Women's participation in the planning process
A case study of rural villages in the Uttarkashi district
Helena Sjöberg
Civilingenjör, Arkitektur 2017
Luleå tekniska universitet
Institutionen för samhällsbyggnad och naturresurser
Helena Sjöberg
Luleå University of Technology March 2017
WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE PLANNING PROCESS
A case study of rural villages in the Uttarkashi district
ii
TITLE WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE PLANNING PROCESS: A Case Study of Rural Villages in the Uttarkashi District
AUTHOR Helena Sjöberg DATE 31
stof March 2017 PUBLICATION Master Thesis
PROGRAM Master of Science in Architectural Engineering, 300 hp
KEYWORDS India, gender, planning, rural, culture, gram panchayat, inequality SUPERVISORS Jennie Sjöholm & Ram Sateesh Pasupuleti
EXAMINER Agatino Rizzo
Luleå University of Technology
Department of Civil, Environmental and Natural Resources Engineering Division Architecture and Water Division
All pictures and illustrations belong to the author.
iii
A B S T R A C T
Cities and villages are built by and for its inhabitants, and are designed to support different kind of lifestyles, needs and habits. In turn, urban and village planning and consequently its structures greatly influence the daily lives of the inhabitants of said structures. The relation between gender roles (and subsequent gender inequality), and planning processes is relevant, because the distribution of power affects the planning of communities and the resulting development. This is not limited to cities, but all planned settlements – rural as well as urban.
The local instrument for rural development in India is the gram panchayat, a local council where inhabitants can propose developments for their village, if voted through, where these projects are organized and implemented.
In India, women and men are not able to lead equal lives. When a society is unequal, inequality can manifest itself throughout structures in society – physical as well as nonphysical. Since culture is a set of rules for how to live in a society, treating men and women differently has to be a part of these rules (or at least not contested) for an unequal society to remain the same.
The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the present gender roles in the Indian culture affect the participation of women in the gram panchayat, and how this affects the development of rural villages.
In order to investigate this issue, a literature study was conducted to understand India as a country, its culture and gram panchayat system, and knowledge of gender roles present in the Indian society. Interviews were held with representatives from governmental and non-governmental organizations in order to gain additional information about the Indian culture, gender roles and living circumstances in the rural parts of Uttarakhand. The case study consists of field studies in rural villages in the Uttarkashi district, where women were interviewed regarding their participation in the gram panchayats i.e. the local planning process.
The results of the study show that there are gender roles present in the Indian culture which are mostly shown through a clear division in responsibilities between women and men in India. Results from the literature study and the interviews indicate that these gender roles have their roots in religion, mainly Hinduism since it is the dominant religion in India. In the rural villages in the case study, this division in responsibilities mean that some women are not participating in the planning process because they do not have the time, and sometimes they are not called to the gram panchayat meetings at all. There were however women in both villages from the field studies who participated.
The results are inconclusive regarding whether the participation of women in the
planning process affects the resulting development in the villages. However, some
researchers argue that equality between the genders contributes positively to
overall development.
iv
T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S
A B S T R A C T ... iii
T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S ... iv
A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S ... 1
P A R T 1 I N T R O D U C T I O N ... 2
BACKGROUND & RESEARCH PROBLEM ... 3
RESEARCH AIMS & OBJECTIVES ... 4
METHODOLOGY & RESEARCH METHODS ... 5
METHODOLOGY ... 5
RESEARCH METHODS ... 6
LITERATURE STUDY ... 6
INTERVIEW TECHNIQUE ... 6
FIELD STUDIES ... 7
SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS ... 8
P A R T 2 I N D I A ... 9
ABOUT INDIA ... 10
URBAN PLANNING ... 12
URBAN PLANNING IN POST-COLONIAL INDIA ... 13
URBAN PLANNING & GENDER ... 15
CULTURE ... 16
RELIGION & GENDER ... 17
GENDER INEQUALITY ... 18
SUMMARY PART 2 ... 19
P A R T 3 P L A N N I N G I N I N D I A ... 20
ABOUT THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY ... 21
THE PANCHAYAT RAJ ... 22
THE GRAM PANCHAYAT ... 22
WOMEN IN THE GRAM PANCHAYAT ... 23
SUMMARY PART 3 ... 24
P A R T 4 B A C K G R O U N D T O F I E L D S T U D I E S ... 25
THE INTERVIEW PROCESS ... 26
INTERVIEWS WITH GOVERNMENTAL AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS ... 26
INTERVIEWS IN GANESHPUR AND ALETH ... 27
ABOUT UTTARAKHAND & UTTARKASHI ... 28
UTTARAKHAND ... 28
HISTORY, CULTURE AND THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN UTTARAKHAND ... 29
UTTARKASHI ... 31
CHALLENGES OF LIVING IN UTTARKASHI ... 32
THE LIFE OF WOMEN IN UTTARKASHI ... 33
SUMMARY PART 4 ... 34
P A R T 5 R E S U L T S F R O M F I E L D S T U D I E S ... 36
INTERVIEWS WITH ORGANIZATIONS ... 37
THE INDIAN CULTURE REGARDING GENDER ... 37
ANALYSIS OF INTERVIEWS WITH ORGANIZATIONS ... 40
FIELD STUDIES AND INTERVIEWS IN RURAL VILLAGES ... 41
GANESHPUR ... 41
v
INTERVIEWS: GANESHPUR ... 41
ALETH ... 45
INTERVIEWS: ALETH ... 45
ANALYSIS OF THE INTERVIEWS: RURAL VILLAGES ... 49
P A R T 6 C O N C L U S I O N & D I S C U S S I O N ... 51
CONCLUSION ... 52
DISCUSSION ... 54
EVALUATING FOREIGN CULTURES ... 54
LIMITATIONS ... 55
RESULT ... 57
FUTURE AREAS OF RESEARCH ... 57
R E F E R E N C E S ... 58
A P P E N D I C E S ... 63
A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
It is probably not news to anyone reading that a thesis is not a solo adventure but a joint expedition. This report is not an exception.
First of all, I would like to thank SIDA for granting me the MFS-scholarship which made this whole trip possible before it even started.
My supervisor Jennie Sjöholm provided support and focus, from long distance when I was in India and on-site when I returned to Sweden, and helped me structure my ideas into something valuable.
