) (Bryman, 2009, pp. 257-258). When members in a research team decide over which data should turn into categories and why, it is important that this process is made in a similar way (internal reliability).

In order to measure the value of a qualitative study despite some of the problems mentioned above, Bryman introduces scholars Lincoln’s & Guba’s model of alternative criterias. They are: Credibility instead of internal validity; transferability instead of external reliability, dependability instead of reliability and confirmation instead of objectivity (Neuman, 2009, p.

258).

3.5.1 Credibility

Credibility is attained by making sure that the results are credible. I have used the method of respondent validation meaning I have conducted follow-up interviews, I have transcribed my interviews and send them to each respondent for validation. I have asked follow-up questions after the transcriptions and received confirmation from six out of seven respondents.

3.5.2 Transferability

Transferability accounts for the possibility of transferring the empirical data and results to another context. Since qualitative studies are conducted in a dynamic context a transferring process can be difficult. What is suggested is “to produce what Gertz (1973a) calls ‘thick descriptions, meaning rich accounts of the details that constitute a culture” (Bryman, 2009, p.

260, my translation). This provides other scholars with the possibility of analysing the context in which the study was conducted and determine which aspects are transferrable. I have written a thorough presentation of the Indian context and chosen to include a comprising part of my empirical data under the section results. Also I have clearly separated the results from analysis so the reader can easily separate my interpretations from the counsellors’ words (ibid., p. 206).

3.5.3 Dependability

Dependability of the study is made by accounting for each step in the research process and if possible receive continuous feed-back from external perspectives, for example from a colleague or tutor. I have described my process from construct to operationalization to reach dependability and also received some feed-back from my tutor during the process of writing this essay.

3.5.4 Confirmation

Confirmation means that the researcher conducts the study without intentionally steering it to

a theoretical bias or personal conviction. I conclude that I have done my outermost to be open

to this study, to the centre I visited and the perspectives of my respondents by continuously

being close to the empirical material and cross-checking my assumptions with what has been

said. This has proven to be more important and difficult than when I wrote a Bachelor Essay

in Sweden, my home country. I have tried to achieve confirmation by respondent validity, to

make sure that my assumptions about India, counselling in India and ways of working there

have not clouded my ability to take in what is really been said rather than what I think is being said. For a cross-cultural study like this, I would in the future, have tried to stay much longer in the vicinity of the centre and in the urban Indian context. I would also have wanted to conduct a first set of interviews, transcribed them, asked for respondent validity and first then conducted follow-up interviews with all the respondents to cross-check my

interpretations and the respondent’s answers and world view. I found during the interviews that many things were difficult for me to understand, as I was not culturally prepared even though I had read about the context before hand. Inevitably descriptions of what I saw, experienced and valued as characteristics for the context are based on my individual choices of what is relevant to present in this essay.

I could never have described the entire setting and all dimensions involved, not even in Sweden. But as I state repeatedly, culture is contextual and culture prepares us for certain ways of communicating. Therefore a big part that shapes this essay is the fact that I am a Swedish woman entering an Indian context that is new to me. I would not have felt as assertive of my results had I skipped the follow-up interviews or the respondent validity.

These were necessary steps to make sure I understood the counsellors as well as I could under the circumstances.

4 Ethical considerations

I have followed the ethical guidelines posed by the Swedish Board of Ethics,

Vetenskapsrådet, (2002) and adhered to the four ethical principals. According to the principle of consent, I have given each respondent a letter of consent stating that their participation is optional and that they can withdraw their contribution after seeing the transcription of their interview ( See appendix 3).

Second, is the principle of information which is partly fulfilled by the letter of consent. The purpose of the essay and how it will be spread is described in the letter of consent. Each respondent has been given the opportunity to read the essay before publication.

Third, the principle of confidentiality is fulfilled by making each respondent anonymous.

Fourth principle is the use of the material, in the letter of consent I have stated that I will

record all interviews, not spread them to anyone else and after the essay is done all recordings

will be erased.

