C thesis
Religion and its relationship to conflict
The case of South Sudan
Peace and Development Studies
(2FU33E)
(Växjö, 2020-01-10)
Author: Ruth M. Tshibangu Tutor: Jonas Ewald
Examiner: Susanne Alldén Semester: 5
Subject: Peace & development III Level: C
Abstract
The study is a critical evaluation of the relationship between religion and conflict, with a case study in South Sudan (based on the findings of Noa Salomon 2013;2014). With the aid of power theory, conflict theory, frustration and aggression theory, the study seeks to determine the extent to which religious oppression still exists in South Sudan post-independence. It also looks at other specific aims such as determining the
provisions for religious freedom in South Sudan and assessing the challenges faced in religious tolerance in South Sudan.
This is a qualitative study and it made use of the multi methods technique as used by Creswell et al, 2003 with emphasis on content analysis method in analyzing the set of research objectives. The argumentative approach, abductive reasoning, analytical approach, andhermeneutic approach are some of the other methods employed in the study alongside content analysis. The results from the study show that religious oppression still exists significantly in South Sudan post-independence, but the exact extent is not determined. Findings from the paper further show that religion and religious actors play a very important role in peacebuilding in South Sudan and they have been successful at peace at the grassroots level but the same cannot be said for its role at the national level. It has been recommended that the South Sudanese
Government and other stakeholders should implement already existing peace agreements. Also, policymakers should employ policies that would increase the influence of religious actors on the national level.
Keywords: religion, conflict, oppression, discrimination, Islamization, South Sudan, peace works
Table of context Abstract ……….…… 2 Table of content ……….……3 List of abbreviation ………4 1. Introduction ………5 1.1. Research problem ………..5 1.2. Relevance ……….6 1.3. Research objective ………6 1.4. Research question ……….6 1.5 Thesis structure ………..6 2. Literature review ………..9
2.1. The concept of religious conflict ………..9
2.2. Defining religion conflict definition ………10
2.3. Religious “conflict web” ……….10
3. Background ……….14
3.1. Islamic doctrine on violence ………...14
3.2. The Old testament in a violent world ………..15
3.3. Religious oppression in South Sudan pre-independence ………16
3.4. Religious oppression in South Sudan post-independence ………...17
4. Theoretical framework ………21
4.1. Power theory ………...21
4.2. Frustration and aggression theory ………...24
4.3 Conflict theory ………...25
5. Methodology chapter ………..27
5.1. Ethical consideration ………...27
5.2 Limitation & delimitation ………..27
5.3. Methods ………....27
6. Analytical chapter ………..31
6.1.1. How far has the new State tried to guarantee religious freedom? …………..31
6.1.2. Challenges to religious tolerance in South Sudan ………..33
6.2. Power theory and its application in the case of South Sudan ………34
6.3. Conflict theory as it applies to religious oppression in South Sudan …………34
List of Abbreviations
ATR-African Traditional religion CMS - Church Mission Society
CPA- Comprehensive Peace Agreement
IGAD - Intergovernmental Authority on Development NGO - Non-governmental Organization
SPLM- Sudan People’s Liberation Movement
SPLM-IO- Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in Opposition SPLA- Sudan People’s Liberation Army
SSCC- South Sudan Council of Churches SLT- Social Learning Theory
SCT- Social Cognitive Theory
SSLM - Southern Sudanese Liberation Movement TC- Transitional Constitution
UN - United Nation
1. INTRODUCTION
This section introduces the different debates around religion and conflicts, more specifically the role which religion plays in conflicts. This will be illustrated with the help of different researchers who have done similar research on the topics. Although there are many debates around this topic, only a few will be mentioned. Then the research problem, relevance, objective, question/s, and the thesis structure will be presented.
Religion has played an important part in fueling conflicts in parts of the world both historically and in today’s world (Bulkeley et al 2009). These religious fueling has resulted in endless wars, conquests, persecutions, terrorism motivations or tensions between religious groups. Furthermore, according to Basedeau & Schaefer (2019) in recent years religion has shown to be the pioneer of numerous armed conflicts in parts of the world such as Mali, Nigeria as well as Somalia. The authors add that this religious conflict rise was due to discrimination of religious beliefs in these countries. Another aspect of religion and conflict looked at is by Pearce (2006) where the author talks about religion and conflict to have increased as the world modernizes. Pearce (2006) further adds that the effect brought by modernization and its impact on religion or religious conflict remains unknown, however, research continues to be done on this topic. Authors such as Norenzayan (2013) have argued that “religion is a complex mix of traits and inclinations that are based on intuition grounded by cultural evolution over historical time” (Norenzanyan 2013. pg. 158). Therefore, asking whether or not religion cause intolerance and violent conflict makes little sense (Norenzanyan 2013). The question which should then be asked is the role religion plays in conflict and intolerance, and why? (Norenzanyan 2013). South Sudan will, therefore, be of
importance for this topic as according to LeRich & Arnold (2012) religion and the role it played in the country’s conflict was one of the driving factors to South Sudan’s independence.
To examine the extent to which South Sudan still experience religious oppression post-independent will, therefore, be of importance as it will determine that the separation of
actors was not the solution. This will be further explained in the background
chapter. Therefore, the three theories (Power, Frustration & aggression, and Conflict theory) will be applied in this thesis to further explain or illustrate the extent to which South Sudanese still experience religious oppression post-independence by using Salomon (2013-2014) findings. Sources that have specifically researched this topic on religion and its relationship to conflict in South Sudan will also be mentioned to help further illustrate the religious state of the country.
1.1 Research problem
This essay is a case study on religious oppression being faced in the republic of South Sudan as stated by Salmon (2013). According to Salomon (2013), during his field study, he encountered Muslims who had expressed their discontent regarding the promised secular state. Those he interviewed expressed how they did not feel comfortable wearing their religious wear as they were told to “go back home to the North” Salmon (2013, pg. 3). This was despite being guaranteed religious freedom that was to be brought along with the country’s independence by the transitional
constitution (Salmon 2013). This research will, therefore, attempt to examine to what extent do South Sudanese still experience religious oppression after the split (post-independence). This will be done through the lenses of power, conflict and frustration theories by using abductive reasoning. Drawing on the works of scholars such as Salomon (2013) which was further developed in his 2014 research, Fox (2000; 2003), and others, this research seeks to examine the obstacles and challenges to religious tolerance in South Sudan and to come to strategic peacebuilding measures.
