‘She Probably Did Not Get a Rose’

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‘She Probably Did Not Get a Rose’

A Case Study of Audience Reception of the Swedish Adaption of The Bachelor

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank all respondents who took time out of their private schedules in order to participate and assist me in my research. This was highly appreciated as this thesis could not have been done and pursued without your help. Thank you.

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Abstract

Reality TV is a well-appreciated concept in the world of entertainment. The purpose of this study is to approach the viewing of reality television, with the intention to explore if men and women react to and interpret gender roles differently in a chosen reality TV show. Further social factors, such as nationality, age, sexuality and education will simultaneously play a crucial part in the analysis. The Swedish adaption of the well-known format The Bachelor was chosen for this case study to

examine if the situations in the show would provoke different reactions and interpretations among the respondents.

The thesis delivers two qualitative methodological approaches to capture the reactions and interpretations among the test persons. A focus group discussion with eight Finnish men and women was conducted along with eight individual interviews with Swedish men and women, with the intention of gaining insightful and valuable knowledge regarding how men and women interpret what they see.

The study’s findings suggest that there are both differences and similarities among men and women in their reactions and interpretations of gender roles in the chosen show, and that further social factors aid and affect in constructing the different interpretations.

Keywords: Reality TV, dating shows, The Bachelor, gender, nationality, sexuality, education, age,

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1. Introduction

Reality TV is a broad genre without a specific year of origin. Multiple shows have been cited as ‘the first’ reality show, among them Candid Camera which aired between the years 1947-2005, which however failed to receive the status as the proper ‘first’ show in the genre. The real boom rose in the late 20th century and has ever since gained a mass appeal and become what one could

call a cultural phenomenon. What was initially believed to be a fleeting fad rapidly proved that it was here to stay; today, one can hardly change channels without seeing a reality show on several different channels. Reality programming, or ‘unscripted entertainment’ is equally popular today as it was two decades ago, and has become a staple in television entertainment.

Many reality series have become the talk of the town around the world. The genre has a typical ‘love it or hate it’ aura, or dare I say, love to hate. Reality TV has extended from the TV screen to social media, online forums and gossip columns, and allows everyone take part of the fascinating world of reality. The genre has produced new stars, revived old ones and made participants famous figures around the world – Sweden has even seen a character ascend to royalty after participating in a reality show. With plots regarding everything from farming to dating featuring figures from porn stars to priests, the reality TV genre has it covered and is happy to expose people in their most vulnerable states.

A subgenre in reality TV that has received particularly great attention during the last two decades and is considered to be a very popular type of reality show is dating shows (Ferris, A.L. Smith, S.W. Greenberg, B.S. & Smith, S.L. 2007, 490). Along with dating shows comes a recurrent topic of discussion when it comes to reality TV shows – gender. Both fictitious and reality TV shows are said to have a fairly consistent and rigorous way of depicting male and female gender, with not a great amount of variation (Buchanan 2014, 9). Research about gender roles in television claim that women are the gender who is more likely to be portrayed as insecure, thoughtful and show

emotions, while men are more likely to be portrayed as confident, independent and show power and status (Josefson 2006, 8). These characteristics can be argued to be very stereotypical for what is feminine and what is masculine. Previous research about gender representation and roles have often been in connection to maintaining prevailing gender roles like the above mentioned, and how attributes like these contribute to maintaining a type of social ‘status quo’ (Geraghty & Lusted 1998, 117). This is very palpable in reality TV shows such as The Bachelor or Farmer Wants a

Wife, as the names of the shows say it all; the expressions refer to an unmarried and eligible man,

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With this in mind, the interest of looking into if men and women react differently to reality TV, and what the factors that produce the different reactions are, arose. In a show like The Bachelor, where one could argue that there are clear and preconceived constructions of what is masculine and feminine, I believe there are differences in how men and women react to what they see and how they interpret it. Eyal and Rubin (2003) proved in a study regarding aggression on TV that people with aggressive traits, both men and women, were more prone to identify with aggressive

characters. Furthermore, the authors argue that identification with violent characters may amplify the potential of aggressive viewers to act in the same way as they see on TV (Eyal & Rubin 2003 cited in Ferris et al. 2007, 491). This study and theory left me with the thought that viewers react to, interpret and identify differently with characters or participants on TV due to their personal traits, beliefs and values – and that there is a need to look into the actual reactions and opinions of the viewers, not solely focus on the emotional response, which is a common area of study when it comes to reality TV research.

Due the large social impact of reality TV, I believe there is an interest for more academic research in the field. It is evident that viewers of reality TV relate, identify and feel with what they see on the screen and that there is a lot of material to be found in how and why viewers react the way they do. There are countless of social factors one could depict from an audience reception study regarding reality TV, namely why people react to and interpret differently what they see, but they cannot all be considered due to time and extent limitation of this thesis. Hence, the main focus will lie on gender differences, more precisely put how men and women react to and interpret differently what they see. However, to strengthen arguments and theories, other social factors such as age,

nationality and education will also play a crucial part in the analysis of reception. A focus group consisting of eight Finnish people was conducted, along with eight individual interviews with Swedes in order to attain a larger pool of data for the study.

Episodes from the Swedish adaption of the well-known reality concept The Bachelor was used as material, as it was believed to be a show that could provoke different reactions from viewers depending on their gender. This was an assumption drawn from that The Bachelor contains what one could argue to be very stereotypical depictions of what is masculine and what is feminine, and provide viewers with the possibility to interpret differently what they see based on their gender.

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values or peer pressure, influence the way we interpret what we see. Hence, the way viewers react to and interpret what they see can be a result of practically any social or societal factor. By adding my research to the field, I believe it could help point out and prove how reactions and

interpretations depend on gender and further social factors and how they play a part in perception of what the viewer sees on the screen.

2. Aim and Research Questions

The aim of this thesis is to approach and identify the reactions and interpretations of viewing of the Swedish adaption of the reality television show The Bachelor, with the intention to explore how reactions and interpretations among viewers may differ due to social factors such as gender, as well as nationality, sexuality, education and age. All the mentioned factors will be problematized in the analysis. To achieve knowledge, a focus group and several individual interviews with persons from two different countries will be combined as methods in order to attain a deep and broad

understanding of the potential social factors that may contribute to differing reactions.

The focus group was conducted in Helsinki, Finland on March 14th 2020, a group consisting of 8

Finnish men and women between the ages of 22-59, who speak Swedish as their mother tongue. The individual interviews were conducted between April-May 2020 with four Swedish women and four Swedish men between the ages 26-60.

The original outline for this thesis was to conduct two focus groups, one in Helsinki, Finland and one in Stockholm, Sweden, but due to the on-going pandemic COVID-19, this was not possible. This will be discussed and explained further in the methodology chapter.