4.1 Risks

Participants who feel that they regret their contribution can withdraw after seeing the

transcription of the interview but not after that. To minimize the risk of regret or uncertainty over the respondent’s contribution I have sent the transcription of each interview to the respective respondent and offered them several weeks to consider any changes before confirming their participation. I have also, as mentioned, sent the essay to each respondent before digital publication.

I have written the name of the organisation in the essay and a background to the organisation to give a context to the interviews. There is a risk that the respondents at the clinic will recognize their colleagues due to this, also certain aspects of their life such as educational background is an important variable to the essay and might reveal the persons identity. I have informed them about this and they have given their consent despite this risk.

4.2 Contributions

I hope to contribute to the understanding of the use of Western methods in an urban, Indian context and therefore also to the understanding of the use of cross-cultural counselling. I think this essay will be of interest both in India and in Sweden and perhaps inspire further research.

4.3 Handling of the interviews

I have recorded all interviews and transcribed them personally. I have kept the recorded interviews in a safe manner and not spread them to others, once I was done with the final thematisation and written my results I deleted the recordings. I have offered my e-mail address to the respondents so they could contact me if they had any questions.

5 Previous research

I agree with many scholars that an understanding of the cultural context in which counselling

methods are used is imperative (Langugani 2005; Arulmani 2009; Gerstein et al 2009). This is

a general statement within the research field of counselling and culture. When I first started

reviewing previous research I was overwhelmed. I had to deal with several problems. One is

the inconsistency in terms, some definitions of cross-cultural counselling would not fit my

study while others would.

I found a table of terminology in Gerstein et al. (2009) confirming that these terminological inconsistencies exist. After more reading I decided to use their definition of cross-cultural counselling and aim at include research that was in line with that content.

Another problem is that psychology and counselling as subjects are interlinked on some levels yet on others not at all. The same methods can be found in both disciplines, some voices do not make clear distinctions between the professions and others do. Therefore I have used literature about cross-cultural counselling and cross-cultural psychology.

A third problem was the sheer amount of articles found in Academic Search premier, Google Scholar, PsychInfo, Libris and DIVA. I initially made a table of my search words, hits and selection by abstract and by reading the articles with the search words: mental health counselling in India + cross-cultural counselling + multicultural counselling + transcultural counselling + internalization + cultural psychology to narrow down the relevance of the studies but still ended up with studies that had a very wide range. I found it very hard to make a consistent summary of my findings. Many of the articles were theoretical and not empirical;

many were based on analysing counselling methods on ethnic minorities in the West, rather than how Indian counsellors use Western methods or hybrids of Western and Eastern

methods. I therefore finally decided to fore mostly identify research fields rather than specific findings to capture the essence of existing perspectives on counselling and culture.

I have identified three re-occurring research fields that I think are relevant for my study:

cross-cultural counselling; multicultural counselling; indigenous counselling. They are presented below. Further I wanted to include empirical studies from India and chose a study about indigenous methods in India; a study about evidence-based practice in rural India; and a study about shifting values from collectivistic to individualistic behaviour in India.

I have also included Laungani’s theoretical model or East and West. One of many aspects that affects the transaction of methods and approaches

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between countries or continents are culture; norms; values. By culture I mean not only the aesthetics in a society but the deeply rooted structures of everyday living, culture in the sense of expectations, norms for behaviour and discourse. Laungani (2009) has made several studies that lay the foundation of his

theoretical model of East and West, and it is meant to introduce the reader to what values and discourses are prevalent in shaping the counselling context. Languani’s model is pivotal in my essay because it enables me to generalize about grand constructs such as The East and The West.

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Not all ways of working in counselling are methods. The counsellors describe both methods, like Cognitive

behavioural therapy (CBT) and approaches, such as a person-centred approach.

I also present research about the importance of the alliance between counsellor in relation to the importance of methods in counselling.