Dr. Ram Sateesh Pasupuleti at the Indian Institute of Technology in Roorkee were my supervisor and contact person in India, and contributed invaluable advice, provided several contacts to pursue in my field work and helped me get settled in such a foreign environment.
Nayana and Gaurav Singh opened their home for me in Bhopal and I took great pleasure in discussing Indian culture with them. Sana Javaid were my back-up in Dehradun, and took such good care of me at Dehradun Institute of Technology – while her husband Riyan Javaid shared information of the planning process in India.
Sajid Qureshi were my partner-in-crime and safety net in Uttarkashi as well as driver, translator and friend. My field studies would have consisted of sketches of
mountains and cows were it not for his assistance and infallible sunny disposition.
All the dedicated representatives from governmental and non-governmental organizations I have had the luck to speak with – thank you so much for the work you have done and continue to do, and for taking time to meet a confused Swede making her way through India.
All the women I met during my field studies in Uttarkashi – thank you for taking time out of your busy schedules for my interviews. You made me re-evaluate my
definition of strength and tenacity.
Special thanks to the kitchen personnel at Khosla International Hostel for keeping me well fed. I still miss your cooking.
Last but not least: thanks to my family and friends. I still find it baffling that you believe in me enough to simply say “of course you will” regardless of what kind of adventure I decide to pursue. You are my heart, wherever I am.
Luleå, March 2017
2
P A R T 1
I N T R O D U C T I O N
Sunrise in Uttarakhand.
Part 1 describes the background of the study as well as the research problem.
Methodology and research methods are outlined, as well as interview technique and a brief description of the field studies. Additionally, scope and limitations of the study are mentioned.
3
BACKGROUND & RESEARCH PROBLEM
To be able to shape one’s community is a right and a privilege – maybe even a responsibility. Cities and villages are built by and for its inhabitants, and its components are designed to support many different kind of lifestyles, needs and habits. Urban and village planning and consequently its structures greatly influence the daily lives of the inhabitants of said structures, for example by what kind of structures are built, how they relate to one another, what mode of transport that is prioritized, the development of functions in the society and their placement, the location and planning of habitation and much more.
When a society is unequal, inequality can manifest itself throughout structures in society – physical as well as nonphysical. An individual’s power over these structures depends on the individual’s place in the hierarchy of society. Any individual belongs to several different ‘groups’ in society, depending on their gender, ethnicity, class or caste, religion, education level, physical abilities et cetera. Depending on the society and its value system, certain groups are valued more than others, and thereby have more access to power.
In India, there have been many systems of power in place throughout history, such as the Mughal Empire during the 15
thto 17
thcentury, the British colonization which lasted nearly 200 years and the caste system. These societies have implemented multiple value systems regarding religion, occupation, gender, ethnicity, location, physical abilities and more.
According to UNICEF statistics, there still exist a difference in how an individual’s life will turn out in India, depending on their group belonging. For example, women participate less in secondary school education than men; people living in rural settlements has less access to sanitation facilities than urban; among the poorest more than 50% of children under age five are underweight, compared to less than 20% among the most wealthy, et cetera (UNICEF, 2013).
According to several statistical sources (UN Data, 2017; World Economic Forum, 2016; Asian Development Bank, 2013; UNICEF, 2013) as well as interviews during this thesis (see appendices), women and men are not able to lead equal lives in India. Women earn less than men, are illiterate to a higher degree, own less land and money, have fewer positions in the government et cetera. To summarize, the reality in India is that women and men do not have the same opportunities, meaning there exist an inequality between the genders, between the groups ‘men’ and ‘females’.
Gender equality is defined in Gender Responsive Urban Planning and Design:
“Gender equality refers to women and men being treated equally and having the same rights and opportunities. Gender equality means that both women and men enjoy equal conditions for realizing their full human rights and potential to contribute to and benefit from political, economic, social, and cultural development.” (UN Habitat, 2012, p. 56.)
4
Where gender inequality comes from is a complex question – statistics only display factors which can be measured in numbers. It is evident that India is a country with measureable inequality, and that many other countries fare better regarding these specific factors (World Economic Forum, 2016). One of the differences between countries is culture. Since culture is a set of rules for how to live in a society, treating men and women differently has to be a part of these rules (or at least not contested) for an unequal society to remain the same.
The relation between gender roles (and subsequent gender inequality), and planning processes is relevant, because the distribution of power affects the planning of communities and the resulting development. In Gender Responsive Urban Planning and Design (UN Habitat, 2012, p. 1) the importance of gender perspectives in urban planning is outlined, the core message being that women and men experience city life in different ways – because women face gender-based discrimination across all aspects of daily life. As UN Habitat reports, cities have, historically and to this day, been planned, designed and governed by men (2012, p. 15). Consequently, women and girls have not been heard – it is not their lives, experiences and perspectives, which shape the urban form. Women and girls make up half the urban population, do more than half the work, do the majority of care work, and are often subjected to sexual and gender-based violence (UN Habitat, 2012, p. 16). Therefore, cities should be planned for the inclusion of women and girls – for their participation and with their interests in mind.
UN Habitat’s report and others (SKL International, 2015; Greed, 2007; Royal Town Planning Institute, 2003) illustrate how the discrimination of women not only shapes the urban environment, through the exclusion of women and their needs from the planning process. It also implies how the urban environment shape the behavior of women, since a city planned by men, for men, hinders women in their daily lives.
This is not limited to cities, but all planned settlements – rural as well as urban. It is all connected: culture, built environment and the discrimination of women.
India, as the world’s largest democracy, has a local instrument for rural
development, called the gram panchayat. The gram panchayat is a local council where inhabitants of the village can come forward with requests for what they would like to develop and, if voted through, where these projects are organized and implemented. However, as there exist an inequality between the genders in India, there is a question how this translates to democratic processes and especially this local planning instrument.
RESEARCH AIMS & OBJECTIVES
There exist an inequality between the genders in India, where women are considered the ones with less power, and therefore the aim of this thesis is to investigate how the present gender roles in the Indian culture affect the participation of women in the gram panchayat, and how this affects the development of rural villages.
5
The objectives are to
• Understand the Indian culture regarding gender, its historical background in relation to gender roles and how these have changed throughout time.
