Sustaining identity in changing landscapes: The case of Östergarnslandet

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Sustaining identity in changing

landscapes

The case of Östergarnslandet

Uppsala universitet Campus Gotland Master’s Thesis in Conservation 2019 30 ECTS Author: Hanna Åberg Tutor: Christer Gustafsson

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All policy documents from the County Administration Board of Gotland, the Municipality of Gotland and the Environmental Agency have been translated from Swedish by the author.

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Author

(First name Last name)

Hanna Åberg

Title and subtitle (in English)

Sustaining identity in changing landscapes: the case of Östergarnslandet

Tutor

(First name Last name)

Christer Gustafsson

Thesis in Conservation (Master’s Degree) 120 ECTS

Defended Spring term 2019

The island of Gotland is associated with a distinctive nature, high biodiversity and a rich cultural history. However, these values have generated landscape management challenges due to shifting land use. The thesis proceeds from the peninsula of Östergarnslandet which has been recognized as one the most exposed areas to current changes. Simultaneously, Östergarnslandet has been acknowledged to sustain a traditional expression to a greater degree than other highly exposed places. By external recognition and ambition to preserve landscape values, this thesis suggests that there is a venture in altering the identity of the landscape when preserving the tangible.

The purpose of this thesis was to show that safeguarding landscapes are far more than just biology but also about recognizing the people living within them. By using the methodology of the EU-horizon project RURITAGE the aim was to understand the area of research and find potential future approaches. By proceeding from Östergarnslandet, the main objective was to explore mental and factual landscapes with an aim to understand current landscape management of the area. Through this, the thesis has also aimed to answer how to safeguard landscape identity in changing landscapes. This was conducted by studying three different Nature 2000 and policy documents in relation to theoretical literature. The study suggests that there is an authorial division recognizing different values within the same landscape. At the same time, locality and the social impact is sometimes overlooked. To find sustainable approaches for safeguarding the landscape identity of Östergarnslandet, this thesis has looked at areas of recognized successful redevelopment. The areas are Southern Öland and Bråbygden.

Gathered lessons were discussed in relation to the current landscape management of Östergarnslandet. In this part, two models were presented. The first model shows how transparency of the different sectors’ valuation of the landscape can be a tool to gain understanding and bridge different perception of value. The second model suggest how landscape identity can be sustained through external recognition generating pride and increased local

participation.

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Preface

For the last decade my parents and their neighbours have complained about a change in the landscape. My parents view their surroundings as outsiders do: of highly value and by romanticizing their settings. Neighbouring farmers live off their land. For the latter, the landscape constitutes work and income. However, my parents and their neighbours share a common concern. They share the concern of the landscape losing its identity and they themselves losing their sense of belonging.

This thesis is not a speech in defence of the farmers of Östergarnslandet; nor is it a defence of the part-time inhabitants or visiting tourists; instead, it is an attempt to acknowledge everyone’s constant impact on their surroundings. If anything, this is an attempt to show that management must always be viewed as a dynamic process.

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1 Introduction

A landscape is an objective physical place as well as a subjective mental image of the same; a forceful medium that can evoke and retain memory (Egoz, Makhzoumi & Pungetti 2011). The mental perception of the Gotlandic landscape evokes various tangible images: concrete historical remains; widespread fields; Pippi Longstocking’s playful summer idyll, and Ingmar Bergman’s barren Fårö (Fig. 1).

The peninsula of Östergarnslandet is credited with maintaining values in line with the mental expectations of the rural landscape of Gotland. The area may be a space of nature, but this space has been socially constructed and reconstructed and these constructions and reconstructions are highly important in understanding the identity of the area. The landscape of Gotland is often described as ‘unique’, ‘distinctive’ and ‘characteristic’. How do these linguistic pictures affect the physical area over time? This thesis explores the potentially shifting identity of Östergarnslandet, which arguably benefits from an existing mental picture of Gotland as a rural recreational landscape.