5.1 Culture and counselling: research fields

Applying cultural sensitivity to counselling methods can be traced back as far as the 1960’s where Gilbert Wrenn (1962) “…raised concerns about counsellors’ cross-cultural

insensitivities” (Gerstein et al, 2009, p. 57). Still today scholars identify ethnocentrism as an obstacle to the internalization of the profession (ibid., p. 58). For example Arnett (2008) analysed the content in six American Psychology Association journals and found that they mainly focused on Americans, and Gerstein and AEgisdottir (2007) found the same results concerning research about counselling (ibid., p. 58).

Despite this, research about cross-cultural and multicultural counselling (and psychology) has had an international expansion helped by national and international organisations (ibid p.

54). The counselling profession is evolving in non-western countries but at various paces.

They offer a diversity of services. Therefore defining counselling as an international phenomenon is difficult. “The definitions for counselling, counsellor and counselling psychologist are not consistent throughout the world. Neither is there consistency in current uses of these terms nor the required credentials to use one of these professional titles.” (ibid., p. 59)

The handbook by Gerstein et. al “International handbook of cross-cultural counselling.

Assumptions and Practices worldwide” (2009) is a thorough account of how internalization and globalisation has made its mark on the counselling profession in a global perspective and what demands the profession therefore is facing.

Collaborations across borders are part of our global world and lead to exchange of

important knowledge. The same collaboration also puts great responsibilities on counsellors to culturally sensitize the use of Western counselling methods on ethnic minorities in the West or the use of them in non-western countries. “…we are faced with the sobering reality that Western, and particularly U.S., corporations, governments and even organized

counselling and psychology exert tremendous influence and power globally.” (Gerstein et. Al,

2009, p. 69) Research within the field of Western counselling methods used in Eastern

countries is disparate. The terminology within the relevant research field is inconsistent. Key

terms that are re-occurring are cross-cultural counselling, multicultural counselling,

indigenous counselling, transnational counselling, transnational psychology, internalization and cultural psychology (Gerstein et al., 2009, pp. 5-6).

What is consistent is that the research and production of methods used in counselling today are mainly produced in the U.S.A. Therefore most studies analyse counselling IN Western countries and study ethnic minorities IN Western countries but not all. There is a need for research to be conducted outside the West.

In the literature within this field, the term multicultural counselling has grown from analysing how specifically ethnic minorities have underused mental health services - to include how other categories of diversity in human beings such as age, gender, class, sexuality and so on is connected to the use of mental health services. Criticism towards traditional counselling include the following points: 1) it is too individualistic. 2) it is based on a language that can be excluding to those who do not master that language or the beliefs that the language is build on; the discourse can be excluding. 3) socio-political analysis of the counsellors context has not been addressed enough. They, as everybody else, are not immune to bias (Choudhuri, Santaigo-Rivera & Garett, 2012, p. 10).

Indigenous counselling is a third field that is not as established as cross-cultural or multicultural counselling but equally relevant. Gerstein et al. (2009) define it as

“Psychological knowledge that is native, not transported from another location, and constructed for its people (Kim 1990) by scholars from the culture in consideration (Adamopoulos & Lonner, 2011)” (p. 6). What is considered psychological knowledge is debatable. If astrology is used to help people’s mental health problems is it psychological knowledge? Hwang (2007) writes that indigenous psychology comes from the resistance towards western psychology and western paradigms and solutions. Research about indigenous psychology is therefore a reaction towards the Western hegemony and a solution towards finding contextual methods or adaptations (pp. 577-578). Indian psychology is on the rise. “It is suggested that Indian Psychology offers a counterpoint on consciousness, self, mind-control and self-realization to that of the Western psychology.” (Paranjpe, 2011, pg. 1) Although the subject is not part of the curriculums in Indian Universities and it is often, mistakenly, labelled as Indian philosophy and a theoretical enterprise rather than practical. (ibid. pg. 13)

Contrary to the common misunderstanding, Indian Psychology is not simply an aspect of

philosophy and idle speculation, but a matter of practice in real life. It is recognized that

traditional methods of healing and counselling, often manifest in the relationship between

guru and chela, are effective forms of psychotherapy (Kakar, 1982; Neki, 1973). Moreover,

the great variety of spiritual practices in Hindu, Buddhist, Jain and other traditions involve

therapeutic elements along with rigorous methods of meditation and self-discipline leading

to the highest forms of personal transformation and edification. (Ibid., pg. 13)

I use the term cross-cultural counselling in my essay, it is the term that I have found most relevant as I explore western counselling methods in an Indian context.