• Understand the planning process of the gram panchayats and the subsequent development of rural villages.
• Investigate if the gender roles affect the participation of women in the gram panchayat, and if their participation (or lack thereof) influences the
development of the village.
METHODOLOGY & RESEARCH METHODS
METHODOLOGY
Women, as a group, have historically and to this day been oppressed. The feminist perspective is always in question and as such, the research questions posed considered feminist ideas and theories.
In The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Research, there are descriptions for many different perspectives, or methodologies, one can bring into one’s research. These are divided into ontologies, epistemologies, methodologies, inquiry aim, nature of knowledge, knowledge accumulation, goodness or quality criteria, values, ethics, voice, training, inquirer posture, accommodation, hegemony, axiology,
accommodation and commensurability, action, control, relationships to foundations of truth and knowledge, and voice, reflexivity and postmodern textural
representations (2011, p. 102-115). One of the perspectives described according to these categories is the feminist.
According to the feminist perspective:
• The ontology, or the worldviews that researchers utilize in their research, is that the world operates according to a struggle for power, and that people can be oppressed or privileged depending on their ethnicity, gender, mental or physical abilities, class or sexual preference.
• The epistemology, or the truths researchers believe and seek, is that the research of social structures and oppression can lead to change.
• The inquiry aim, or the reason behind conducting the research, is to discover power structures and how these relate to social power struggles.
(2011, p. 102-115.)
The feminist perspective or methodology is the framework this thesis operates through, and the guidelines outlined in The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Research has permeated the methods as well as the results (as further mentioned in
Discussion, part 6).
6 RESEARCH METHODS
Methods utilized for this thesis are
• Literature review, in order to research and understand the Indian culture, the gram panchayat system and the attributes of the areas chosen for field studies.
• Interviews, to gather information about the current situation in India and Uttarakhand, the participation of women in the gram panchayat and the development of the villages.
LITERATURE STUDY
In order to gain information about the Indian culture, the gram panchayat system and gender issues in India, resources were sought through databases available at LTU, as well as internet searches. Generally, books, scientific reports and magazines were chosen because of their credibility. Regarding webpages, these were
evaluated depending on origin i.e. if the webpage belonged to any official agency, if the webpage listed any sources and when it was updated. If a webpage came from official agencies, such as government or credible agencies (for example UN, UNICEF, WHO) these were considered valid. Some sources are from newspapers, and those were reviewed depending on the general message of the article since one has to account for the motive behind articles or more obscure webpages.
The keywords utilized for searching were: ‘development’, ‘India’,
‘gender’, ‘planning’, ‘rural’, ‘culture’, ‘qualitative research’, ’interview’, ‘panchayat raj’, ‘gram panchayat’, ‘feminism’, ‘religion’, ‘Hinduism’ and different combinations of these.
INTERVIEW TECHNIQUE
The interview process is described in detail in PART 4. What follows here is interview theories regarding interviewing, and specifically interviewing in foreign
environments.
According to Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holstein, editors of the Handbook of
Interview Research, as an interviewer, it is important to not influence the interview
subject and the information they provide, since this may contaminate the interview
by shaping the answers provided by the interviewee. (2011, p. 15). Of course, it is
difficult to stay objective or to not influence the interview, especially when the
interviewer and interviewee comes from markedly different circumstances. There
are hierarchies prevalent in society in the form of class, race and gender, creating
social positions and perspectives, which vary from person to person and situation to
situation. However, as Carol A. B. Warren argues, in qualitative interviewing, the
social positions that appear during the interview are also relevant information (2011,
p. 97).
7
Shulamit Reinharz and Susan E. Chase argue that interviewing women can, depending on the society, create a new situation in itself for the subject. If the culture she belongs to prescribe her silence in any way, an interview focusing on her thoughts, experiences and opinions can be something she has never experienced before. (2011, p. 257). This can affect the outcome of the interview, since a woman who is not used to expressing herself, publicly or otherwise, can feel hindered to voice her own opinions. She might unconsciously parrot values she has heard from other sources, dismissing her own experiences. There might also be a problem for her to separate her own voice from the community’s; especially in cultures where individuals are foremost considered members of a family, a class or a village. The interviewers focus on her can also create a “shy-factor”, simply out of inexperience with being singled out and questioned. This might decrease the amount of
information offered as answers to the questions.
Reinharz and Chase also mentions that as an interviewer, it is important to be aware of what kind of circumstances and social obligations that encompass the subject – no less in regards to feminist values. It is easy to dismiss answers which rejects
feminism as “false consciousness” – the subject does not understand their own situation (2011, p. 268). Easy, but not enough. The interviewer need to understand what kind of social background exist for the subject to answer in that way, what kind of reality they live in, where these actions are seen as reasonable. More than that, it is necessary to understand how these circumstances differ from the ones the
interviewer considers the “reality” (2011, p. 269).
Michael Dove argues that a kind of education hierarchy exists in The Real and Imagined Role of Culture in Development (1988), meaning that development
planners who enter traditional (undeveloped) societies consider themselves to know more than the average villager, regarding the village. As Dove puts it ’in the space of a few hours or at most few days, any expert can enter an unfamiliar village, survey it, and then be capable of instructing its inhabitants how better to order their lives.’
(1988, p. 6). The education hierarchy means that formal education is valued higher than traditional knowledge, because it is validated by other institutions.
FIELD STUDIES
Field studies were conducted in India during an eight-week period, 26
thof September to 23
rdof November 2016. Most of the time was spent in the state Uttarakhand, in the northeast part of India. Contact person was Dr. Ram Sateesh Pasupuleti at the Indian Institute of Technology in Roorkee, who advised the Uttarkashi district as main focus area.
In order to understand the Indian culture and women’s situation in rural areas of Uttarkashi, interviews were conducted with representatives from Non-
Governmental Organizations (NGOs). These took place in Dehradun and Uttarkashi.
8
Interviews regarding women’s participation in the gram panchayats took place during two days spent in the rural villages Aleth and Ganeshpur, Uttarkashi district.
Translation was provided by a local contact.
A detailed outline of the process of executing these interviews is found in PART 4.
SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS
The scope of this thesis is planning processes in rural villages in India. It considers rural villages in the northern state of Uttarakhand, in the district of Uttarkashi.
Regarding the ’Indian culture’, the research has focused on the culture of northern India, specifically Uttarakhand, although resources regarding India as a whole have been utilized. The case study was limited to two villages in the Uttarkashi district, Aleth and Ganeshpur, where interviews were held. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) were also contacted for interviews, limited to NGOs based in Dehradun and Uttarkashi.
The study is limited by the short period of time spent out in the field i.e. in the villages. Additionally, the number of persons interviewed, as well as the geographical boundaries of Aleth and Ganeshpur also limit the research.
9
P A R T 2 I N D I A
View over Taj Mahal.
Part 2 is about India as a country. In order to understand what kind of society India is and how its culture is expressed, some background information is required. What follows is a brief description of India’s history, its architecture and cultural traits, and its status regarding gender inequality, concluding with the relation between culture and gender inequality in India.
10
ABOUT INDIA
India is by area the 7
thlargest country in the world, and its population of more than 1.2 billion is only exceeded by China. It is one of the world’s oldest civilizations, with historic remains as far back as 30,000 BC. India is home to a diverse population of many different tribal groups, several religions (Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism) and 22 languages, although the government officially uses Hindi.
(National Portal of India, 2016, India at a Glance).
Map of India with the state of Uttarakhand highlighted in orange.
The history of India starts with the Indus Valley Civilization, which had its peak at 2,500 BC and lasted until 1,500 BC. From this era, archeologists have found urban settlements planned with roads and drainage system, with houses made of bricks.
After the Indus Valley Civilization the Aryans came to India, which led to the Vedic
civilization, named after the early literature of the Hindu people, the Vedas. The
Aryans gradually came together with the local population and from this Hinduism
originated. In 560 BC, Buddha was born in Lumbini, which was the start of the
11
religion Buddhism. During Buddha’s lifetime, India was ruled by 16 powers, both republic and monarchical. (Know India, 2015, Ancient History.)
India was first said to be unified during the Mauryan Empire which ruled the country from 322 BC to 185 BC. This was under the leadership of Chandragupta Maurya, who was able to conquer Punjab and Sindh in the aftermath of Alexander the Great’s invasion (326-325 BC). Chandragupta left the throne to his son Bindusar, who later on gave it to his son Ashoka, whose empire later consisted of the whole of India, from Hindu Kush to Bengal, part of Afghanistan as well as Nepal and Kashmir. The Maruyan Empire was defeated and succeeded by the Kushanas in the 1
stcentury AD, and their reign lasted until the 3
rdcentury AD. (Know India, 2015, Ancient History.)
Following the reign of the Kushanas came the Gupta dynasty, which is also called the Golden Age of Indian History (300 AD to 600 AD). During this time several additional areas were conquered, such as Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, and sea trade with the west was initiated. When the Gupta dynasty declined, smaller kingdoms took its place as well as invading Huns. In the north, Harshavardhana ruled Thaneshwar and Kannauj;
in the south, the Chalukyas were in power. During the 6
thcentury AD, the Pallavas of Kanchi conquered parts of southern India. The medieval history of India continues with several indigenous empires during the 8
thto 10
thcenturies AD: the Palas, the Senas, the Pratihara, the Rashtrakutas and the Cholas. It was not until 1175 AD that India was invaded by Muslims, led by Muhammad Ghori who conquered Multan and Punjab. The Delhi Sultanate period followed, when India was ruled by five Muslim dynasties from 1206 AD to 1526 AD. The finale was the Mughal Empire, a Muslim Turkic dynasty, which united India under one rule during almost two centuries, until 1707 AD. The influences from the Mughal Empire are strong, regarding institutions, architecture, art, literature and religious liberty. (Know India, 2015, Ancient History.)
The British conquered India in 1757 and ruled it as a colony until 1947. During this time there were several local revolts by the Indian people, as well as an organized effort to overthrow the British rule in 1857 which lasted for a whole year. In 1858 Queen Victoria became Empress of India, granting the British government full power over Indian government, which they used to promote British interests. As a
consequence, the Indian National Congress was founded in 1885. After the First World War, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi became the leader of the congress, and started advocating non-violence as a method for resisting the British colonizers.
Gandhi also launched the Civil Disobedience Movement, which meant complete disobedience to orders from the British. After the Second World War, the British government were more sympathetic towards Indian independence and, after great struggles from the Indian population, India regained its freedom. Because the Muslim League refused to settle for the conditions proposed by the British government, India was partitioned into India and Pakistan. On the 15
thof August 1947, India was declared a free country again. (Know India, 2015, Ancient History.)
Consequently, India has been under many empires and dynasties, leaders and colonizers and thereby different influences regarding religion, culture, and politics.
This has created a diverse country, with great regional variances in languages,
12
customs and belief systems. Together, these facts paint a complex picture of a country where several different values are represented, shaping along the course of history, a culture that in many ways is indefinable.
India today is one of the fastest growing economies in the world. Simultaneously, India continues to struggle with poverty, child labor, malnutrition, access to public health care and inequality between the sexes (UNICEF, 2013).
URBAN PLANNING
In The Ancient and Medieval Architecture of India: A Study of Indo-Aryan Civilisation the architecture of ancient India is described as a sacred process, while
simultaneously being based on the experience of previous generations regarding which city-layout that created the most healthy, pleasant and practical city to live in.
Using these experiences, the urban structures – such as building layout, street grids – were officially planned in line with religious rules and traditions, while following rational guidelines. For example, the network of streets were named after religious ceremonies and the social hierarchies present in the society – but organized to facilitate the movement of the wind in order to create pleasant microclimates. (E.B.
Havell, 1915, p. 9). One example of this is found in Jaipur, where the king Sawai Jai Singh planned the city grid according to a type of religious symbol, the prastara mandala, while adapting to local climate. The city is designed as a nine-square diagram, but with the grid tilted to northeast-southwest in order to escape harsh winds and with the northwest block shifted because of the Nahargarh Hills. (Kostof, 1991, p. 179ff.)