1.2 Relevance
1.3 Research objective
The main research objective is drawing upon already existing literature through a qualitative desk study with most focus on Salomon’s finding. These different theories power, conflict & frustration through an abductive reasoning, will help examine the extent to which the South Sudanese still experience religious oppression
post-independence as mentioned by Salomon (2013). This will be look at from the country’s post-independence, more specifically from 2011-2019. To achieve this aim, the study is guided by the following specific objectives:
1. To determine measures put in place to guarantee religious freedom in South Sudan. 2. To examine the obstacles and challenges to religious tolerance in South Sudan.
1.4 Research question
The following research questions are set to guide this study:
1. To what extent do South Sudanese still experience religious oppression post-independence?
2. How far has the new state tried to guarantee religious freedom?
3. What are the obstacles and challenges to religious tolerance in the new state?
1.5 Thesis structure
The study is organized into six parts namely: Introduction, Literature review, Theoretical Review, Methodology, Analysis, and Conclusion.
The introduction chapter offers a brief insight into what the work centers on. It contains the research aims, objectives and presents questions to be addressed for a better
section of the work contains the theoretical framework of the study. The author looks at some theories that have been developed by scholars in the fields of psychology and social psychology to explain conflict situations. The theories analyzed in the study include the frustration-aggression theory Dollard et al. (1939); and the variation of the power theory (Kurtz, 2001) as well as conflict theory by Marx & Engels (1848). These theories are then related to the conflict situation in South Sudan. The fourth part of the work is the methodology and it chronologically explains what and how the study is carried out.
The fifth part of the research work is Analysis. This chapter applies the aforementioned theories (power theory, frustration and aggression theory & conflict theory) to critically explain and analyze religious oppression in South Sudan. In this section, different conflict angles are highlighted as well as exposed. This is the chapter that critically assesses to what extent the South Sudanese still experience religious oppression. It is in this section that the answers to the research questions are properly addressed. This part further delves into conflict resolution measures employed by both the internal and external communities to help bring peace to the region. The next part is the conclusion. This chapter summarizes the entire work and offers observations, recommendations, and other insights if necessary.
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
In this chapter, the author reviews the main literature which this thesis will be mostly focusing on. These reviews of the different authors will be on a broader concept of religion and conflict before narrowing it down to South Sudan’s case. It will be from defining religious conflicts to then reviewing the different aspects religion and its relationship to conflict. This will be done other the sub-heading “Religion and its conflict web”. These religious conflicts (“religion and its conflict web”) can occur in several ways and at several levels. Below in section 2.3 are some variations of religious conflicts; between different religions, within religion, its role in ethnicity, gender inequality, and identity perspective and so on.
2.1. The Concept of Religious conflict
2.2. DEFINING RELIGIOUS CONFLICT
In this paper, the term “religious conflict” will be used for all types of conflicts where religion has played a role. What then is religious conflict? Examining both terms “religious conflict” one can then say that is when someone’s or a group of people’s religious ideology or beliefs are challenged. The definition of both terms is however not as straightforward as it seems, it is a lot more complex. To further elaborate the terms, therefore, can be defined as a combination of contested domains in a religion (these domains could refer to a place, concept, power, ideology, identity and so on) and these differences are facilitated by factors that could be either political, social, ethnic, economic, political, cultural, psychological and so on (Mayer 2013).
What then identifies a crisis as religious? A conflict is religious when a conflict occurs in which religion is also involved. From this assertion, a single conflict can double as a political, ethnic and at the same time a religious conflict. Once religion is a subset of the root cause of a crisis then it is considered a religious conflict not minding to what extent or degree it causes the crises, it is still a religious conflict. A religious conflict could have other enabling factors such as political, cultural and social factors embedded in its root cause but as long as religion is involved (the degree to which religion is involved is immaterial), it is safe to refer to it as a religious conflict (Mayer 2013).
2.3. RELIGIOUS “CONFLICT WEB”
In many cases and different aspects, religion has been said to be the cause of conflict, according to Bulkeley et al (2009), religion has played an important part in fueling conflicts in most parts of the world both historically and in today’s world, as mentioned in the introduction. It has resulted in endless wars, conquests, persecutions, terrorism motivations or tensions between religious groups. Nonetheless, religion is solely seen as a cause of conflicts due to religious extremists, religion, therefore, becomes a
convenient “scapegoat” for underlying political and economic tensions (Vendley 2005). Furthermore, in recent years religion has shown to be the pioneer of numerous armed conflicts in parts of the world such as Mali, Nigeria as well as Somalia (Basedeau & Schaefer 2019). The author adds that the rise in religious conflicts was due to
are when individuals are constrained from practicing their religions such as worshiping, diet, dress code, education, and conversion.
Religious conflict within different or the same religion is another aspect worth mentioning. Religious conflicts within a religion can be seen between the two major Muslims groups, the Sunni and Shi’ah. According to Hilmy (2015), the major root factors of the conflicts in Sampang Madura was the intolerance of Sunni Muslim believers towards the Shi’ah. The Sunnis did not allow Shi’ah seeking refuge on the island of Madura which led them to seek refuge elsewhere. This was because the Sunnis saw Shi’ah Muslims as a threat to their goal of dominating the social-political structure of Madura. This conflict between these two major Muslim groups as stated by Hilmy (2015) can also be seen from a cultural perspective. However, not entirely, as some Sunnis and Shi’ah have coexisted in societies such as East Java, Jember, and Pasuruan. Thus, mentioning the different aspects of religion’s role to conflicts is crucial.
Religion as a cause of ethnic violence.
Although religion can be found to be the cause of most ethnic conflict, however, not all ethnic conflicts have religious roots. That is only the case when ethnic religious beliefs are threatened, or when the law calls for conflicting actions (Fox 2000). Fox (2000) further adds that religion can have a role in ethnic conflicts that have secular causes by the use of religious institutions and legitimacy in the conflict. It can also be said that as though not all conflicts can be religious, the involvement of religion can turn secular conflicts into a religious conflict.
Religion and identity
Identity is another aspect, according to Seul (1999), religion serves the role of fulfilling an individual’s psychological needs. These psychological needs are supplying
argues that there are traditions within many religions such as Quakers, Mennonites, Brethren churches as well as Buddhism and Hinduism who encourage resisting violent forms of conflicts in their teaching. However, these traditions that teach the tolerance of other religious perspectives only exist against the scenery of social and material
realities which reinforces the need for group cohesion (Seul 1999). As materials and social needs play a role in fueling conflict, Seul (1999) has argued that groups who face difficult social/material realities are likely to encourage violence in order to strive towards their improvement.