The material shown to the focus group and interviewees were three clips chosen through a purposive sampling from the 5th season of the Swedish adaption of The Bachelor that aired in

Sweden in 2019. The Swedish adaption of The Bachelor (Sw; Bachelor Sverige) is a popular reality show in Sweden that celebrated its 5th anniversary in 2019. The season had a new plot twist that had

never been seen before in the entire history of The Bachelor; there were two bachelors and not just one. Therefore, the 5th season of the Swedish adaption was chosen as material as it was perceived to

be a current and credible representation of Swedish reality television. Three clips from three

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was believed to contain elements that could provoke different reactions among men and women, and was therefore chosen as the sample frame.

In order to examine the phenomenon and to achieve a thorough and credible result, theories

regarding gender, intersectionality and stereotypes about Finns and Swedes will be used and applied to the data. The research will aim to answer the following questions;

RQ1: Do the interviewees and the men and women in the selected focus group interpret

representations of gender roles in the Swedish adaption of The Bachelor, season 5, differently? a) If so, how?

b) What are the differences/similarities?

RQ2: Do further social factors, such as age, nationality, sexuality or education, play a part in decoding messages among the interviewees and men and women in the selected focus group when watching the Swedish adaption of The Bachelor, season 5? If so, in what ways?

3. Literature Review

In this chapter previous literature regarding reality TV will be presented, with emphasis on the background of reality TV and a specific section regarding dating shows as a subgenre.

Subsequently, the case of this thesis, The Bachelor, will be presented more specifically.

3.1 Understanding Reality TV

Reality TV is a broad genre without a specific year of origin. Multiple shows have been cited as ‘the first’ reality show, among them Candid Camera which aired between the years 1947-2005. However, in Europe, the genre received its breakthrough in the end of the 20th century with Big

Brother as a pioneering program (Deller 2020, 2). Back then, it was difficult for both the general

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Early reality shows were so called ‘hybrids’ of existing genres like soap operas and game shows, as the term reality TV was imprecise and did not specify a genre. Reality shows combined daytime TV with the documentary genre, meaning that the characters were real people doing real things, not actors performing from a script. Reality shows has since its beginning had a strong game/contest element where winning is foregrounded (Feuer 2019, 46); even in a show like The Bachelor there is an element of ‘winning’, which means being the woman whom the bachelor choses to start dating exclusively.

Reality TV has been described by some scholars as a platform that depicts and defines class

differences. In shows about ‘regular’ people and their everyday lives, social structures and relations are presented along with everything from intimate relationships to global issues (Wood & Skeggs 2011, 1). When studying reality TV, one cannot just study what society is producing and

consuming, but has to take into consideration prevailing social norms and values that may affect the content, together with how the audience interprets and reacts to it (Taddeo & Dvorak 2010 cited in Kiyuchi 2011, 182). Taddeo and Dvorak describe the audience as a character of their own in reality TV, a fly on the wall that is relatively unaware of that the shows are social experiments and

reflections of social reality. The audience is aware of that reality TV is fictitious to some extent, but what many fail to notice is that the programs often are intertwined with the reality happening outside of the screen. Due to this, many reality shows mirror and present a sort of ‘moral panic’ and can be described as a depiction of society (Ibid). The authors exemplify this phenomenon by using researcher Leigh Edwards study regarding how shows like Who Wants To Marry My Dad? and

Trading Spouses portray cultural anxiety regarding family values in the contemporary USA

(Edwards cited in Taddeo & Dvorak 2010 in Kiyuchi 2011, 182). Reality TV is a social experiment that demonstrates how producers, participants and the audience all participate in a process that challenges and evaluates social norms (Kiyuchi 2011, 186).

It is difficult to refer to reality television as a homogenous genre, as it is an umbrella term for several subgenres and formats that are often adapted into different national markets. What however characterizes reality TV is that it usually regards ‘normal’ people, or at least people who are

produced as normal, who act on TV. Another characteristic of reality TV is that many shows have as their aim to make fools out of the participants. In today’s world, when almost a third of

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(Couldry 2011, 37). When criticizing a participant in a reality TV show, one is not criticizing a character, but a real person and his or her real actions.

Reality TV shows have been equally discussed and criticized in Sweden as it has been in the rest of the world. In 1997, when the first version of the adventure program Expedition: Robinson aired in Sweden, the first person to be eliminated from the game committed suicide shortly after. This unfortunate event lead to even more concerns and discussion regarding if participating in and watching reality TV shows was harmful to everyone involved (Biltereyst 2006, 93). However, despite the criticism, reality TV has remained a popular TV genre in Sweden.

3.2 Dating Shows

The reality TV genre is generally challenged by a prevailing discourse that could be described as a ‘social stigma’. The audience may connect different concepts and categories to what they see in a reality TV show, but whichever they are, they are significant to discuss. Dating shows in particular is an interesting subgenre, as dating can be argued to be a highly topical and discussed

phenomenon, and clearly engages viewers who are interested in seeing strangers date on TV.

Dating shows is a subgenre that was introduced in the early 21st century, and quickly gained

immense popularity amongst its viewers. The American broadcasting company FOX introduced

Temptation Island while ABC shocked the world with The Bachelor with the never seen before

format of real people dating on TV. The subgenre is argued to be strongly associated with

expectations and attitudes when it comes to romantic and sexual relationships (Ward & Rivadenrya 1999 cited in Ferris et al. 2007, 491).

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respond to the way the program is modeled, meaning that if a dating show is producing dating as a game rather than a quest for finding true love, the audience is more likely to take this thought with them to the real world.

Hill (2007) describes reception tendencies like the above mentioned as a process where viewers tend to distinguish between themselves and the ‘other’ – the participant of the reality TV show – and that rather than being a positive form of identification, it is more common that the viewers identify negatively with the participants. The negative response is usually a result of the viewers’ judgment of the person participating in the show and his or her actions. By dissolving themselves from the presented material, viewers tend to manage and control emotional responses in a way that is favorable for themselves, hence the theory of viewers distinguishing themselves from what they see (Hill 2007, 197-198). Viewers of reality TV tend to be fairly critical towards participants on reality shows, and it is not uncommon for viewers to have a ‘I am better than them’ attitude.