So even though the architecture and urban planning of ancient cities were heavily
tied to religion, there were still based on basic principles originating from the
experience of previous generations. Martha C. Nussbaum writes in Women and
development – the Capabilities Approach that religion never consist solely of
obedience in regard to fixed values, but that any religion is made up of the persons
following it and, since religion is an instrument in the search for meaning, it changes
according to its members definition of meaning (2000, p.181-182). This may offer an
13
explanation for how Indian cities have been planned according to the same religious traditions, but still manages to change throughout time. In fact, it is the religion itself which has changed throughout time; imposing new values on the society, changing the city and its urban structures in order to fulfill these values, in the constant search for meaning. While this updating of values is good, since it means that there is a possibility for betterment – both in urban structures and cultural norms – as UN Habitat points out in Gender Responsive Urban Planning and Design, cities have historically and to this day been planned, designed and governed by men (2012, p.
15) – a value which has not been updated since ancient times.
Urban environment in Haridwar.
URBAN PLANNING IN POST-COLONIAL INDIA
India is a post-colonial state, independent from Great Britain since 1947. Regarding how urban planning is affected by India as a post-colonial state, there are some routines or lack of them who may be a consequence of colonialism. The urban planning situation in India since their independence has been focused on trying to break from the traditional practices which were treated unjust during the colonial past, and make the way towards modernity and development through building new cities and towns from scratch (Datta, 2015, p. 6ff.). Examples of some of the cities which came from this in the past is Chandigarh (designed by Le Corbusier),
Bhubaneshwar (designed by Otto Koenigsberger), Jamshedpur, Faridabad, Kalyani
and Nilokheri (Datta, 2015, p. 6ff.).
14
According to Ananya Roy (2009, p. 83) one of the most important questions to ask regarding urban planning in the Indian context is why some sort of informality is criminal, while other is legal. Roy argues that the planning system in India is more than anything informal, which shows when claiming territories is considered illegal when it comes to squatters and legal when states uses it to regulate land uses (2009, p. 81). Roy means that both the state and its citizens are part of controlling what is considered legal and illegal, formal and informal in the city (2009, p. 85ff.). The main argument of Roy’s article is that India cannot plan its cities because the definition of planning, in India, is linked to informality. Planning in India is processed through deregulation, unmapping and exceptions, which shape its own rational system, in conflict with the traditional and ‘official’ system in place by the government. (2009, p. 86). In this way, the solution for the issues urban planning face in India is not good or better planning. The issues are part of the concept of planning, and how power is distributed in the cities of India. This increases the difficulty for already vulnerable groups to get their voices heard.
Datta gives examples of vulnerable groups rendered powerless in her article which discusses the smart city movement set in place by the Indian government. Regarding the smart city of Dholera, Datta means that the process of designing and building Dholera actually reinforces ’long-standing social inequalities’ (2015, p. 4). The smart city movement often collaborates with large corporations, which Datta means contributes to policy mobility, meaning that the government of India and state governments creates loopholes and advantages for the corporations to fund and build these cities (2015, p. 4ff.). Datta argues that India has been focusing on city- building projects since their independence, although the smart city-movement represents a new regime whose focus lies in speeding up the process of
urbanization, by faster policy- and law making in order to make this happen (2015, p.
5). Some of these efforts to speed up the process meant new laws that bypass India’s 1894 Land Acquisition Act, making it possible for the government of Gujarat to acquire land for public purposes without compensation to the land owners (2015, p. 11). At the same time, the process of building Dholera has been halted several times by grass root-movements and public demonstrations by locals who are being displaced (2015, p. 5). The greatest obstacle for development in the shape of new smart cities is acquiring agricultural land in order to transform it into land available for real estate, and since 70% of the Indian population is dependent on rural economy, it is a great obstacle indeed (Datta, 2015, p. 14).
As Roy already mentioned, the urban planning process in post-colonial India becomes a power play between the government and the people. In this way, the post-colonial urban planning situation in India is no different from the colonial planning, although instead of the British acting as the party with the power, the Indian government and its state governments has taken its place. As Legg and McFarlane discusses in their article, the British designed city plans according to their definition of development, creating capitalist cities for the British elite which
marginalized the (Indian) poor (2008, p. 8). The same thing is happening today with
the smart city-movement, although the rule is Indian.
15
URBAN PLANNING & GENDER
Regarding the history of urban planning, Greed mentions in Women and Planning – Creating Gendered Realities
that, throughout history, cities have been designed after an ideal image of the world, which is reflected in the division in space between male/female, public/private, elite/masses (1994, p. 70). This ”ideal world” is of course changeable throughout history, and in order to understand why a city has taken the shape it has, one has to understand what kind of society it was
constructed in – which values and behaviors that were considered ”ideal” during that specific time period. Greed writes
“the city is the product of the reproduction over space of social relations but, once built, the physical structure can, in turn, feed back its influence onto its inhabitants, by acting as a constraint on the nature of future societies living in that city because of the restrictions of its layout, street pattern, design and subculture” (1994, p. 87).
This means that even though a city was designed under another historical time period, and therefore reflects the values and customs of said time period, its structures and layout can keep influencing its inhabitants according to these ”old values”.
Gender-sensitive planning is a planning method, which takes into consideration the needs of groups who are often overlooked in society, as defined by the city of Vienna in their planning manual: Gender Mainstreaming in Urban Planning and Urban Development (City of Vienna, 2013, p. 12). According to this manual, to measure the overall usability and functionality of a city is to measure how useful it is for people who spend most of their time close to their home (City of Vienna, 2013, p.
12). This is because the individuals spending their days in their home are often overlooked – for example those who cannot leave their home on their own, or stay- at-home parents who take care of the housework and childcare. Consequently, urban environments should be planned considering all different kind of “work”, regardless if this work takes place in or outside the home, or if it is paid or not (City of Vienna, 2013, p. 18). The objective of gender-sensitive planning is thus to create opportunities for all groups in the society to participate in the planning process, because groups who are underrepresented often have their interests overlooked (City of Vienna, 2013, p. 24).
In A Place for Everyone? Gender Equality and Urban Planning, Clara Greed outlines guidelines for how to plan for the inclusion of women in the urban environment.