Religion and its relationship to identity have further been discussed by Hemming & Madge (2011). This was done from four different aspects which firstly looked at affiliation and belonging; secondly, behaviors and practice; thirdly, beliefs and values, and lastly, religious and spiritual experience. This study was to understand how individuals label themselves in their faiths, as well as the length they saw themselves belonging to different religious communities. It was also to examine how they
experienced and expressed their religious beliefs privately and individually. Hemming & Madge (2011) wanted to further examine as much as their faith, how often these individuals attended places of worship or celebrated religious festivities. Hemming & Madge (2011) argued that religious identity does not exist in a vacuum, however, is said to have taken shape within/across different social space and contexts. Madge have also found out that parent plays an important role in shaping and creating and
influencing the religious identities of young people (Hemming & Madge 2011).
Religion and its relationship to gender inequality
Gender inequality varies from region to region, from geographical locations, cultural legacies, historical development, and religious norms that are embedded in societies. The relationship between these two terms are complex as many aspects are contributing factors (Klingorová & Havlícek 2015). However, the authors acknowledge the
complexity of the relationship between religion and gender, religious norms and traditions that have contributed to creating gender inequality as well as the role that women play in societies. This study was done quantitatively with the aim of examining the religious influence on the social, economic, and political sphere.
Another gender inequality issue is how young girls and boys are being treated in Muslims homes/communities. According to a field study done by Minganti (2008) in Sweden, one of the ladies she interviewed spoke about how it was like to be brought up in a Muslim home. Minganti (2008), was told that growing up young girls were told to wear the hijab (which is a headscarf) and do the house chores when her brothers did not have to do anything. Moreover, this led to her wearing the scarf but once she had left home for school removed it so her friends will not see her wearing it (Minganti 2008). The case of Sweden is used in order to illustrate the role which religion plays in gender inequality.
3. BACKGROUND
This chapter first illustrates how religious books can be missunderstood or interpreted that it can be seen to be a contributing factor to religious conflicts. Therefore, the Quoran and Bible will be used as examples for they are the two main religions which this thesis will be based on. Then will come an overview of religious conflict in South Sudan pre/post-independence by different authors.
3.1. ISLAMIC DOCTRINE ON VIOLENCE
Islam is a religion that labels itself as ‘a religion of peace’ and is constantly talking about peace-loving God, however, its Holy Book contains contradicting teachings. There are several verses that incite violence directly in the Quran. These are a few examples. Quran 2:216” Fighting is prescribed for you and ye dislike it but is it
possible to dislike what is good for you…”, Quran 3:315 “soon we shall cast terror into the heart of unbelievers…” Quran 4:76 “Those who believe, fight in the cause of Allah and those who disbelieve fight for Satan…”, Quran 8:39 “and fight with them until there is no more unbelief. Religion is all For Allah…”
A literal interpretation of the Quran can be said to be the cause of conflict, violence against women is one aspect that are worth mentioning Dunn & Kellison (2010). A literal interpretation of Quoran 4.34 is an understanding of how women are portrayed to be treated or “disciplined” by their husbands (Dunn & Kellison 2010). As the
interpretation of Quran 4.34 as two aspects, on the one hand, is the traditionalist aspect (allowing some level of physical violence against women), on the other hand, is the reformist (does not allow the beating of women) (Dunn & Kellison 2010).
There are multiple examples of the Quran encouraging violence towards women, one example is Qu’ran 4:34 of Surat-an-Nisa’ (the surah of women): “Men are in charge of women, for Allah has made some of them excel the other, and therefore spend some of their wealth. For this reason, righteous women are to be obedient as a way of guarding the unseen which Allah has guarded. Those who rebel is those who fear and should be admonished, abandoned in their beds and beat them. However, should they be
This verse is misleading and creates misunderstandings as it begins by stating that “men are in charge of women” (Dunn & Kellison 2010, pg. 15). The verse can be misleading and misunderstood in terms of what one understands by the word “in charge”. It can either mean men being guardians of women, dominant over women or being the financial provider for women. Violence against women, therefore, lies in the interpretation or how men understand this word. Hence why some women are subjects of domestic violence as the men see it as his duty to “discipline” a “disobedient” wife (Dunn & Kellison 2010, pg. 15). It is safe to say that the interpretation of certain words in the Quran or any religious can, therefore, be said to be the cause of violence.
3.2. The OLD TESTAMENT IN A VIOLENT WORLD
The Old Testament plays a vital role in today’s violent world, it is important to bring up the different examples that contradict it very notion of peace. Meyer (2011), as one of the books that contribute to violence, the Bible can be said to be one. Abraham and his only son are an illustration of the Bible’s contradictory peace message, as God asked Abraham to sacrifice his only son in genesis, this was a way to test Abraham’s
faithfulness. The killing of every firstborn in Egypt mentioned in the book of Exodus as well as Pharaoh and his army is another (Meyer 2011). It has been discussed whether or not the Bible is part of the problem or the solution. Schwarts (1973:3) as cited by Meyer (2011) regards the Bible as violent and hence part of the problem. The Bible’s meaning of peace is divided with the sense of “us” and “them” where some are chosen, and others are left behind Schwarts (1973) as cited by Meyer (2011). This is an
illustration of the story of Cain and Able as God rejected Cain’s sacrifice but accepted Abel’s, hens the call of Schwarts (1973:176) as cited by Meyer (2011) for a new re-written Bible version that is less violent and scarcity.
According to LeRich & Arnold (2012), historically, the religious aspect in South Sudan was the country’s drive to an independent state due to the lack of embracing the
Khartoum’s rules, this was led by the rebel group known as Anya-Nya. The group demanded an independent South Sudan to put an end to the exploitation and
marginalization of the South. In 1972 an Addis Agreement was granted to Southern Sudanese for religious and cultural protection. However, this peace agreement had eventually failed which led Southern Sudan into a war in 1983 and this time it was led by Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) alongside Dr. John Garang de Mabior. This was in order to once and for all put an end to the perpetuation of a “monolithic Arab-Islamic state”. Moreover, in the UCPD’s report after the majority voted in favor of the referendum in the then-southern region of the country, South Sudan finally gained its independence on July 9th, 2011. This was also due to years large-scale conflicts between Sudan’s government and the Southern-based Sudanese groups known as Anya Nya who later renamed as SSLM between 1963-1972, and then to Sudan’s People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) around 1983-2005 (UCPD, 2018).
In 1989, through a military coup Sudanese’s general Omar-al- Bashir seized control of the government. As Bashir gained power, he promoted a forceful conversion of
Christians to the Muslim faith, an approach that led to further hostilities between the north and the south (Modi, Opongo & Smith 2019). Nevertheless, South Sudan was found in an armed confrontation in 2013 when a disagreement broke between president Salva Kiir and vice-president Riek Machar, however, this was more of an ethnic
confrontation between the Nuer and the Dinka (Modi, Opongo & Smith 2019).