Landscapes have a role to play in shaping of local, regional and national identity. But, whose identity is it? Are we talking about those people who have lived in the landscape for generation, new minority groups or should we consider those who come to see the landscape for a couple of days and then leave? (Palang & Fry 2003, p.2)

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Background

In a time when we are constantly reminded of the impact of climate change, loss of biodiversity and increased globalization, the motivation and drive to conserve our heritage is constantly growing. Historian and geographer David Lowenthal (2005) argued that loss of habitual environments and traditional milieus threaten the human society’s very existence which makes us value ‘remnants of nature and culture’ even more.

The societal urge to preserve natural and cultural heritage, and the landscape in which they appear, is a result of a concern about losing what we define as valuable in a time of uncertainty. As the concept of ‘landscape’ has been thoroughly scrutinized by various disciplines for the last half-century, a more holistic perspective has been commonly acknowledged. It is generally known that our physical environment must be perceived from a multi- dimensional foundation, viewing both human and nature’s impact as integrated. While it has been widely recognized that landscapes are not primarily designated for scientists to study and for planners and decision- makers to manage, they are more importantly, for local inhabitants to live in, however there are still issues with implementing this holistic attitude towards landscapes (Stenseke 2016).

The landscape of the island of Gotland (see map p.12) is closely associated with distinctive natural characteristics, high biodiversity qualities and a well-preserved cultural history. However, there is a built-in paradox in the landscape of Gotland. The rural landscape of the island constitutes an attractive place to visit and experience. Whilst suffering from de-population, there is also an expanding tourist industry and an increasing number of part- time residents. This focuses on the Östergarnslandet peninsula (see map

Nature - and cultural areas are significant for Gotland and the island offers many beautiful places with unique environments. (…) They belong to our common heritage which, together we preserve, nurture and develop giving us the opportunity to enjoy the outdoors, get fresh air and new energy (County Administration Board of Gotland 2018, p.4)

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p.12), situated on the mid-east side of Gotland, as this part has been acknowledged as being particularly exposed to current changes. At the same time, the physical landscape of Östergarnslandet is known to have sustained a more consistent expression, this being to a greater degree than other highly exposed areas (The County Administration Board of Gotland 2014). By external recognition and ambition to preserve values, new changes such as increased number of regulations within the landscape are arising. There is arguably a considerable undertaking required in altering the identity of a place whilst preserving a tangible landscape.

In this thesis, the inter-relations between perception and practice in landscape management are explored. The human perception of the landscape is shaped in our minds while the tangible landscape is what we approach with our senses: touch, smell, sight, taste, sound. Furthermore, both kinds of landscapes act as driving forces shaping our actual surroundings. The case study portrays an exceptional example of an intelligible landscape: retelling a long cultural history without any equivalent on the mainland, according to local authorities (Municipality of Gotland 2017a, p. 50). While the expectation is to preserve the physical landscape in the face of sizeable challenges, the mental expectations of the Gotlandic landscape may spill over. As such, inherent nostalgia surrounding the rural landscape does not help when designing contemporary landscape management strategies (Stenseke 2016). In the process of management – to preserve habitual environments and traditional milieus - there is a risk of the landscape losing its connection to people.

Geographer Marc Antrop (2006) argued that the definition of sustainable landscapes differs according to the landscape type and local elements within that landscape. With Antrop’s words in mind when viewing Östergarnslandet, there is a need to ‘understand’ the landscape in order to

‘manage’ it. Generally, landscape management has been about conserving certain qualities in nature rather than acknowledging the people living within the landscape; “it is indeed necessary to get away from the understanding that nature conservation is about biology, and instead to recognize the fact that to a significant degree it is about interactions with people” (Stenseke 2009, p. 223). Considering these challenges, this thesis is not about how to

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safeguard a landscape sustainably but rather, how to sustain its identity sustainably throughout the landscape.

Purpose and objectives

It has been accentuated that the academic fields’ relativistic landscape approach has little to offer actual landscape management (Palang & Fry 2003). The purpose of this thesis is to understand how a theoretical understanding of a place is useful in landscape management and how to sustain the identity in changing times. The main objective is to explore mental and factual landscapes with an aim to find sustainable landscape management approaches for Östergarnslandet. By looking at the mental perception and its potential impact on the factual landscape of the case study, an aim is to understand how current discourses shape our surroundings. Furthermore, insights from studying the mental landscape are examined to comprehend current landscape challenges.