Greed comes from a British perspective, where women and men differ in their use of cities and towns, especially regarding public transport and perceived safety in public spaces (2007, p. 2). Greed argues that planning that takes the needs of both men and women into consideration will create economic regeneration and social
inclusion, since women who are able to move and travel more efficiently will also be
able to access employment opportunities to a greater degree (2007, p. 2). This is also
mentioned by SKL International in their SymbioCity initiative, where they argue that
gender inequality leads to high financial costs since for example unequal access to
16
education contributes to lack of skills available in society (2015, p. 3). SymbioCity also represents a foreign perspective, considered relevant in this research because of its Swedish origin, as it represents current research conducted in the home country of the researcher. According to UN Habitat women’s daily experiences of discrimination contribute to a difference in how women and men use public spaces (2012, p. 2). In addition, a difference in the use of transport modes was reported in India Gender Equality Diagnostics of Selected Sectors, where it was shown that 52%
of women in a particular slum area in New Delhi walked to work, whereas only 26%
of the men in the same area walked to get to their workplace (Asian Development Bank, 2013, p. 6).
In SymbioCity some of the challenges regarding gender inequality in urban planning are mentioned such as:
• Lack of awareness regarding gender stereotypes and how they affect urban planning, as well as information about the difference in how men and women experience and use cities.
• Negative assumptions about gender mainstreaming, such as it being time consuming or expensive.
• Gender issues being forgotten in relation to other issues. (2015, p. 4).
In order to create more inclusive policy practices some of the following measures are recommended:
• Make gender a key consideration in all local planning.
• The needs of men and women should be researched by local planning authorities and be a part of the community involvement.
• Encourage women to participate in the built environment professions.
(Greed, 2007, p. 4.)
Greed also mentions public participation as a key approach to introduce gender into urban planning, in the form of meetings where both men and women can voice their concerns and opinions (2007, p. 3).
So far, these sources have focused on the urban environments, i.e. cities, and not on rural settlements. However, regardless if it is an urban megacity or a small rural village, the values of society will permeate its design since it is invariably humans behind it.
CULTURE
The word culture is in itself hard to define. According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary culture is
the integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for learning and transmitting knowledge to succeeding generations (Merriam-Webster, 2016, culture n.d.).
Culture is a part of our society; the part of our society, which tells us how to act,
what do to, which language to speak, how to treat people. It is basically rules for a
specific group of people and therefore, if people follow these rules, they are
17
accepted by their society. Regardless of these rules, cultures change. An influx of new ideas, old traditions coming to life, borrowing words from another language to name something previously indescribable – all these actions change the culture in small, or sometimes large, ways.
The concept of culture is complex, even more so in this report since the author is trying to understand a culture foreign from previous experiences. To even attempt to define the Indian culture as a singular thing is inadvisable, according to Martha C.
Nussbaum in Women and development – the Capabilities Approach: “(…) any story that attributes to India only one set of cultural norms (…) is bound to be bizarrely inadequate” (2000, p. 47).
RELIGION & GENDER
India is home to religions such as Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism and Jainism (National Portal of India, 2016, India at a Glance). The main religion in India is Hinduism, an ancient religion which about 80% of the population belongs to.
However, in Rethinking religion in India it is argued that Hinduism as a religion is a flawed concept, since it is more a collection of many different religions; ’Hinduism’ is a construction of the West, as a collective word for different Indian doctrines and faiths (Keppens & Bloch, 2010, p. 3).
The word ’Hinduism’ comes from the word ’Hindu’, which comes from ’Sindhu’, a Greek and Persian term which means ’anything native to the region beyond the river Indus. When the term was coined, it did not signify any religious belonging, but simply referred to the population in that area. (Keppens & Bloch, 2010, p.6).
In Religion and Society, by S. Radhakrishnan, Hinduism is described as a religion which aims for comprehension and co-operation. Radhakrishnan describes Hinduism as a religion which offers support to all seekers of spiritual freedom, and that it is not bound to any book or prophet, but based on the search for truth. (1947, p. 52ff.)
Radhakrishnan mentions that the purpose of life according to Hinduism is to reach moksha, liberation, through human relations (1947, p. 104). The means to this end is dharma, which comes from the word dhr, meaning ’to uphold, to nourish, to
sustain’; dharma is described as the norm which sustains the universe
(Radhakrishnan, 1947, p. 107). Dharma is considered something fixed, although it is not used for dictating social relationships; rather as an instrument for man’s eternal desire for the better (Radhakrishnan, 1947, p. 114). Radhakrishnan also mentions that the spirit of Hinduism is ’kept up by family worship, where women play a leading part’ (1947, p. 126).
The women’s role in Hinduism is described by Katherine K. Young as a woman who is
chaste and loyal to her husband, a good mother, deeply religious and sacrificial
towards her family (Women in Hinduism, 1994, p. 77). Radhakrishnan describes the
role of women in Hinduism as set in childbearing and home-making, and argues that
women who wish for other activities, ’imitating men’, will never reach her potential,
18
because her main business will always be in the home (1947, p. 153). This does not mean she is powerless, since Radhakrishnan goes on to describe the wife as the most important member of the household; she should take part in decisions
regarding religion, business and emotional life, together with her husband (1947, p.
163). Men and females are like purusa and prakrti, which means they complement each other - a balance which is kept by a clear division of labor. According to this division, women are supposed to be graceful and tender, peaceful and affectionate, prone to surrender and sacrifice. (Radhakrishnan, 1947, p. 139ff).
According to Geraldine Hancock Forbes, ancient Indian texts indicate large differences between the sexes. A woman is ’devoted and self-sacrificing’ and concerned with household duties, family and fertility. These texts created
differences between men depending on their caste, class, age and religion, although women were always treated first and foremost depending on their sex. (The new Cambridge history of India: Women in modern India, 1996, p. 1). There is also a tradition to favor sons above daughters, since only sons were able to give oblations to the manes (spirits of the ancestors). Radhakrishnan argues that this tradition is not inequality between the sexes, but simply that men were more useful in societies which relied on physical force. (1947, p. 151ff). The word for daughter, duhitr, indicates that her foremost duties are household duties, watching the crops and needlework (Radhakrishnan, 1947, p. 140).