3.3. Religious Oppression in South Sudan pre-independence
According to some experts, there were two factors that contributed to the split of Sudan (the North and the South), and these factors were education and religion (Cislo 2014, pg. 213). However, religion is the main focus as this research tries to examine its role in the South Sudanese conflict. Prior to South Sudan’s independence, the country faced a high level of religious discrimination as Christians and animists made the minorities as Sudan declared its independence on January 1, 1954. This led to the closing of
Christian missionary schools in the South and Arabic became the language of
Islamization made it impossible to obtain occupational and social status unless one converted to Islam (Cislo. 2014, pg. 214). Christian missionaries were either driven out of Sudan or restricted to have any activities. The government seized all missionaries’ infrastructures such as hospitals, nursing homes, and churches. Also, in 1960, the official day of rest (Sabbath) in South Sudan was changed from Sunday to Friday, those who protested against the government were punished. In 1962 the Missionary Societies Act was enacted, with the aim of stifling the activities of missionaries in the South. With this act, missionaries were only supposed to operate on the terms granted by the council of ministers. Activities without the council’s permit were banned (Cislo 2014). Around 1964, about 200 Catholic missionaries and other missionary groups from the Anglican Church and other African missionaries were expelled from Sudan. According to Cislo (2014) as religion played an important role in the splitting of Sudan, so did the arrogance of Khartoum’s state officials in violating fundamental human rights (Cislo. 2014, pg. 216).
Cislo (2014) argues that the most problematic religion role in the Sudan conflict was the original perception of Islam being the way for a united and joining of the state. The politicization of religion was, therefore, the effect of such an approach which was seen as revolting against the West, and Christians were seen as elements of the Western culture (Cislo.2014, pg. 217). Also, for a period of about 30 years (1975-2005), no permission was granted to build new churches in Sudan while no such permit was required to build a mosque (Cislo 2014). In 1989, after the new regulation was introduced, it was demanded of all women to dress according to the Quran.
As long as Islam was “the only way”, Christians as well as non-believers, were seen to be subject of Western cultures as argued by Cislo (2014). Sudan split was inevitable, and the country stood no chance in being a united state as that very meaning of a “united states” fall under Islamic law.
3.4. Religious oppression in South Sudan post-independence
of the North (Salomon 2013). Religious oppression can be seen in the case of religious freedom and state neutrality. Though the state of South Sudan provides for neutrality and religious freedom within its transitional constitution, these are in fact merely principles as they are scarcely ever seen in practice. For instance, as South Sudan gained its independence, Muslim places of worship built on government properties prior were demolished, closed or converted to other uses, some were used as army barrack (Salomon 2013). Although ‘religious freedom’ was promised by the state, some Muslims believed there was still a hidden agenda in play towards making the country a Christian state. Nonetheless, some Christians have also expressed displeasure in the principle of religious neutrality, pressing for more support towards a Christian dominant nation (Salomon, 2013).
Another religious discrimination against Muslims in the country worth mentioning is that of citizenship applications and documentations (Salomon 2013). Muslims are often refused passports and other relevant documents by Government officials. An
illustration of that is a man interviewed by Salomon, who said he was refused a national identity card except if he changed his Arab name (Salomon 2013). A Muslim putting on the hijab was likely to be discriminated against and told to go back to the North as though they were foreigners in the South. One could go through a really hard time getting a job due to his/her name. Though not fully implemented, it is official for Muslims not to put on the hijab in schools (Salomon, 2013).
according to LeRiche & Arnold (2012), there’s no exact number of the population in South Sudan, however, the authors have estimated that the country’s population is approximately six to ten million. Moreover, the authors claim that determining an exact number of anything in South Sudan is close to impossible as everything is a “fleeting approximation”. This can also be seen in all sectors of the economy; there are no Muslim ministers, state governors or presidential advisor on religious affairs in the last two terms that have been a Christian. The state’s Islamic Council, meant to be
organizing the affairs of Muslims is led by government loyalists ill-equipped to defend the rights of Muslims (Salomon, 2013).
While opening a new building for the government Islamic Council in July of 2012, president Salva Kiir made a thought-provoking statement thus;
“We have given you your freedom, but don’t let your freedom be exploited by
criminals. Those criminals who exploit with explosions, those who use bombs and blow themselves up, who drive a car laden with explosives to places in which there are people living, or to a market, or whatever, places in which there are just innocent people. A religion that looks like this, we don’t want.” (Salomon, 2013, pg. 3).
This statement is in itself discriminatory against South Sudanese Muslims as it applies that Muslims should not “abuse” of the freedom that is given to them (see Salmon 2014, pg. 455 for further comments). This statement made the Muslims question the president by saying “why did he feel the need to lecture them about terrorism when such actions have never been done by South Sudanese Muslims” (Salomon 2013. pg. 3). The South Sudanese national anthem commences with ‘Oh God, we praise and glorify you for your grace on South Sudan’ (Salmon 2013, pg. 3). Despite these claims made by the state official on the anthem reflecting religious neutrality (‘the god of all South Sudanese’), it brings forth deep tensions on behalf of the new state’s relationship to religion. Although equal status for all South Sudanese is promised regardless of one’s religion, the country still struggles to escape the politicization of religion that was experienced during the war still haunts them (Salomon, 2013, pg. 3).
International religious freedom report of 2018, a local pastor and his wife were killed on May 12th, 2018 in their homes, also a youth protest on employment on July of the
same year turned violent and led to the destruction of properties of several NGOs, churches and those of missionary groups. At least 10 persons were killed in an attack on Emmanuel Christian College in Yei; though the motive of the attack remains unclear, there are lots of speculations that it is religiously motivated. Furthermore, according to the local media reports on February 18th, 2015, a pastor was arrested and
mistreated by a Muslim group in Northern Bahr, Ghazal state for attempting to establish a church in the area though he was later released.
In summary, it’s important that it’s understood that although religious freedom was promised by the new state, South Sudanese Muslims are still facing religious
4. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This chapter examines the different theories (power, frustration & conflict theory) that the research will be based on as well as explaining how the different theories will be used. This chapter will also present critics each theory has received but how it can still be applicable for this research. Although the theories can be seen as not coherent, the author has chosen to use these theories as they cover different parts of the research.
There are different theories that have been developed by scholars in the fields of psychology and social psychology to explain conflict situations. According to Bryman (2016) theories help explain and observe regularities. The theories that will be used in this research include the frustration-aggression theory Dollard et al. (1939); the conflict theory (Marx, 1948): Power theory (Dahl R; 1957, Bachrach & Baratz; 1962,
Lukes;1974), this chapter will, therefore, use these different theories to analyze the situation in South Sudan.