3.3 Portrayals of Men and Women in Reality TV

Shows like The Bachelor have clear, pre-determined ideas of how to portray the sexes. In reality TV, it is common knowledge that it is the female participants who are exploited and produced in bad manners, sometimes even as complete spectacles (Gray 2008, 260). The women in dating shows are often portrayed through their longing for true love and starting a family, how their ‘biological clock is ticking’ and how by participating in the show might be their last chance at finding true love (Dubrofsky 2009, 353). However, in The Bachelor, this is not the case with the bachelor himself – he is mainly there in the purpose of finding a girl who is dying to meet him. As many reality TV shows have as their goal to make fools out of the contestants, this is not the main goal in The Bachelor – the goal in this show is rather to portray the women in a certain way and emphasize on what the show is really about; unsuccessful love. The women who are perceived as a bad match for the bachelor get more TV time, especially if their unsuitability can be portrayed in a spectacular, audience enticing manner. A common trick in this genre is to initially present a woman as the perfect match for the bachelor, only to later successively remove her status. Most productions have as their aim to portray the women as emotional wrecks who cannot control their feelings, something which is usually proven by how the women cry open-heartedly in front of the camera and explain how they feel about the bachelor (Ibid).

Mary Pipher (1994) describes this kind of behavior as a girl-poisoning culture, an expression which states that girls live to only please men and lose themselves on the way. In order to

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century, and especially to the female character Ophelia who falls in love with the Danish prince Hamlet (Pipher 1994 cited in Bettie 2000, 2). Ophelia is a young and happy woman, but when she falls in love with Hamlet, she loses herself and only lives for his approval. One could argue towards that there are similarities between this and The Bachelor, where the women practically will do anything to win the bachelor’s heart, and show no problem in becoming enemies with the other contestants or behaving in an undignified manner. The bachelor on the other hand, is portrayed as rather unbothered by the fact that the women are competing for him, which strengthens the stereotype of women being the ones who chase a man and not the other way round.

The Bachelor has been equally criticized for having narrow racial politics. It is very seldom that

women of color receive the ‘status’ of being the bachelor’s personal favorite, as they are not very often cast as viable romantic partners for the bachelor, unless they are ‘whitened’ in some sense (Dubrofsky 2006, Dubrofsky & Hardy 2008 cited in Dubrofsky 2009, 356). Women of color are more often cast as excessively emotional – usually angry or aggressive – in these kind of programs. This proves how race penetrates reality TV, and how it affects the genre and its predetermined visions of how women should act or be produced in the show according to their race (Dubrofsky 2009, 356).

Reality TV has received a great amount of criticism when it comes to gender and for having plots like The Bachelor. Many of the shows are considered to be extremely conservative when it comes to gender roles, and because of the fact that many shows are dominated by men (Jarlbro 2006, 113). These kind of conditions are especially strong and palpable in dating shows, where the male

participants are presented as strong, ambitious and prestigious, while the women have more of a supportive role and are only there to be young and beautiful (Ibid. 121). Even though there are twenty-five women present in The Bachelor who actually make the show by causing drama and audience friendly content, the show’s main figure is still the sole man and is the one who the plot revolves around.

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3.4 Case: The Bachelor

Offering the promise of romance and a fairy tale ending, The Bachelor is a popular and well-known reality show that has been adapted into several different international markets since its premiere in 2002. The Bachelor was initially produced by the American broadcasting company ABC and premiered for the first time ever in the US in 2002. In Sweden, the first season premiered in 2015.

In the show, twenty-five young women compete in conquering a handsome, single man’s heart, and does so by going on one-on-one dates, group dates and group activities with the bachelor. Every week is culminated in a fiery rose ceremony where the bachelor hands out roses to the ladies he wishes to continue dating. The ladies who do not receive a rose, has to pack their bags and leave the show immediately. Since its premiere in 2002, The Bachelor offers one of the most popular reality TV concepts and has been copied into several different formats during the last two decades, along with spin-offs like The Bachelorette, Bachelor Pad and Bachelor in Paradise.

The Bachelor franchise nowadays has a fan community called ‘Bachelor Nation’, which refers to

the fan community and how they do not care about the political incorrectness, sexism or racism that may be presented in the show. It is said that both the producers and the viewers are aware of that the show is ‘ridiculous’, that the fairy-tale narrative is outdated and sexist, and that the show’s racial politics are skew – when the American version for the first time ever presented an

African-American bachelorette in 2017, she made clear that she liked ‘white guys’ better (Feuer 2019, 49). While other reality TV shows modernize and adapt their gender politics to the modern world, Cloud (2010) argues that viewers of The Bachelor do not reject the conservative and normative depictions of gender and stereotypes on the show, but on the contrary, they naturalize them (Cloud 2010 cited in Downing 2017, 5). However, despite the criticism, The Bachelor remains a favorite among viewers all over the world and can be argued to hold a niched place in television entertainment. Unlike many reality shows, The Bachelor has not become dated as its audience has aged, but on the contrary, the show has remained viable and relevant to its audience thanks to the fact that the show is built for real-time conversation which help nourish the brand in itself (Feuer 2019, 49-50) – even the US version’s continual host Chris Harrison has described The Bachelor as “… A bizarre

anomaly on TV” (Harrison cited in Feuer 2019, 49). Along with the birth of social media, the

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4. Theoretical Framework

In the following section, general theories regarding audience research and reception studies will be presented. Subsequently, essential theories for this thesis will be presented, which regards gender theory, theories about intersectionality and a section regarding stereotypes of Finnish and Swedish people.

4.1 Audience Research

When watching reality TV, viewers naturally react differently to what they see. Krippendorff suggests that elements of a text or image always refer to a wider cultural context beyond the one they are part of (Krippendorff 2013 cited in Rose 2016, 87), so called ‘made meanings’, and are often referred to as representations, that are simply put our own perceptions of what we see (Rose 2016, 2). Images and moving material can offer very particular visions of social categories, e.g. gender, but allow everyone to interpret what they see in their own way (Ibid. 18). How viewers react to what they see can depend on gender, age, social class, level of education, ethnicity or religion, all factors that affect the viewers’ perception of what they see. In other words, how we are positioned and how our social identities look can have strong implications for how we receive and interpret the cultural content we consume. Our social identities are made up of many different facets that include, but are not limited to factors like race, age, class, sexual orientation or gender (Collins 2015; Dhamoon & Hankivsky 2011 cited in Jacobson & Mustafa 2019, 2). These factors, whether one is a woman, man, young or old, affect the way we interpret and see the world and everything around us. Positionality can therefore be used as a tool that can help researchers analyze results they attain from research. No matter what method or research tradition, it is beneficial to reflect on how one’s social identity affects the results and research (Einstein 2012 cited in Jacobson & Mustafa 2019, 2). An important function of positionality is that the social factors that constitute positionality helps us interpret data in a critical and productive way, while simultaneously giving us insightful tools that furthers our capacity to creatively analyze and theorize.

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when analyzing audience reception as it proposes the theory that viewers actually do react differently and therefore are not a passive, but highly active, audience.