The intention of this thesis is to show that safeguarding landscapes is far more than just biology but also about recognizing the people living within them. The study has been conducted by using the methodology of an ongoing EU Horizon 2020 project, RURITAGE (see p.11). As the RURITAGE project aims to develop rural areas by heritage enhancement, the framework foremost promotes social enrichment through a knowledge exchange between ‘role model areas’ and ‘replicating areas’. By studying two rural areas (‘role models’) which have been recognized for their redevelopment, namely Southern Öland and Bråbygden, the aim is to map keys turning respective landscapes into prosperity. Insights from Southern Öland and Bråbygden are put in relation to the current management challenges of the ‘replicator’ Östergarnslandet to find potential future approaches. Furthermore, this is discussed in relation to how people’s landscape identity and sense of belonging can potentially be sustained while their surroundings change and develop. Ultimately, the thesis aims to give an answer to the questions below:

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- How can comprehension of the mental landscape be useful in landscape management?

- How can we sustain landscape identity in changing landscapes?

Delimitations

Physical Boundaries

The study is physically limited to the approximately 180 square kilometres constituting the area of Östergarnslandet. However, throughout this it is acknowledged that the peninsular is constantly influenced by external factors, outside the lines confining the physical place.

Distance

The idea is to as independently as possible approach Östergarnslandet. In order to understand the physical aspects, the function and context of the area, this study looks at contemporary land management. In the vein of objectivity, personal viewpoints – my own and others – have been avoided to the biggest possible extent. By studying local political decisions, programmes, and spatial planning, the intention is to draw parallels to discuss how contemporary discourses has an impact on the physical landscape.

Methodology

Independently, this study uses the outlines of the RURITAGE methodology. It does not use any of the existing material and ongoing studies from the project.

Results

Since this thesis aims to find sustainable approaches for the landscape of Östergarnslandet by acknowledging the identity within the landscape, the purpose is not to provide a clear framework. It would be contradictory to produce strict frames

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when this thesis aims to emphasize the weight of dynamic frames.

This means that there will be no suggested tools, instead there will be proposed approaches, and learnings.

Defining landscapes

Landscape

In order to approach the landscape of Östergarnslandet, the understanding of ‘landscape’ must be clearly defined. The concept of landscape is in itself broad and has thoroughly been discussed by various disciplines. Christopher Tilley (2006) described landscape as both being the physical, objective place as well as the subjective image perception of that same place. The human landscape is constructed in our minds - the mental landscape- while the material landscape is the one we approach with our senses. Furthermore, both kinds of landscapes act as driving forces shaping and reshaping the factual landscape.

The European Landscape Convention can be viewed as a common agreement of what landscape actually is. The convention is however not a fixed law but a framework: “a dynamic legal instrument which evolves together with the subject matter of its provisions. An international legal instrument

intended to deal with landscape values and interests should be able to keep pace with changes in those values and interests”

(Council of Europe 2000b, II, §32). In short, the convention defines the landscape as “an area, as perceived by people, whose character is the result of the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors” (Council of Europe 2000a, Ch. I, Art. 1a).

The convention emphasises the importance of landscape as a resource for sustainable development and human wellbeing.

Landscape identity

Identity is based on the search for self-definition: “What binds us together and what makes us different from others?” and “how do we represent ourselves and what is important to us?” (cf. Tilley

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2006, p. 8). The definition of landscape identity is often referred to as a landscape itself and its tangible characteristics. It can also be used to describe how people use the landscape to construct individual and collective identity. In this thesis, landscape identity is defined in accordance to the latter definition. It is used to explain the sense of belonging and place identity. Just as landscapes are changeable - “character is the result of the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors” (Council of Europe 2000a, Ch.