4.1. POWER THEORY
Approaches to religious conflicts are diverse. These theoretical approaches seek to exposit on various aspects of the crises such as the root cause, the enabling factors (be it political, social and ethnic) and possibly peace resolution measures. Most social
assumption is that the ‘ability of A to successfully get B to do something’ (Dahl, 1957; pg. 204). Dahl’s view on power was criticized as being one-sided and oversimplified as just the ability of A to get compliance from B through a direct command, such that his definition of power was later revised by power theorists Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz in their book ‘Two faces of power’ in 1962. Bachrach & Baratz argued in addition to Dahl’s claim that power is a decision in response to direct commands, that the ability to indirectly manipulate decisions is also a realm of power (Lukes,
1974). Bachrach et al view of power goes beyond the analysis of observable conflicts and focuses on studying hidden forces, on non-decision-making (Bachrach & Baratz; 1962). The result of non-decision-making is that certain persons, perspectives, issues or conflicts never enter the overtly political arena. Indecisions can take several forms, such as by force, by the threat of sanctions, by norms, rules or procedures, by the existence of certain values, and myths. Dahl’s view on power will later come to be seen as the first dimension of power while Bachrach & Baratz’s view is on the ability to manipulate the agenda to influence decisions is seen as the second dimension of power (Luke, 1974).
Bachrach and Baratz, in the end, conform to the behaviorist aspect of power when they expressly said that power cannot be possessed, it can only be exercised (see Bachrach & Baratz, power and poverty; pp 19). Lukes later added a third dimension to power in his work ‘Power: a radical view’ in 1974 which deals with the ability to manipulate what people view as right. It explains power in an ideological sense. His view of power is close to the Marxist approach to power as linked to the class struggle in his conflict theory. Marx is concerned as to why dominated classes seem to fail to recognize their oppression (Amenta et al, 2012). The third dimension of power focuses on the most effective and treacherous use of power; for instance, to prevent conflicts from arising; in the case of South Sudan where laws are being used to prevent another Islamic “take over” (see Salomon 2013, pg. 3).
compliance by controlling their thoughts and desires? Hence, the third dimension is ideological in nature. All three aspects of power are reflected in the debates over the relationship between power and resources. Power as resource defined by realist theory includes primarily the important resources that a state possesses such as the size of armed forces, gross national product, and population. Thus, it translates into influence. In politics, power is never independent of the resources that constitute it. Kurtz (2001) claims that power cannot be legitimate apart from the authorities who have and use power. Power as resource refers to a positive social good that can be possessed by social actors in greater or lesser amounts (see Parsons, Arendt, or Foucault). Kurtz (2001) argues that Power is not static and can be acquired and lost. Power emerges as a symbolic, generalized resource the efficacy of which depends on the expectations of those who use, comply with, or resist it (Kurtz 2001). It has introduced new concepts into the debates on power, such as “Humbuggery”, manipulation, rhetoric, or
hegemonic lies. The shift from power as a force to power as an ideology has opened a gateway to a so-called consensual power tradition (Haugaard & Howard 2006), characterized by compliance by subjects with the wishes of power holders.
Another approach to power worth mentioning is the elitist theory of democracy which is a power theory that says power lies in the few (elites) who seek to control the economy (see Pareto V, Michels G (Nye, 1997)). Pareto believed elites to be the most superior in any social structure and thus true power resides with them (Welsh, 1979). The pluralist theory of power is a critique of the elitist theory of power. The pluralist theory is concerned with how power is distributed in a political process. Pluralists maintain that power and governance are not only the responsibility of politicians and a select few but it is also that of individuals and social groups. Pluralist theorists assume that no one is all-powerful unless proven so through empirical observation (Polsby, 1960).
oppression using the third dimension of power. This third-dimension best fits as it describes the means used by the government to prevent an Islamic “take over” as mentioned by Salomon (2013), although such action from the Muslims had never been done by South Sudanese Muslims. Therefore, the third dimension of this power theory is suitable and applicable to the country’s government/authority.
4.2. FRUSTRATION AND AGGRESSION THEORY
The Frustration and aggression theory was proposed in Frustration and aggression by Dollard et al. (1939), where a group of renowned psychologists carried out the research at Yale Institute of Human Relations and published a monograph that is useful in explaining human conflict behavior, with a straightforward hypothesis that human frustration may lead to aggressive behavior. It says when goals are not reached or hindered, that leads to frustration. Aggression, on the other hand, is an act whose goal response is an injury to an organism. However, frustration does not automatically result in aggression, but it produces a readiness for aggression if triggered. Dollard et al (1939) maintained that if when the source of the frustration cannot be physically addressed then the aggression takes place. It was referred to as the ‘kicking the dog’ effect because when the source of the frustration cannot be directly addressed then the aggression is turned on a scapegoat. Since the development of the theory, several scholars have analyzed it. For instance, Lawson (1965) maintained that frustration ultimately leads to aggression and aggression always implies that frustration has occurred at some previous time.
successful in it (Tadayon 2012). Another critique of the frustration-aggression
hypothesis is that aggression is not always prompted by frustration. Someone that faces a life-threatening situation will fight or flight. In this scenario, any aggression will be in self-defense and not necessarily frustration (Berkowitz, 1969).
This frustration and aggression theory put forward by Dollard et al (1939) will help explain the aggression of the South Sudanese Christians towards the South Sudanese Muslims as mentioned by Salomon(2013) as a way of them taking out their frustration against someone or something else as they did not have the power to direct their aggression towards those who led them to be frustrated, meaning the government of Sudan pre-independence.
4.3 CONFLICT THEORY
There are many conflicts theory, however, the research will be based on the Marxist theory, is based on the ideas of renowned philosopher and sociologist Karl Marx presented in his co-authored paper with philosopher and colleague Friedrich Engels titled ‘The Communist Manifesto’ in 1848. The focal point of the theory is the unequal distribution of power, wealth and status in society (Intriligator, 1982). Conflict theorists maintain that one remains in the class they are born into due to a reoccurring state of inequality in the society (Collin, 2009). Those with wealth and power strive to maintain it by any means necessary usually by exploiting the poor and powerless (Marx, Engels: 1848). It is this divide in society that is referred to as conflict theory. Social order is maintained by domination; therefore, power lies in the hands of those with the greatest resources be it political, economic or otherwise and those with fewer resources are in a constant struggle for power. This process of class struggle in society is in a continuous and never-ending loop (Marx, Engels: 1848). Marx argues that the only way out of this continuous loop is a revolution that will involve breaking the political and economic dominance and also establishing a state of collective ownership (socialism) and eventually a classless state (communism) (Marx, Engels: 1848). Marx (1848) stresses that society has been full of conflict since the dawn of civilization. This conflict in society presents itself in intangible structures such as race, gender, class, religion and several other structures of society.