4.1.1 Research Elements for Qualitative Media Research

When performing qualitative media audience research, an essential point is that it should aim at producing general knowledge (Eriksson 2017, 30). Another central argument is that scientific generalizations and research need to take into consideration the area of the deep structures of reality, and that it should not be limited to observable empirical facts (Sayer 1992; Collier 1994; Danermark, Ekström, Jakobsen & Karlsson 2002 cited in Eriksson 2017, 32). When regarding qualitative media audience research, a vital argument is that this type of research has an immanent capacity to gain such knowledge (Eriksson 2017, 32).

Eriksson (2017) presents what he calls a ‘Research map for qualitative media audience research on media consumption’, which is inspired by Layder (1993). In the map he lists four different research elements and focus areas that are vital when performing qualitative media audience research.

The first element is called the overreaching societal context, which can be described as an ideological level of media consumption. The dimension concern questions about how power relations such as gender, ethnicity or class can be sustained or reproduced, as well as different traditions and values (Eriksson 2017, 40). An example of a study involving the dimension is Morley’s Family Television (Morley 1986 cited in Eriksson 2017, 40) where he describes the viewing differences between men and women being a result of “…the dominant model of gender

relations in society”. What Morley identified in his study was an overreaching patriarchal structure

which took shape in how the media consumption was divided in households; for men, watching TV was considered a leisure activity, whereas for women, it was considered to be associated with household responsibilities. This theory suggests that for men, watching TV is something that they can concentrate on, while women are supposedly too distracted by household work to concentrate on a TV show (Morley 1986, 146-148 cited in Eriksson 2017, 40).

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different activities in households. For example, it could be a source of conversation but was equally likely to be a source to avoid conversation. In combination with other mechanisms, the use of television could produce different kinds of social interaction in the households (Lull 1980 in Eriksson 2017, 41).

The third element is termed the dynamics of text/genre, originally called situated activity by Layder. This concerns the “… dynamics of interaction itself” and “… the way in which gatherings

of, or encounters between, several individuals tend to produce outcomes and properties that are a result of the interchange of communication between the whole group rather than the behavior of the constituent individuals viewed singly” (Layder 1993, 80 cited in Eriksson 2019, 41). Media

consumption in itself is a form of interaction, and the focus should therefore lie on the encounter between the text and the reader/viewer (Eriksson 2017, 41). Thompson (1995) names this as mediated-quasi-interaction, which is a social activity that occur in our everyday lives. Texts and images have different meaning potentials which will be interpreted differently by the viewers in the moment of it being viewed/read, meaning that the meanings will be ‘caused’ by different social factors along with properties of the text. The encounter between reader and text involves a range of different social factors that may affect how the reader interprets what he or she sees (Eriksson 2017, 41). A classic example of how this phenomenon works is suggested by Justin Lewis in his study on news reception, which concerns how news readers interpret what they read depending on how the narrative of the text is presented along with how the text is organized (story telling). This gives the readers the opportunity to interpret differently and understand social phenomena (Lewis 1991 cited in Eriksson 2017, 41).

The last element is called the dynamics of mind, which refers to the mental process of interpretation involved in media consumption, including identifying general mental/cognitive frames that could be of significance in audience research (Eriksson 2017, 41). This is a field that has not been particularly theorized, but it is claimed to be necessary to develop further theories on this level in order to understand, or explain, what goes on in the process of media consumption and the process of interpretation that people are involved in (Höijer 2000 cited in Eriksson 2017, 41-42).

4.2 Gender Theory

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Vial 2016, 139). Typical stereotypes regarding what is considered to be feminine is a need to care for and attend to fellow humans, while being sensitive, caring, kind and empathetic. Men on the other hand, are often stereotypically portrayed as primal and instrumental, possessing characteristics of independency and aggression while being strong-minded and decisive (Kite et al. 2008 in

LaFrance & Vial 2016, 139).

As previously mentioned, dating shows have been scrutinized and criticized for their ways of portraying gender roles ever since their premiere on the screen. In earlier research, the main focus lies on analysis of traditional gender roles and bases its theories on the expression heterogender, or gender hierarchy. These kinds of stereotypes origin from the expression heterogender, which refers to the asymmetrical stratification of the genders that privileges men and exploits women (Ingraham 1994 cited in Camacho &Yep 2004, 339). This kind of behavior is very palpable in e.g. The

Bachelor, where there are twenty-five women competing for the attention of one man. The bachelor

holds the power, as he is the one who selects whom of the women he wishes to continue to date, while the women have very limited power in the show overall.

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constructed by what is called a shared worry of women’s sexuality (Duits & van Zoonen 2006, 104-105).

Another much-argued about difference between men and women is that women are ultimately seen as being interested in romantic relationships, while men as more in favor of casual, non-committed relations. This has been highlighted in research regarding how men and women act differently when on holiday, and that there are two different kinds of tourism; sex tourism and

romance tourism. Both expressions regard the potential romance one can find on a holiday. The

difference between the two is that when talking about sex tourism, it is often men who are in focus, while when talking about romance tourism, if often regards women. This suggests the perception that women are looking for long-term, romantic relationships while men often are more interested in ‘just sex’, and that this is considered to be a more masculine approach to relationships (Hamid-Turksoy, Kuipers & van Zoonen 2014, 3-4).

When it comes to masculinity, Gill (2003) argues that one should interpret masculinity as a discourse, and explains the theory by dividing the concept of masculinity in two categories; ‘the new man’ and ‘the new lad’. These two designations are believed to represent a modern form of masculinity due to a lasting character that can be seen in almost any situation or culture. The designations have come to be recognized as a male discourse, as they are believed to represent two dominant versions of men in the United Kingdom that present constructions of masculinity (Gill 2003, 35-36).

‘The new man’ is sensitive, emotionally stable and aware, respects women and stands for equality of the genders. On some levels he may be a narcissist, and he is very aware of and invested in his own appearance. ‘The new man’ can be both hetero- or homosexual. As a contrast, ‘the new lad’ is indulgent, possibly an anti-feminist and a man who likes beer, football and to pursue in sexual relations with women (Gill 2003, 36). Different types of masculinity are something that may be visible in the material of this thesis as there are two bachelors in the chosen season.

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4.3 Intersectionality

The intersectional approach is one that questions adoptions of homogeneity within gender and ethnic/racial groups (Shields 2008 cited in Juan, Syed & Azmitia 2016, 226). As the participants in the conducted focus group and the interviewees are fairly similar in their ethnicity, race, nationality and class, it is important to address the intersectional approach in order to be able to analyze the results thoroughly and draw plausible conclusions. The intersectional approach is relevant even though the participants are similar in their backgrounds, as it is equally much a factor as it would be if the test persons were different in their backgrounds.