5.2 Studies made in India

Below follows examples of empirical studies made in India that identify key aspects of mechanisms that effect the counselling context.

5.2.1 Incorporating indigenous methods

Raney & Çinarba˛s, (2005) question the universality of Western counselling methods and state that is imperative to assess if they are transferable to non-western cultures. They question if theories, approaches and strategies can be assessed without a cultural

contextualization; if human beings psychological needs are similar regardless of culture. They explore these statements by analysing the situation for mental health counselling in India and Turkey, two developing countries that are influenced by Western phenomenon and where counselling is still a young service.

Mental health services in India are not accessible to everyone. The profession of counselling is young, a governing body does not exist and the ratio between educated counsellors and people in need of mental health services is strongly unbalanced (Raney &

Çinarba˛s, 2005, p. 154). The authors argue that it is therefore crucial that counsellors also use indigenous models of healing to increase accessibility. Examples of these are the medical system of Ayurveda

⁴

, astrologists, shamans and gurus (ibid., p. 154).

Raney & Çinarba˛s describe India as a society with many subcultures. They stress that diversity needs to be considered in counselling approaches, and further that this diversity results in different needs in different regions. Cultural sensitivity involves not only an

analysis of the country India, but also of its’ regions or its’ communities. “Cultural sensitivity requires the mental health counsellor to be aware of clients’ worldview and to use clients’

perspective in interpreting the world.” (ibid., p. 155)

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“Ayurveda is divided into eight different specialties, one being Bhuta Vidya, which deals with

psychiatry (Das, 1987; Rajkumar, 1991; Sethi, Gupta, & Lal, 1977). The importance of mental health

can be seen in the classification of Ayurveda into three categories: exogenous, endogenous, and

psychic. Traditional systems of medicine such as Ayurveda make up 70% of overall health care as

compared to that which is provided by physicians and general practitioners (Taylor, 1976). These

traditional systems existed before, during, and after the British rule.” (ibid p. 154)

Stigmatization of mental health problems is a factor that decreases the use of mental health services. In addition, the authors add that some mental health counsellors express an apathy towards long term involvement with individuals that suffer from severe mental illness, which leads to underuse of counselling services (ibid., p. 155).

Raney & Cinarba refer to Chowdhury et al (2001) study in West Bengal, India, about mental illness and found that most of the respondents made little distinction between emotional distress and severe mental illness. Suffering from anything on this scale led to teasing and categorization of being pagal or pagla i.e. mad. Raney & Çinarba˛s discuss Chowdhurys study as an example of the importance of cultural understanding of perceptions of mental illness (ibid., pp. 155- 156). Shamans and alternative medicine are examples of alternative treatment, and out casting as results of individuals being untreated or illnesses unresolved. The authors indirectly state that the indigenous treatment is not enough and suggest that practitioners should be involved in the primary care, raise awareness about cultural sensitivity, involve the community and various stakeholders, and establish preventive measures through various networks (Raney& Çinarba˛s p. 156). Accessibility will increase by integration of mental health services to primary care and including indigenous components in the counselling so that it will not only be available to a wealthy population.

5.2.2 Evidence-based psychological treatment

Patel,

^,

Chowdhary,

^,

Rahman & Verdeli

^,

(2011) explore two, out of many, challenges in implementing evidence-based psychological treatment (PT) in developing countries. One is the lack of skilled practitioners and two “…the cultural acceptability and appropriateness of PTs (all of which have been developed in high-income countries (HIC) in different cultural contexts)” (Ibid, unnumbered).

The study is based on randomized controlled trails in India, Pakistan and Uganda. Results show that in all three cases the practitioners lack long-term training and had no mental health background but “…with relatively short training and continuing supervision (they) could deliver the PT effectively.” (ibid.) The authors suggest that anyone from the local community can be involved in improving access to PT. In terms of the methods used and their

applicability the results show that they were mostly cross-culturally applicable but with modifications such as changing jargon, using pictures, avoiding psychiatric labels, using religious idioms and involving family members.