Another assumption of conflict theory is inequality. According to conflict theorists, class, power and other societal structures abound with inequalities. Some people will always dominate others and will strive to keep it that way hence the never-ending circle of inequality exists unless in the case of a revolution (Marx, Engels;1848). Marx’s theory of oppressors becoming oppressed ideology will be used in this research as this can be seen in the “reverse” case between Christians and Muslims in South Sudan. According to Marx (1848), this is seen as a never-ending society circle, this theory will help analyze and examine how the Christians have now become the oppressors and the Muslims the oppressed using Salomon (2013) field study results as well as his research done in 2014. Although each theory presented in this section have both pros and cons, regardless, it’s important to note that these theories are shown to be best suitable and relatable to South Sudan’s case.
Marx’s conflict theory has been criticized by authors such as Bottomore (2012), although his theory applies to certain societies by upholding its status quo, the same cannot be said in some societies. This is due to the loss of radical thrust in some societies as it’s no longer applies to major conflicts or problems faced in those societies. Therefore, ignoring this fact has resulted in the theory losing its liberating character (Bottomore 2012).
5. METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
In this chapter, ethical considerations, limitations, and delimitations will be presented as well as methods used to bring forth this thesis. This will be a case study that will be done about South Sudan as there is relatively little study on this newly elected country.
5.1 ETHICAL CONSIDERATION
In regard to the ethical consideration, the author will try and not miss use or interpret Salomon (2013) work as this thesis base itself on his findings.
5.2. LIMITATION & DELIMITATION Limitations
1. The author of this research work is not Sudanese and is in no way affiliated with the said country and is therefore limited in terms of absolute originality. South Sudan being a country torn with a long history of numerous conflicts of which the author did not witness in person, the research work will, therefore, not be approached from an eyewitness point of view but it will be in a narrative form. There are no many sources in religious oppression in South Sudan, however, this paper was mostly dependent on Salomon (2013;2014) work. In other words, the lack of sources in regard to South Sudan’s religious oppression made it challenging to carry out the research.
Delimitation
This research will be delimited with regard to not doing an in-depth analysis of all different conflict aspects which South Sudan undergoes but will be briefly mentioned. The focus of this research is on the country’s religious aspect and how that can lead to religious conflict if not dealt with accordingly. With all awareness from the author on the different dimension of theories, lenses, and methodologies, the author chooses to focus on the dimensions which apply best to this research.
5.3. METHODS
but also because not much has been written on the relationship between religion and conflict in the country. Due to the nature of the research work, a qualitative desk study is chosen, and it will be done through abductive reasoning. As Corbin & Strauss (2015) have stated, qualitative research is designed to interpret collected data, this method is chosen as this research seeks to interpret through different theories the collected data which will help understand the extent of religious oppression still existing in South Sudan post-independence. Moreover, according to Corbin & Strauss (2015), qualitative research uses an open and flexible design that derives from the quantitative method. Using this method creates an in-depth understanding of certain behaviors, events, actions, and social processes, however, since most of its
conclusions are based on the researcher’s inference, the findings can sometimes be tainted by personal bias on the side of the researcher which could sometimes affect the validity of the results(Galdas, 2017).
According to Danermark et al (2002), abduction could be used when wanting to obtain a deeper understanding regarding particular events or cases. This is done by inspecting them in relation to general structures and theories. Moreover, this means that through already tested theories, abductive reasoning will help interpret individual phenomena within the religious aspect that will bring forth alternative explanations to understand something in a new way. In order to answer the research questions, the author seeks to draw conclusions from the events, experiences and negative patterns of the South Sudanese as regards the prevalent cases of religious oppression. In this study, a cross-sectional survey design that is exploratory in nature involving the survey of existing information (secondary sources) will be adopted. A secondary source of information is one that was created later by someone who neither experienced firsthand nor
participated in the conditions that are being researched. South Sudan being a country torn with a long history of numerous conflicts of which the author did not witness in person, the research work will, therefore, not be approached from an eyewitness point of view but it will be in a narrative form.
materials on the subject matter in accordance with. Content analysis is a method of qualitative research that involves interpreting words, books, articles, newspapers, web content, social media, videos, and other possible sources. The researcher looks at the use of the words in the context it is used and infers and then draws a conclusion on the subject. It is totally normal and quite common for a study to make use of more than one research method (multi-methods) depending on the research objectives Creswell et al;2003, Duckman;2005, Thaler;2019.It is on the basis of this notion that the study also takes on an argumentative form, abductive reasoning, analytical approach and
hermeneutic approachin addition to content analysis. Also, the author makes use of the argumentative approach to link the proposed theories in the study to the situation in South Sudan. The argumentative approach is defined as a persuasive act of trying to convince the readers of the validity of the author’s point often putting it side by side with other conflicting opinions (Intriligator, 1982). The analytical approach according to (Intriligator, 1982) aims to breakdown and interpret research problems. Seeing that the concept of power is broad, and its dimensions are many (Dhal, 1957; Bachrach, Baratz 1962; Luke, 1974). The study analyses the situation in South Sudan
predominantly making use of the third dimension of power originally proposed by Bachrach, Baratzand revised by Luke as it best fits the situation in South Sudan also taking into cognizance its critiques to create for a broader spectrum of opinion. Still, on the power theory, the study subscribes to the pluralist views on power in a democracy. Seeing that South Sudan is operating a democratic system of government, it suggests the pluralist approach of a democracy which is a critique of the elitist approach on power.The frustration and aggression theory (Dollard et al 1939) are also applied to try and explain the aggression of the South Sudanese Christians towards the South
Sudanese Muslims. Also, criticisms on the theory by Lawson (1965) and others are brought to bear in the argumentative exposition. Finally, the Marxist conflict theory is also analyzed solely with a focus on his theory on the oppressed becoming the
oppressors as it best describes South Sudan’s current situation.
The major objective of the study revolves around the peacebuilding efforts of the state and the challenges that are being faced in curbing all forms of religious oppression and unrest. In light of this aim, the author makes use of a hermeneutic approach in
situation in the State. Although Muslims are prone to religious discrimination in South Sudan, Salomon (2013) is aware of the extent of religious discrimination to the
Christian majority. Therefore, such different aspect of religious oppression will be duly looked into in the analytical parts using abductive reasoning.