4.3.1 Sexuality

Homosexuality is a sexual orientation that has historically been considered as something that could be harmful to the individual, and even harmful to a nation in specific countries (Pryke 1998 cited in Szulc 2015, 1532). Viewpoints like these may or may not be a factor to why it is often interpreted as difficult for homosexual men and women to come out with their sexuality. Homosexuality has even been connected to ‘health’ issues in different nations, which suggests that being homosexual is shameful or even a disease. Furthermore, queer people have historically been, and can in some nations still be positioned as alien and different, even as nation traitors or enemies (Sculz 2015, 1532) – for example, the Russian capital Moscow has been called ‘one of the least gay-friendly cities in Europe’ as Russian authorities has banned Moscow Pride several times (Stella 2013, 459). As the world has developed and modernized, several new scholars show how queers, especially lesbians and gay men, have been normalized and united into notions of different nations (Szulc 2015, 1533). However, some countries still remain what one could describe as homophobic, for instance the above mentioned Russia. In Turkey, the military service still considers homosexuality to be a psychological disorder, which means that homosexual men are not allowed to do service. If a homosexual man is already enrolled, this is considered a disciplinary offence (Biricik 2009; Hürryet 2012 cited in Sculz 2015, 1534). These theories may point to that there might still be hostile opinions against homosexual people around the world, and that homosexuality is not as accepted as heterosexuality is.

4.3.2 Class and Race

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theories are often targeted towards women and/or women of color, as they are considered to be marginalized and oppressed minorities (Juan, MJ. D. Syed, M. Azmitia, M. 2016, 226). The focus often emphasizes on women of color because of the fact that (women’s) struggles are shaped

differently in different countries by prevailing political and social conditions. Simultaneously, racial and ethnical privileges give white women the opportunity to distance themselves or even remain blind to issues related to ethnicity or race (McIntosh 1989 cited in Juan et al. 2016, 227). All social divisions share some features and are intertwined with each other, but should not be restricted to one another. For example, being black or a woman is not another way of describing working class or less worthy, although historical factors tend to amplify such statements. Such generalizations are however historically specific and are not valid to such a strong extent in a modern world, as they are experiencing an ongoing change and contestation (Yuval-Davis 2006, 200). One can however argue that the historical aspects is what has created the power difference between men and women, and why women are in certain situations perceived as the weaker sex.

When analyzing the functioning and structure of class and the social world, it is important to consider the different forms of capital and not only rely on the form recognized by economic

theory. One of the most famous theories when it comes to class concepts is Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of capital. Bourdieu’s interpretation has a Weberian approach that believes class to be socially structured, and that class is something one is born into and affects social statuses in society that is based on availability, legitimacy and resources (Bourdieu cited in Richardson 1986, 15). Depending on the field and transformations which are the preconditions for its efficiency in the field

concerned, capital can take form in three essential forms; as economic capital, which can be institutionalized in the form of property rights or other factors directly convertible into money;

cultural capital, which can in certain conditions be converted into economic capital and may be

institutionalized in the form of e.g. educational qualifications; and as social capital, which is made of social connections and obligations, which can in certain conditions be convertible into economic capital and can be institutionalized in the form of a title of nobility (Bourdieu in Richardson 1986, 16). Even though the three forms measure different types of capital, one could argue that they together ultimately form a type of value.

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changes that may help maintain them. The relationships can also be socially instituted and enhanced by for example a common name; e.g. a class, a party or the name of a family (Bourdieu cited in Richardson 1986, 15). This is highly topical considering the usage of a focus group and individual interviews as methods in this thesis, and will be reconnected to in the analysis.

Furthermore, Tajfel (1981) offers a theory called social identity theory, which proposes that there is a bridge between the progress of individual identity and the social context in which it is

established. The theory suggests that social identity is obtained from a sort of ‘membership’ to a particular group, which includes the emotional importance and values to that specific group – a theory that is highly similar to Bourdieu’s theory on social capital. The author argues how social identities tied to marginalized groups are the one that are most prominent to the individual (Tajfel 1981 cited in Juan et al. 2016, 227). This theory is equally topical as the one regarding social and cultural capital, as when it comes to the members of the focus groups, they all share the same nationality which one could argue to be a crucial factor in feeling comfortable during a focus group session and not being afraid to speak their mind, which is a common problem during focus group sessions (Hollander 2004 cited in Lambert & Loiselle 2008, 230).

4.3.3 Swedish-Speaking Finns

As intersectional theories often approach and regard minorities, it is important to address that the participants in the focus group all belong to a minority in Finland called Swedish-speaking Finns, a minority that constitutes 5% of the Finnish population. In order to clarify and make the analysis comprehensible, the following section will be a short historical outline of the Swedish speaking minority in Finland.

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Sara Ahmed (2007) writes about the saying ‘like two peas in a pod’, an expression that usually describes how two people are very similar in appearance or character. However, Ahmed argues that it is not about how the two peas look alike, but the fact that they share the pod (Ahmed 2007, 155). Furthermore, Ahmed argues that bodies can be seen as ‘alike’ for instance by sharing whiteness as a characteristic. The shared space in this case is what we find familiar with the body we share it with; kind of like the previously mentioned ‘pod’ (Ibid). One could therefore argue that the belonging to the Swedish speaking minority in Finland is a great factor that strengthens the sense of community and belonging for the focus group members.

4.4 Nationality

One of the social factors in this study is that the focus group consisted of Swedish speaking Finns who live in Helsinki, Finland, while the interviewees were Swedes who live in Stockholm, Sweden. Because of this, aspects of nationality and geographical position will be relevant.

Cities are complex and have different ways of consumption and ways of making representations. Television series, movies, music and news headlines can be argued to be the obvious ones, but social- and personal media form urban cultures through communication practices and

representations differently in every city and country (Georgiou 2013, 1). The role of media and communications is crucial in making a city multifaceted, but more importantly, dialogical. Media supports the symbolic power a city carries by exposing its many layers, distinctions and paths that ultimately can be commodified (Georgiou 2013, 2). The ways in which through a city

communicates, shares and symbolically constructs factors can have large consequences for social and cultural life, as it is what make us believe and behave the way we do and understand and interact with our fellow humans in different ways (Georgiou 2013, 3).

When it comes to Helsinki and Stockholm, they can be argued to be quite similar cities at a shallow glance – both are fairly rich cities situated in Northern Europe – and therefore I believe that there are both similarities and differences to be found in the decoding among the focus group participants and the interviewees when it comes to nationality as a social factor. I am aware of that using

participants from Finland and Sweden is a rather limited geographical dissemination, but I will attempt to point out both similarities and differences in the way the participants react to the

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biggest or most crucial factor in this study, but I do however believe that there are similarities that cross national borders as well as there are differences that are interesting to look into when

analyzing the results.