This and other similar studies contextualises the obstacles that counsellors are facing today

in reaching out to more clients. The authors indicate that there is some amount of universality

in what cross-cultural counselling must address in order to be effective. Other notable barriers were detected such as:

…the low acceptability of PTs in contexts where local communities were unfamiliar with the use of

‘talking’ treatments for health problems; the stigma associated with accessing health care for ‘mental’

health problems; the competing work pressures and low motivation for health care workers; and the low adherence often due to the opportunity costs due to time taken to attend sessions and the direct costs of transport to health facilities. (ibid, unnumbered)

5.2.3 From collectivistic to both collectivistic and individualistic

Although the Indian culture traditionally has been considered collectivistic, research has indicated that the Indian society is rapidly transforming into a coexistence of both

collectivism and individualism (Sinha, Sinha, & Sinha, 2001). Each one of the many cultural groups in India may differ significantly on a number of areas that range from acceptance of mental illness to help-seeking behaviours.

The authors discuss a range of possible behaviour patterns depending on whether the individual has collectivist intentions and or behaviour, individualistic intentions and or behaviour and a combination of both. Which one is evoked is context sensitive (Sinha, Sinha

& Sinha, 2001, pp. 134- 135). In the urban context they propose the following: “People in a relatively large urban place, compared to a smaller urban place, will be more individualistic in their behaviour and intentions” (ibid., p.136).

Reasons for this could be, that urban places have greater economic wealth and better infrastructure which in turn lessens the need for collectivist behaviour such as

interdependence and sharing of limited resources. Instead, the urban setting encourages individualism and leaves more room for anonymity (ibid., p. 135). The authors test this proposition, amongst other, on a sample of three locations in Eastern India, mostly on males, but with a variety of rural and urban backgrounds. The results show that Indians consider

“…desh (place), kaal (time) and paatra (person) in deciding on how to respond” (ibid., p.

143). They further state that the appraisal of the situation at hand is more complex than

Westerners’ “context-free” norms. Which I find confusing, I find the term context absolute,

one can not be without context, instead perhaps the Western context has norms that appear as

free, but it is still a context that affects the individual’s behaviour. Nonetheless, one of the

interesting results in this study shows that Indians predominantly have a familial self,

meaning the collective interests of the family come first, but that compelling individual

possibilities, such as a new job, can combine collective with individual actions. Mind that

individual behaviour can still have collective intentions; a pattern that dominated the results in the study.

5.3 Laungani’s theoretical model of East and West

“…not all events one experiences in another culture is unique and therefore difficult to interpret correctly.” (Laungani, 2009, p. 55) A primary postulation in my essay is that even though certain human characteristics are universal, the expression of that behaviour is in some cases culturally specific. Certain behaviour in a foreign country might seem strange to a tourist but make perfect sense to people that reside within that cultural context. Such assumptions, of what is culturally-specific, must be handled with care to avoid reproducing prejudice, discrimination and shallow ethnic attributes. Laungani’s model provides me with a conceptualization of the categories East and West.

He presents a theoretical model “…which attempts to explain similarities and differences between Eastern cultures and Western cultures in terms of their major value systems, which guide and influence their behaviours” (ibid., p. 56). He stresses that this is a model and not a fact, and that the set of constructs that he thinks relates to East or West should be interpreted as extending a long a continuum. They should not be interpreted as either/or categories, they are dimensional with several other norms and values attached to them and they are not

“…orthogonal. They are correlated” (ibid., pp. 57-58). He uses Britain and India as specific examples as they are both multicultural countries and can be representative of the East and the West. The proposed core values are:

West East

Individualism Communalism

Cognitivism Emotionalism

Free Will Determinism

Materialism Spiritualism

The theoretical model is quite extensive, below follows a summary of the aspects that he has

found can be connected to the concepts above.