The paper draws the bulk of its literature from a search on online databases such as Academia, Research gate, SAGE journals using appropriate keywords relating to the study. The literature also comprises of articles and journals gotten from both on and offline. Also, information from google scholar search results with keywords like oppressions, conflict, power, frustration, religion, South Sudan and religious conflict to mention a few are used with appropriate referencing. It is based on a critical review of existing literature from a variety of academic fields, including but not limited to politics and international relations, peace and conflict studies, theology, sociology, history, social psychology, security and terrorism studies. It also examines materials that faith-based NGOs have produced on conflict and peacebuilding and builds on existing research focusing on religion.
The research work is a historical research work and as such, it involves a lot of
generalization, analysis, critical interpretations, and evaluations as well as summarizing and interpretation of well-documented events. In this analysis of all of these sources, is a devised methodology that aims to capture the diversity of approaches that have been deployed in the study of the relationship between religion and conflict/ peacemaking, and also in the practice of dealing with these issues. The study is organized into six parts namely: Introduction, Literature review, Theoretical Review, Methodology, Analysis chapter, and Conclusion.
6. ANALYTICAL CHAPTER
This chapter consists of different sections, first, it tries to answer the different sub research questions on this thesis by basing it on the South Sudanese constitution. Then comes the sections that aim to apply the different above-mentioned theories in South Sudan’s situation to reach a conclusion.
6.1.1. How far has the new State tried to guarantee religious freedom?
Under article 23 of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, the following religious rights are enumerated.
“23. The following religious rights are guaranteed by this constitution
a) The right to worship or assemble in connection with any religion or belief and to establish and maintain places for these purposes;
b) The right to establish and maintain appropriate faith-based, charitable or humanitarian institutions;
c) The right to acquire, possess and own movable and/or immovable property and make, acquire and use the necessary articles and materials related to the rites or customs of religion or belief;
d) The right to write, issue and disseminate religious publications;
e) The right to teach religion or beliefs in places suitable for these purposes; f) The right to solicit and receive voluntary financial and other contributions from individuals, private and public institutions;
g) The right to train, elect or designate by succession appropriate religious leaders called for by the requirements and standards of any religion or belief;
h) The right to observe days of rest, celebrate holidays and ceremonies in accordance with the precepts of religious beliefs; and
i) The right to communicate with individuals and communities in matters of religion and beliefs at national and international levels.” (THE TRANSITIONAL
CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH SUDAN, 2011; Article 23; PAGE 7)
Prior to the section on the bill of rights, the TC provides its take on religion in article 8 thus,
2) All religions should be treated equally, and religion or religious beliefs shall not be used for divisive purposes” (THE TRANSITIONAL CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH Sudan, 2011; Article 8; page 3).
From the above direct excerpts from the TC, it is safe to say that theoretically, the republic of South Sudan guarantees religious freedom for its citizenry. The transitional constitution of South Sudan makes provision for separation of religion from state and disallows all forms of religious discrimination. Provision is made for free assembly and freedom of worship within the constitution. This invariably means that religious within the state have the right to hold meetings, teach, and receive financial contributions, own property(s), issue publications on religious issues, communicate as well as appoint leadership freely within the state of South Sudan without any sanction or consequence. However, in order for any religious group to be binding under the stipulated provisions of the transitional constitution on religious freedom, it has to first, register with both the state and the national Bureau of Religious affairs. Criteria for registering the said religious groups include the provision of a copy of their guiding and operational constitution, documentation of its doctrines and finally, a registration fee of $100 and $200 for national and international faith-based organizations respectively. An
additional copy of the registration with another country is important for international faith-based organizations (United States Department of State, 2015 Report on
International Religious Freedom- South Sudan).
religious freedom is just but a mere gesture in paper and one cannot expressly say so in practice. It is also worth mentioning however that the state of South Sudan differs from North Sudan pre-independence in terms of religion and state. It can be seen that the government in Khartoum made constant and deliberate efforts at Islamization of the entire country whereas the relationship between religion and state in South Sudan is that of Secularism (separation of state and religion). From a Muslim perspective, the South Sudanese state is more dominated by Christians, whereas from the Christian perspective is more of a state where religious freedom is incorporated.
6.1.2. Challenges to religious tolerance in South Sudan
According to a survey taken by Wilson (2019), one of the major challenges to religious tolerance in South Sudan was the involvement of religious actors in partisan politics. A religious actor ought to abstain from politics and to maintain neutrality. Politics is viewed with utmost dishonesty and seen as a game characterized by lies and deceit whereas religion, on the other hand, is viewed as a symbol of hope and transparency. Another challenge to religious tolerance in South Sudan is tribalism in the church.
This quote is an illustration of how religious tolerance in South Sudan is tribalism in the church: “Respondents were asked about the role of religious actors relative to
tribalism, a complex concept in South Sudan. Although South Sudan is home to some sixty-four tribes, tribalism generally refers to political divides related to larger ethnopolitical blocks as well as political favoritism on the part of those in positions of power and authority”. (Wilson, 2019: pg. 29&30).
The research sought to understand the role of religious actors and institutions in either exacerbating tribal or ethnic cleavages as well as their potential to play a longer-term role in healing relationships and bringing about reconciliation. It also sought to
understand whether churches or religious entities were divided by tribe or ethnic group in essence, whether denominations serve primarily one ethnic group or serve diverse communities. However, the divisions among churches can have other meanings as well. According to the researchers, Catholic Mass, at least in Juba town, is conducted in English, Arabic, or Bari, the language of the ethnic group from the area where Juba town sits. Because mass is conducted in the languages spoken by greater numbers of people, the researchers felt the Catholic services were inclusive of all tribes and
normally conducted in any number of local languages or mother tongues. The
researchers said that people from specific tribes were likely to attend services in their own language or service in a closely related language they can understand well, and therefore Protestant services tend not to be as ethnically diverse as Catholic services” (Wilson, 2019: pg.29&30).
6.2. The Power Theory and its application in the case of South Sudan
Power theory is very broad as stated in section 4.1(3 dimensions of power, elitist power theory, pluralist power theory and a host of other approaches by different power
theorists). All these dimensions of power cannot possibly apply to the South Sudanese situation. This study makes use of the third dimension of the power theory put forward by Lukes (1974). This dimension of power focuses on the most effective and
treacherous use of power; for instance, to prevent conflicts from arising; laws are being used in South Sudan to prevent another Islamic “take over” (Salomon 2013, pg. 3).