4.4.1 Finns and Swedes

There are several theories regarding stereotypes when it comes to the differences between Finns and Swedes – studies of values, traits and behavior patterns among the two show a significant

connection with emphasis on prevailing national stereotypes ((Daun, Verkasalo & Tuomivaara 2001, 61). A common stereotype regarding Swedes, which is often recognized by foreigners, is the Swedish conflict avoidance. This is a stereotype based on studies that suggest that Swedes hesitate to express their personal opinions in situations where they are unsure of what the opposing party thinks or might say. Swedes have a tendency to avoid the risk of needi to argue for an opposite stand (Daun, Verkasalo & Tuomivaara 2001, 58), to be more in favor of agreeing, and are therefore in some cases perceived as less honest than Finns, as the agreeing can be perceived as dishonesty by some cultures and a lack of expressing genuine, personal opinions (Ibid.). However, according to Swedes, agreeing is a way of creating a sense of community, and are simultaneously a nation that is known for talking and expressing their feelings a lot (Daun, Verkasalo & Tuomivaara 2001, 60). When it comes to Finns and their ways of expressing opinions, they are in general perceived as a nation that are honest and express their genuine opinions in a straight-forward communication style. This style of communication may be a factor to why Finns are in some cultures and situations perceived as aggressive and a nationality that argues easily (Daun, Verkasalo & Tuomivaara 2001, 59), especially when compared to Swedes who are more cautious and calm in their ways of

communicating. There is an underlying emphasis on masculinity when discussing the Finnish way of communicating, as a masculine way of communicating is perceived to include decisiveness, which can be perceived as authoritarian and/or aggressive (Daun, Verkasalo & Tuomivaara 2001, 59). Swedes, on the other hand, are perceived to be a nation who are comfortable in expressing their feelings, a stereotype that is not commonly connected to Finns (Daun, Verkasalo & Tuomivaara 2001, 60).

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5. Method and Material

In this chapter the chosen methodological approaches for the thesis will be presented and explained more thoroughly how they will be combined. What follows is a section presenting the course of action in recruiting the interviewees and focus group. The material will also be presented more closely, as well as the pursuance of the focus group session and interviews. Below, the research questions of the study have been repeated.

RQ1: Do the interviewees and the men and women in the selected focus group interpret representations of gender roles in the Swedish version of The Bachelor, season 5, differently?

a) If so, how?

b) What are the differences/similarities?

RQ2: Do further social factors such as age, nationality, sexuality or education play a part in decoding messages among the interviewees and men and women in the selected focus group when watching the Swedish version of The Bachelor, season 5? If so, in what ways?

5.1 Combining Focus Groups and Individual Interviews

To examine the phenomenon and in order to help answer the research questions in a credible manner, a combination of a focus group and individual interviews was used as methods for this project. The study required a qualitative approach in order to capture relevant factors, honest opinions and genuine expressions. Thus, two inductive and qualitative methods were believed to gain valuable knowledge to this study.

The original outline for this thesis was to conduct two focus groups, one in Helsinki, Finland and one in Stockholm, Sweden, but due to the outbreak of COVID-19, it was impossible to conduct a second focus group that would have taken place in Stockholm. After noting that a second focus group that would take part in person was impossible, the option to conduct a focus group over a video conference call was explored. The ambition was to do so, but it proved near impossible to get all participants online at the same time. In lieu, individual interviews were decided to replace a second focus group.

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integrating methods across paradigms (Barbour 1998 in Lambert & Loiselle 2008, 230). Due to this, qualitative-quantitative triangulation is more common than qualitative-qualitative triangulation. Although focus groups and individual interviews are independent data collection methods, the combination of the two is believed to be advantageous, as it gives the possibility to provide

researchers with complementary views of the phenomenon (Ibid.), and therefore to combine the two qualitative methods was believed to be an excellent fit for this study even though it differed from the original outline.

Focus groups and individual interviews can be combined for the purpose of completing and/or confirming data. When seeking data completeness, it is believed that each method reveals different parts of the phenomenon being studied (complementary views) and therefore contribute to a more comprehensive understanding while expanding the depth and breadth of the study. Focus groups may be used to examine beliefs and opinions about a certain phenomenon, while individual

interviews may be used to explore personal opinions (Adami 2005, Halcomb & Andrew 2005 cited in Lambert & Loiselle 2008, 230). By combining the two methods, I hope to gain insightful, valuable and specific information.

5.1.1 Focus groups

Focus groups are used by researchers to explore a range of phenomena. The goal of the method is to attain and use interaction data that results from discussion among participants, e.g. commenting on each other’s experiences or questioning one another. This increases the depth of the inquiry and aims to unveil aspects of a phenomenon assumed to be otherwise less accessible (Freeman et al. 2001; van Eik & Baum 2003; Duggleby 2005 cited in Lambert & Loiselle 2008, 229). Group interaction may emphasize test persons’ differences and similarities while simultaneously giving rich information about range of experiences and perspectives.

A focus group can be regarded to as a ‘social space’ where participants form their opinions based on how the discussion flows and on how they interact with each other. Hollander (2004) argues that there are four types of social contexts that may be created in a group that may influence its

members; associational context, e.g. a common characteristic that brings the group together; status

context, regarding the position of the members in local or societal hierarchies; conversational context, the type of discussion in the group and how the discussion flows and relational context,

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interaction of a group and their individual performances as they may affect the members and how they act, respond and react during the session.

5.1.2 Individual Interviews

Individual interviews are used in order to collect detailed information of the interviewee’s thoughts, beliefs and attitudes regarding a specific phenomenon. The approach assumes that if questions are asked correctly, the answers will reflect the persons’ reality (Morse 2000, Sandelowski 2002 & McDonald 2006 cited in Lambert & Loiselle 2008, 229). Despite being a method that is known for collecting in-depth data, individual interviews have been criticized for not providing credible answers, one main issue being that interviewees may choose to withhold opinions or embellish them in order to seem interesting or to maintain a pre-determined self-image (Fielding 1994 cited in Lambert & Loiselle 2008, 229). However, this kind of criticism can of course be applied to focus groups as well, meaning that group members may say things only in order to impress other participants.

5.2 Material

The material for this study consisted of episodes from the Swedish version of The Bachelor (Swe: Bachelor Sverige), season 5 that aired in 2019. What was special about this particular season was that instead of only having one bachelor in the show, there were two men as bachelors. Sweden was the first country ever to present the show with two bachelors instead of one, and is therefore a pioneer within the bachelor concept. The season was considered to be particularly interesting to use as material because of its unique plot twist and was therefore chosen as material for this study as it contained new elements in the show beyond the traditional ones.