The second largest religion in India is Islam, which about 14% of the population follow. Muslims have lived in India since 1175 AD, when Muhammed Ghori invaded Punjab (Know India, 2015, Ancient History). In Women’s Autonomy in India and Pakistan, Jejeebhoy and Sathar investigate what influence Islam versus Hinduism have on the lives of women, finding that the difference is more about region than religion (2001, p. 708ff.). Women living in the northern part of India, regardless if they are Muslim or Hindu, have much less autonomy over their lives than women living in southern India (Jejeebhoy & Sathar, 2001, p. 689ff.).
GENDER INEQUALITY
One thing, which is definable in figures and facts, is the inequality prevalent in India.
In Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures, Alexander and Mohanty acknowledge that India is a patriarchal society, where women’s behavior regarding their bodies, minds as well as their whereabouts, is regulated through (patriarchal) religion and its strong position in society (1997, p. xxv). This sentiment is echoed in the interviews conducted during this thesis (see Part 5).
Although discrimination against women is outlawed in the Indian Constitution
(Nussbaum, 2000, p.20), India has a long way to go to reach true equality between
the genders. According to the Global Gender Gap Report, India is ranked 108 out of
145 countries in the Gender Gap Index; inferior to other countries in the region,
even those with a lower per capita gross domestic product (GDP) (World Economic
Forum, 2016).
19
Men watching the river in Uttarkashi.
In the India Gender Equality Diagnostics of Selected Sectors (Asian Development Bank, 2013, p. 6) it is noted that women are often working within the agricultural sector (79% of women vs. 63% of men), and only comprise 18.6% of the wage employment in the non-agriculture sector. At the same time, women only account for 9.9% of cultivated areas hold by individuals, i.e. the women do most of the agricultural work, usually without owning the land. The average wage for women in rural areas is 68% of the men’s wages, and in urban areas the percentage is 57%.
Compared to 78% of the men, only 55% of adult women in India are literate.
Nussbaum (2000, p. 3) mentions that a woman is raped every 54
thminute in India, and rape cases reportedly increased by 32% between 1990 and 1997.
SUMMARY PART 2
India is one of the largest countries in the world, with the second largest population.
Its history is long and complex, composed of many different influences regarding religion, leadership and way of life.
Architecture and urban planning in India has likewise changed during the course of history, from the urban plans whose design came from religious principles, to being controlled by British colonizers, to the mega-city planning of today.
Hinduism is the main religion, and a culturally significant part of India today.
Women’s role in India is heavily tied to Hinduism and its view on what is considered a woman’s responsibilities. According to current statistics, women and men in India do not lead equal lives.
20
P A R T 3
P L A N N I N G I N I N D I A
Part 3 is about how the planning of rural areas is organized in India, and how women can (and do) participate in this.
21
ABOUT THE INDIAN DEMOCRACY
Definition of democracy:
a : government by the people; especially : rule of the majority
b : a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised
by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections (Merriam-Webster, 2016, democracy n.d.)
India is considered a sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic republic. Sovereign implies that India is an independent nation. Socialist means that all Indian citizens should enjoy equal opportunities regarding their economy and social status. Secular entails that everyone is free to choose and practice their own religious faith, and that no official state religion exists. Democratic means that the government of India was chosen, by the people, in democratic elections.
The republic of India is a union of 28 states and 7 Union Territories (UTs), managed by the Union Government. The form of the government is parliamentary, where the Indian president is the head of state. There are three branches to the government:
the executive, the legislative and the judiciary. The President together with the Upper House and the Lower House form the council of the parliament. Members of the Lower House are chosen through democratic elections, and are called Members of the Parliament (MPs). The Prime Minister, together with a Council of Ministers, advise the President and comprise the real executive power. The legislative branch consists of the Lower House and the Upper House. The judiciary branch consists of The Supreme Court, 21 High Courts and many other courts at district level.
This system is then repeated in each state, where every state government has an
executive, a legislative and a judiciary branch. Each governor of state reports to the
president and a state Legislative Assembly, consisting of Members of the Legislative
Assembly (MLAs) who are chosen through democratic elections. The head of the
Legislative Assembly is the Chief Minister of a council of ministers who assists the
Governor in executive issues. Local matters are governed through the Panchayat Raj
system. (India Quick Facts, 2016, India Government, Indian Democracy.)
22
THE PANCHAYAT RAJ
Panchayat, from the words ayat (assembly) and panch (five), literally means assembly of five (Sapra, I., 2013, Living in the Villages). These village councils have been mentioned since the Vedic ages (from 1500 BC to 500 BC), but were not included in the Indian Constitution (Article 40) until 1948, after the independence in 1947. Initially it was Mahatma Gandhi's initiative to make each village a self-
governing republic. (About Us, State Election Commission, 2016.)
However, the Panchayats were not able to implement planning or policies until 1992, with the 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution. Panchayats were made as instruments for social inclusion, with marginalized groups – women, scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs) – represented as well. In 2013, India had over 250,000 Panchayats with 2.8 million elected members, out of which women constitute 30%, SCs 19% and STs 12%. (Living in the Villages, Sapra, I., 2013.)
THE GRAM PANCHAYAT
The gram panchayat is the local government of villages. It often consists of a policy committee, with five members, although the total membership consists of all villagers – each represented by their head of family. The panchayat is also a court, where minor offences are handled, like breaking restrictions regarding eating, drinking or smoking, marriage or caste customs. Penalties are usually fines, throwing a feast for the offended or, temporary or permanent excommunication.
(Encyclopædia Britannica, 2012, panchayat.)
23
However, according to Mullick and Raj, the justice in panchayats can be criticized (2007, Panchayats Turn into Kangaroo Courts). In their article the panchayats are described as an ‘all-male club’, where the village elders are ‘motivated by the need to perpetuate a feudal and patriarchal order.’ Since the official gram panchayats are supposed to include all castes and ages, this is the village elders’ way of reinstating themselves as the top class in society. Although, Mullick and Raj wrote this before the 50 percent reservation of seats, for women, in the gram panchayats, which started in 2009. By that time, the state of Uttarakhand had already followed this reservation (One India, 2009, 50pc Reservation for Women in Panchayats). While talking to representatives from NGOs as well as women in the rural villages of
Uttarkashi, however, it is evident that the patriarchal rule is not over (see Interviews, Part 5). Considering the gram panchayat is supposed to serve as a bridge between the government and the villagers, this is a problem.