The statement of the South Sudanese president as mentioned (mentioned above) by Salomon (2013) during his field research is an illustration of how those in power use their power in a treacherous manner. Although the South Sudan Muslims did not give the government any reason to feel threatened by their presence, and despite their coexistence in the country, the president still felt the need to warn them against an Islamization” take over” (see Salomon 2013. pg. 3).
6.3. Conflict Theory as it applies to religious oppression in South Sudan This section is a build-up and application of Marx’s conflict theory in section 4.3 above, in the case of South Sudan. All ideas on the theory have been duly referenced in section 4.3 above and as such the author reserves the right to avoid going through that cumbersome process in this segment, hence all references duly observed. A multi-methodological approach consistent with Creswell et al, (2003) of an argumentative and analytical view is used in this section.
groups and there was a constant conflict between the groups, the oppressed and the oppressor. And whenever one group rose to power, the other lost power and the circle continues in the fight for scarce resources. Although the concept of “resources” does not only refer to the tangible elements in society but also the intangible structures such as power, race, discrimination, status, dominance, wealth, class, and gender. This research will solely focus on Marx’s theory on the oppressed becoming the oppressors as the focus of the work is on the religious perspective. Marx believed that in every societal structure there existed inequality and a never-ending struggle between the oppressed and oppressor. This circle continued until it will eventually lead to frustration on the part of the oppressed. The oppressed will then rise up to the oppressor and try to change the status quo. There will eventually be a revolution and the oppressed will become the oppressor and vice versa (Marx, Engels: 1848).
Applying this theory in the south Sudanese case, we can notice the perfect application of the conflict theory from the religious situation in South Sudan pre-independence where the Northern Muslims were the majority oppressors who oppressed the Christian (non-religious) minorities (Johnson, 2014). As a result of the religious oppression in South Sudan pre-independence as enumerated in section 3.1, the frustration builds in which ultimately lead to aggression (Lawson, 1965). In 1983 when the then president of Sudan Jaafar Al-Nimieri declared the entire country an Islam state and proceeded to implement Sharia law across the country and escalating long-standing tensions between the Islamic North and the Christian South and in response, an insurgency was
conceived in resistance to this decision known as the SPLM and a civil war broke out (Wilson,2019). This outbreak of the civil war is what is referred to as aggression. The assumption that there will eventually be a revolution and the oppressed will become the oppressor and vice versa is noted in South Sudan post-independence (Marx, Engels: 1848).
“From being the majority, the South Sudanese Muslims became the minority
overnight” (Salomon, 2013; pg3). The South Sudanese Muslims become the oppressed and the Christians the oppressors. Hence, the theory’s assumption that there could never be equilibrium and that class struggle is inevitable in society.
The frustration hypothesis put forward by Dollard et al (1939) borders around the premise that frustration in humans ultimately leads to aggression. Dollard et al (1939) in their hypothesis maintained that if and when the source of the frustration cannot be physically addressed then the aggression gets taken out on someone or something else. This can be seen in the case of the South Sudanese Christians transfer of aggression on the South Sudanese Muslims because they could not physically take out their
frustrations on the government in Khartoum for the Islamization attempts. Cohen (1955) in his critique asserted that people tend to respond less aggressively to frustration if it is towards a powerful or authoritative figure. Cohen’s view is proven true in the case of religious oppression in South Sudan. Prior to South Sudan’s secession from Sudan, the Christians in South Sudan responded less aggressively to their oppression from the government in Khartoum but instead took out their frustrations later on the less powerful South Sudanese Muslims.
It is important to note that frustration and aggression go both ways. Both sides have been thrown into a state of back and forth as the South Sudanese Muslims are not left off in the aggression in response to their frustrations. According to the United States Department of State (2015), a South Sudanese Christian was beheaded by members of the Islamic community in retaliation to the persecution of Muslims in South Sudan. Also, Radio Tamazuj reported in 2017 that at least 40 church leaders have been killed in South Sudan between 2013 and 2017. It is hereby safe to assert that these
aggressions towards Christians by Muslims in these instances can be traced to frustrations as a result of prolonged oppression from the South Sudanese Christians. Frustration and aggression theory can also be traced to South Sudan’s
decision by the president was what triggered an aggressive response from the South Sudanese despite the already existing frustrations and tensions.
To conclude, these different theories present, despite its many dimensions or different critics have shown to be applicable and best suitable to the case of South Sudan. These theories have helped identify and put forward the findings which are of importance to take out of this chapter. With the help of these different theoretical approaches, findings and conclusions can be drawn vis á vis religious oppression in the country.
7. CONCLUSION
The study seeks to examine the extent to which South Sudanese still experience religious oppression supported by aims such as the examination of obstacles faced in the achievement of religious tolerance in South Sudan and the assessment of the role of religion in peacebuilding.
The study has found out in trying to answer the question how far the state has tried to guarantee religious that the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan expressly makes provision for religious freedom and as such every citizen has the right to exercise his or her religion accordingly as provided by articles 8 and 23 of the TC of South Sudan. Furthermore, through a closer look to obstacles being faced in achieving religious tolerance in South Sudan, the study among others have found that the major obstacle to religious freedom in South Sudan can be traced largely to the non-implementation of terms reached in peace agreements and other relevant documents aimed at promoting peace. Also, the inability of religious actors to influence peace at a national level is a challenge faced in this regard. However, from the nature of the study and the results obtained, it is difficult to expressly state the degree and exact extent to which religious oppression is still being experienced by the South Sudanese post-independence. However, from the findings from section 3.4 above, one can see that religious oppression is still significantly in play amongst the South Sudanese people. Peace efforts in South Sudan have however yielded positive headway at the local level but remain merely a future possibility at the National level. According to a statement by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in 2019, there has been little progress made at peace due to the non-implementation of major terms of the peace agreement signed in 2015 and most recently, the peace agreement signed in September of 2018.
It is evident from the results of this study that the role of religion and religious actors is important and has a significant positive impact on the peacebuilding in South Sudan but is limited by their reach of influence and the risk of physical harm. Also, the
and effective implementation of peace terms will increase the level of peace in South Sudan. Thus, the collaborative efforts of all agents (Government, humanitarian organizations, religious actors, citizens, and all stakeholders) are required in ensuring an enabling environment that will support and promote peacebuilding efforts in the face of the religious, social, political, and economic unrest in the nation. In addition, the author recommends that Government and policymakers should bring policies that will increase the influence of religious actors such as the SSCC which will increase their national reach and hence lead to an increase in the overall peace in South Sudan.
However, a final conclusion is drawn by noting that due to the researcher’s delimitation in section 5.1, by way of a further study is suggest for a more in-depth research that will focus and emphasize on all the different aspects of conflicts present in South Sudan taking into cognizance the various inter and intra ethnic, religious and even
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