After watching the entire season consisting of 60 episodes, three clips from three different episodes were chosen as data through purposive sampling – episodes 11, 13 and 17 – as they were considered to comprise content that was a suitable sample for fulfilling the purpose of the study. A purposive sample is a non-probability type of sampling that is common in qualitative studies, as the goal of purposive sampling is to collect data in a strategic way, so that the samples are relevant to the research question being posed (Bryman 2012, 418). The analysis presents an overview of the entire show by outlining a larger structure based on the chosen clips that was shown to the focus group and interviewees.

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Season 5 episode 11: 26:57 – 30:27 One of the girls questions one of the bachelor’s tattoo Season 5 episode 13: 18:33 – 22:45 Archery competition between the two bachelors Season 5 episode 17: 31:37 – 34:47 Rose ceremony

5.3 Coding

In order to code the data, a procedure of searching for disconfirming or negative evidence was conducted (Miles & Huberman 1994 cited in Creswell & Miller 2000, 127). This refers to the process where the researcher establishes themes and categories in a study, and proceed with searching through the data for evidence that disconfirms or is consistent with the predetermined themes (Creswell & Miller 2000, 127). This could by all means be described as a thematic analysis, which is the process of defining an index of central themes and subthemes that are recurring motifs in the texts or transcripts (Bryman 2012, 579).

The four themes that were decided and searched for in the data were chosen with reference to the theoretical framework of this thesis. Thus, the designed themes were gender, nationality, education and sexuality, as these were believed to be palpable in the transcripts. By coding the transcripts, the ambition was to generate an index that would help me theorize and interpret in relation to the data.

After pursuing the focus group and interviews, the transcripts were transcribed straight after. The transcripts were read and studied meticulously several times, first at a shallow glance and then at a deeper level. As the themes had been decided in advance, it facilitated the process to directly search for codes that fitted under the chosen themes. When coding, several subcategories emerged and were sorted under a suitable theme, which can be seen in the coding scheme (See appendix 1). The codes identified were sorted under the themes and into subcategories, and subsequently connected to the theoretical framework in the analysis. The coding scheme represents codes identified in the interview transcripts as well as the transcript from the focus group session, and are direct quotes and citations from the respondents.

6. Data Collection

6.1 Recruiting the Focus Group

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test persons, a mix of men and women between the ages of 22-59. The original group had 10 members, but two had to cancel. All of the test persons live in Helsinki, have similar educational backgrounds (regardless their age) and speak Swedish as their mother tongue, except for one member, but who still mastered the Swedish language. This was a criterion for the focus group members, as the clips shown to them will be in Swedish and therefore requires the test persons to master the Swedish language.

It was predetermined that the collected sample would consist of men and women from Finland and Sweden between the ages of 20-60 in order to get a wide age range, with different educations and occupations. The age range was based on the preferability to have adults rather than children or teenagers as respondents, as it was believed that adults would be able to comment on the material more critically than children or teenagers would. It was therefore a criterion for the chosen focus group members and interviewees to be between the ages 20-60.

Due to the global pandemic COVID-19 which was on-going when the group was conducted, the sample for the focus group was collected through convenience sampling, which is a type of non-probability sampling. A convenience sampling is a sample that is easily available and accessible for the researcher (Bryman 2012, 201), and felt like a convenient, but above all, safe choice for this research due to the national restrictions in Finland caused by COVID-19. The participants for the focus group were therefore acquaintances to myself, whom I personally and individually asked if they wanted to be a part of the study. After they agreed, I explained to them how the session would work and assured their anonymity and that they would all be given alias names. As the respondents were acquaintances to myself, there was no need for a background check of the participants. None of test persons were regular viewers of The Bachelor, but a majority was familiar with the concept of the show. Certain uniformity in the group was believed to be an advantage and also helpful for the participants, as it was believed that the participants would develop their opinions and thoughts further if they were encouraged by confirmation and similar inputs by the others.

The group consisted of the following members; Louise, 55, senior sourcing manager. Marcus, 57, board professional. Kristian, 57, entrepreneur within tourism. Mary, 59, social worker. Mia, 55, flight purser. Nina, 26, entrepreneur. Mark, 24, market operations manager, and Adam, 22, student in human resources. All participants are heterosexual, come from a middle-class background and live in an urban environment in Helsinki. The respondents have similar educational backgrounds and have an academic degree or are currently studying at a university or institution of higher degree. The participants can therefore be ascribed to an educated middle-class group of people, which was believed to influence the results and reflections.

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results may have been different if other social factors had been considered and/or addressed. This was taken into consideration and will be discussed further as a part of the limitations of this study

6.2 Recruiting the Interviewees

The sample for the individual interviews were collected through a convenience sample, namely a sample that was easily available and accessible for the researcher (Bryman 2012, 201). This was a conscious choice as the study did not require any specific test persons, but on the contrary, it was preferred to have people with different jobs and education. It also proved to be easier to access acquaintances than trying to get ahold of non-familiar test persons. All interviewees were asked personally if they wanted to participate. After agreeing, I explained how the session would work and assured their anonymity and that they would be given alias names. As the respondents were acquaintances to myself, there was no need for a background check of the participants.

The interviews were conducted during April-May 2020. Seven interviews were conducted over video calls, as the researcher was located at a different geographical setting than the interviewees. The last interview was held in person in Stockholm, Sweden in May 2020. A total of eight

interviews were conducted in order to match the amount of members in the focus group. The interviewees were all Swedes from Stockholm, with a majority located in Stockholm.

The interviewees were the following; Victoria, 35, PR executive. David, 27, consultant. Max, 30, communications director. Klara, 26, team leader within sales. Gabriel, 26, student in

communications. Mila, 33, community manager. Emma, 28, fact checker and Ann-Sofie, 60, store manager. All test persons are heterosexual except Emma who is homosexual. The respondents come from a similar middle-class background and live in Stockholm, except for Klara who lives in

Gothenburg. They all share a similar educational background. Of the eight, three were regular viewers of The Bachelor, which was Klara, Mila and Ann-Sofie. The rest of the interviewees were however familiar with the concept of the show.

6.3 Pursuing the Focus Group Session and Individual Interviews

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research questions. This was a conscious choice as I wanted to use very general questions in order to stimulate discussion amongst the participants. General questions are often designed for focus group sessions in order to generate initial reactions, and also because it allows the participants to raise issues that they find particularly significant without relying on a research question (Bryman 2012, 511). The possibility to pose more questions during the discussion was not excluded. Seven interviews were conducted over a video call due to different geographical positions, while the last interview was conducted in Stockholm in person. The interviewees who were at a different geographical position were sent a short informative document about the study, along with a link with the same clips that were shown to the focus group that they were asked to watch prior to the interview. After watching the clips (which they did on their own off-cam), a semi-structured interview was conducted over a video call. The conversations were recorded and transcribed word by word. In order to attain honest and reliable answers, very general questions such as “What did

you think of this clip?” and “Did you react to anything specific?” were asked in order to avoid

steering the interviewees towards a specific answer. The goal was to let the interviewees do the talking and share their personal opinions and thoughts, in order to attain a similar flow to the focus group where the interviewer did not need to interfere.