One of the assignments handled by the gram panchayat is the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS). The MGNREGS guarantees that every family in the village gets 100 days of work at the minimum wage, per year – more or less a guaranteed minimum income. This labor is
concentrated in projects defined by the gram panchayat, usually public works for the development of the village. (Sapra, I., 2013, Living in the Villages). In this way, the gram panchayats serve as a direct democracy for the development of the village. The population can access power through a bottom-up approach where they suggest projects to the gram panchayat, and then get paid to realize them. Of course, this is dependent on who gets to talk in the gram panchayat, what kind of education they have, what kind of schemes they consider relevant for the village, and how
corrupted the gram panchayat council is – since it is more than likely that the council will support the scheme which will bring the most commission to them (see
Interviews, Part 5).
WOMEN IN THE GRAM PANCHAYAT
There have been many reports and books written on the participation of women in the gram panchayats (Sivanna & Gayathridevi, 2012, Sathe et. al., 2013; Girard, 2013; Sarangi & Gitanjali, 2014; Velappan Nair & Moolakkattu, 2014; Kumar (ed.), 2015; Mueller, 2016), both as sarpanch (leaders of the gram panchayat), elected representatives and members of different panchayati raj institutions (PRIs). The results have varied.
Sarangi and Gitanjali found in their research that the elected women for PRIs are generally younger; most of them housewives with a low level of education (2014, p.
387). Sarangi and Gitanjali also found that the general participation differed depending on what kind of activity that was carried out; during meetings women were often participating, but during important discussions or developmental planning, they were not (2014, p.389).
24
Women will only be empowered when they are represented equally in the PRIs, as informed and active participants, Sarangi and Gitanjali argue (2014, p. 390).
According to the research presented by Sarangi and Gitanjali, 50% of the women PRI members are not consulted regarding domestic matters, and 44.68% were not able to express their thoughts and opinions at home. About 70% of the female PRI members were not encouraged to go out of the home, and 54.26% had to ask for permission to move. Regarding the influence from (male) family, 65.96% said their husbands interfered in their decisions in the PRI, and 70.21% admitted that male PRI members tried to influence them. (2014, p. 390).
It is not surprising that this is the case with female PRIs when the whole of Indian society can be considered, as Rina Mukherji writes, ‘a culture of shame’ (2015, p.
58ff.). Mukherji describes a reality where there is a great difference regarding what a woman (legally) can do, and what the society expects her to do. She writes, ’A
decent woman is expected to be escorted by her husband when she desires to travel, or explore’ and ’A decent woman is also expected to never voice her opinion, get married by the time she is 30, remain a devoted wife to her husband
notwithstanding his credentials and curb her ambitions whatever be her professional qualifications.’ (2015, p. 58ff.)
This regards women who have had the opportunity to study and explore, while rural women face even more constraints. As Nalini Srinivasan writes, women in rural societies, ruled by tradition, additionally deal with caste barriers, low economic power and low literacy, or illiteracy (2015, p. 127).
According to Chatwani, Indian women are very closely bound to their gendered roles as daughter/sister/wife/mother, whose responsibilities conflict with those of a leader. Chatwani argues that these gendered roles are an important part of Indian culture, and that women who do contradict them, for example by working outside the home, feel a lot of guilt over neglecting their responsibilities. (2015, p. 144ff.)
SUMMARY PART 3
India is a republic, consisting of 28 states and 7 union territories, governed by a parliament and the head of state, the president. Each state has their own
government, and on a local level the villages are governed through the Panchayat Raj system.
There are over 250,000 Panchayats in India; of its elected members women
constitute 30%. According to some researchers, the patriarchal rule is strong in the Panchayats, regardless of the 50% reservation of seats for women. Women who get elected to leader positions in the Panchayats are hindered by their responsibilities as
a daughter/sister/wife/mother.
25
P A R T 4
B A C K G R O U N D T O F I E L D S T U D I E S
View over Uttarkashi.
Part 4 gives background to the field studies. First by describing how the process of interviewing took place. Secondly, by describing Uttarakhand; its history, culture and gender roles and then focusing on Uttarkashi, the district where the field studies were conducted.
26
THE INTERVIEW PROCESS
INTERVIEWS WITH GOVERNMENTAL AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
As a first step in the research of Uttarkashi, contact was made with Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs) who were operating in the state of Uttarakhand. These were found from a webpage
(http://uttarakhand.ngosindia.com/uttarakhand-ngos-1/ collected on 2016-10-07) listing NGOs in Uttarakhand, with short descriptions and contact information. From the information provided, the NGOs were chosen depending on
• Which locations they were operating in: if they for example mentioned Uttarkashi or rural areas in Uttarakhand in their descriptions.
• What questions they considered: if they mentioned women empowerment, rural development or issues regarding built environments.
Eleven (11) NGOs were contacted via e-mail, and then followed up with telephone calls. When in Dehradun, this resulted in five interviews with representatives from NGOs and governmental departments, as well as a more informal group discussion at the Institute of Technology Dehradun (DIT) assistant professors there. All
interviews were recorded and transcribed by the author, unless stated otherwise.
The majority of the interviewees had no wish to be anonymous in this report, but a few were, and the decision was made to keep all names from the report, with the name of the organization mentioned in the full interview transcript (in the cases where anonymity was not an issue) provided in the appendices of this report.
During the pilot trip to Uttarkashi, a representative of a NGO active in that area was also interviewed, but wished to remain anonymous. A meeting with a representative for the Community Development Office (CDO) was also set up, but was not recorded or transcribed.
Name of NGO Gender of
interviewee Location of
interview Main mission of
NGO
Arpan Socio Samiti Male Dehradun Health, culture,
environment
development in rural areas
ECO Adventreks and
Welfare Society Male Dehradun Ecological awareness
programs, welfare programs
Disaster Mitigation and Management Center
Male Dehradun Community
awareness, capacity building regarding disaster
management Society for Inclusive
Development
Male Dehradun Education,
environmental issues, relief and
27
rehabilitation post- disaster
Anonymous NGO Male Dehradun Legal awareness
Dehradun Institute of
Technology 2 Males, 1 Female Dehradun Education
Anonymous NGO Male Uttarkashi Environment,
education, development
Table of NGOs interviewed in Dehradun and Uttarkashi.