It has been taken into consideration that the results may have differed if the original plan of a second focus group would have been conducted with the test persons instead of individual interviews, given how a group dynamic may have affected the test person’s interpretations and opinions.

The data were recorded and transcribed word by word, and later partly translated into English. Due to language barriers and because of the fact that the show is in Swedish, the discussion and

interviews were conducted in Swedish. One of the focus group members was more comfortable expressing her opinions in Finnish. This was accepted as all other group members also mastered the Finnish language, and therefore it was not an issue that she gave her comments in Finnish. Speaking in their mother tongue allowed the participants and interviewees to give accurate descriptions of their feelings and opinions and the opportunity to naturally interrogate with the other members of the group, therefore it was acceptable that one participant spoke in Finnish. The citations used in the analysis have been translated from Swedish or Finnish to English. Some minor grammatical

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7. Analysis and Results

In the following chapter, the results of the focus group and interviews will be presented and discussed. The results will be presented in combination and compared to one another while

simultaneously discussed cross-referenced to the theoretical framework. The material delivered by the focus group and interviewees is transcript-based and the arguments will be supported by direct quotes from the focus group discussion and interviews. The participants will remain anonymous and are therefore given alias names. The original transcripts for the focus group session and individual interviews are found in appendix 2 and 3.

The analysis follows an outline that is connected to the predetermined four major themes; gender, sexuality, education and nationality. The subcategories and entire coding can be found in the coding scheme (See appendix 1).

7.1 Gender

In the first clip shown to the focus group and interviewees, one of the women on the show (Amanda) is wearing makeup that looks like her mouth is sewn together. This is a statement

towards one of the bachelors (Simon), who earlier in the episode told her that he is planning to get a tattoo that will be of a woman dressed in nun clothing with her lips sewn together. Simon’s

explanation for the tattoo is that it symbolizes a time in his life when he experienced mental illness and felt that he could not talk to anyone about it, hence the lips sewn shut. Amanda’s makeup is a statement to show that she does not approve of a man getting a tattoo of a woman with her lips sewn shut.

“… I really do not understand why she brought it up. It is his own choice what he puts on his body.” – Mary, 59, Finland

“… But a man who wants a tattoo of a woman with her mouth sewn shut, is not really fully in

his senses. What he tells the world with a tattoo like that says quite a lot about him as a person.” – Louise, 55, Finland

“… I think you are allowed to tattoo want you want on your body, and people will interpret it

like they will.” – Nina, 26, Finland

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contrast to the male lead, which one could argue to be a factor that makes it more acceptable for the audience to comment and criticize the women (Harris 2004, 356). Regardless their age, a majority of the women in the focus group expressed opinions that pointed to that they were on Simon’s side in the discussion regarding the tattoo, even though it can be argued to be problematic for a man to have a tattoo of that kind on his body. The Finnish women were more critical towards the woman who questioned the tattoo than towards the man who was planning on getting the tattoo.

The Swedish men, however, were more active in commenting on the tattoo episode.

“… I understand her point, but I didn’t understand her purpose to expose him and accuse him

of being sexist, and impair his image like that in front of everyone.” – David, 27, Sweden

“He had to argue for his view on women, suddenly the women held the power.” – Max, 30, Sweden

“Nobody’s questioning his view on women, he (Simon) just interpreted it like that.” – Emma, 28, Sweden

David and Max are the first two men to express concern towards Simon and his feelings. Daun et al. argue that Swedes are more comfortable in showing their feelings than Finns, and that they are more prone to do so (Daun, Verkasalo & Tuomivaara 2001, 60), which can be seen in this case, as both David and Max seemed to be concerned for Simon’s sake. They both defend Simon, and Max mentions how there is a power shift between Simon and the ladies on the show. Earlier mentioned theory refers to the asymmetrical stratification of the genders that privileges men and exploits women (Ingraham 1994 cited in Camacho &Yep 2004, 339), but in this case, David and Max both seem to perceive Simon to be the underdog and that he is the one with less power, and with a need to defend himself. The open way of showing concern and emotional support was a significant difference to the Finnish men in the focus group.

Emma, however, perceived the episode from an entirely different point of view than the men, as she did not interpret it as someone was questioning his view on women, but rather that he himself created the issue given the way he defended himself. This was a big difference between the interpretation among men and women.

“I thought it was a really weird explanation. So my impression was that he may not be a great

guy, actually.” – Victoria, 35, Sweden

“I think it’s kind of typical, that a guy says something and the girl takes it too literally and

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“I think it’s really weird and humiliating to put something like that on your body. By choosing

a woman, it simply means that everyone who sees it will interpret it like women should shut up.” – Ann-Sofie, 60, Sweden

Among the women there are different reactions. Victoria seems to think Simon is not a great guy, while Klara, much like the Finnish people in the focus group, deems that it might be the girl who is over reacting. Ann-Sofie, being the oldest person of the interviewees, is very clear in her opinion regarding what the tattoo connotes. Over all, the Swedish female interviewees had the opposite opinion compared to the Finnish women, and were on the woman’s side. Simultaneously, the Swedish men seemed more defending towards Simon rather than criticizing the woman’s behavior, while the Finnish men did not comment much on it, and the Finnish women were more critical of the woman who argued against the tattoo.

In the third clip shown to the group, a classical rose ceremony is held where the two bachelor’s hand out roses to the women they wish to continue dating. As there are two bachelors’ in this season, there is a new twist in the ceremony; both bachelors can hand out roses to the same women, but the women can refuse to accept an offered rose if they wish to do so. Ultimately, one of the women do so.

“That one of the girls actually turned him down and said no, and did not accept the rose, felt

so freaking good in my opinion.” – Emma, 28, Sweden

“For Simon it was clearly a chock. And that really says something about him. He just does his

own thing without thinking.” – Gabriel, 26, Sweden

“He (Simon) was clearly upset that there suddenly was a new king of the hill (Felix).” – Mia, 55, Finland

“Usually it is the women who accept the roses and are super happy about it, now there was a

really big impact in saying no, which was really good.” – David, 27, Sweden

The new plot twist that gives the women the opportunity to decide their fate and whether they wish to accept a rose or not, is perceived as positive by both men and women. Almost all of the focus group participants and interviewees agreed on that it was a much needed and updated, modern plot twist.

‘She Probably Did Not Get a Rose’