I, Art. 1a) - identity of place is ever evolving. Loupa-Ramos, Bernardo, Ribeiro and Van Eetvelde (2016) argued that landscape identity should be considered as a dynamic and continuous relationship between people and their landscape, influenced by action in and perception of that landscape. With this in mind, this thesis places its focus on landscape identity as a way to describe a sense of belonging.

As expressed in figure 2, the process of landscape identity is circular: people are influenced by the landscape; they change and/or interact with the landscape; which again creates conditions for new relations and thereby influencing people’s perceptions of it.

Figure 2. Landscape identity model by Loupa-Ramos, Bernardo, Ribeiro and Van Eetvelde from 2016 (Illustration by Hanna Åberg 2019).

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Heritage

With a relativistic approach, heritage can be anything and everything (Lowenthal 2005). However, this thesis uses The Faro Convention definition: “a group of resources inherited from the past which people identify, independently of ownership, as a reflection and expression of their constantly evolving values, beliefs, knowledge, and traditions. It includes all aspects of the environment resulting from the interaction between people and places through time.” (Council of Europe 2005, Ch. I, Art. 1a). The convention emphasizes the relationship between heritage and its relation to communities and society.

The concepts of landscape and heritage are not always interpreted as connected. To understand emotional attachment as a tool for public support for conserving and managing heritage, the Heritage Cycle diagram demonstrates an accessible model (Oxford University Press 2008). This can also be used to understand the landscape as heritage, and further this heritage as important. There are four phases to the cycle run: By understanding heritage people value it; by valuing it they will want to care for it; by caring for it they will help people enjoy it; from enjoying the heritage comes a thirst to understand it (fig. 3).

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9 Figure 3. Heritage cycle (Illustration by Hanna Åberg 2019).

Sustainable development

The concept of sustainable development is often defined as “the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987). Sustainable development is usually described with a Venn diagram with three overlapping dimensions: environmental, social and economic. In this model, all three dimensions are given equal value. (KTH 2019).

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10 Figure 4. Venn model of sustainability (Illustration by Hanna Åberg 2019).

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2 Methodology, Material and Dissertation structure

Disposition

To understand how a comprehension of the mental landscape is viable for management and how to further sustain local landscape identity, this thesis commences from the study area of Östergarnslandet. While this thesis uses the framework of the RURITAGE project, it still aims to act as a free endeavour. The methodology of RURITAGE promotes a deeper understanding of the area of research (RURITAGE 2019). The notion that landscape management should proceed from present times is supported by the material used in the study among other geographers Marie Stenseke (2016) and Thomas Germundsson (2005), and landscape architect Anna Peterson (2006). Therefore, in the first part of this thesis, the approach of contemporary management towards the study area is explored. The aim is to understand how current discourses and our mental expectations of an area can potentially shape our surroundings. The second part of this thesis aims to find successful approaches in sustaining identity and a sense of belonging in a rural area whilst still developing it.

This is performed according to the RURTIAGE methodology.

With the help of two areas which have been recognised as well redeveloped rural landscapes, Southern Öland (p. 36) and Bråbygden (p. 37). The areas are mapped and cross-referenced in order to extract learnings, both good and bad, when managing landscapes. By proceeding from given input and the exploration of contemporary management of the landscape of Östergarnslandet, the thesis will discuss how an understanding of a mental landscape can be used to safeguard an area without its inhabitants losing their landscape identity.

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Research area

Figure 5: The location of Gotland (Hanna Åberg 2018)

This thesis emanates from the area of Östergarnslandet and in order to understand the methodology behind, there is a need to know our point of departure. The fact that the study area constitutes a part of the island of Gotland cannot be overlooked.

Gotland is the biggest island fully situated in the Baltic Sea, about 90 kilometres from the Swedish mainland and 130 kilometres from the Latvian coastline. The number of inhabitants is approximately 58 000.

Gotland differs significantly from the rest of Sweden for numerous reasons, the first is the clearly isolated geographical location which is also related to the late modernization of agriculture. Geologically, the island is made up of successions of limestone and chalk. This has resulted in a varied flora, high reefs and limestone rocks which have, due to weather exposure, have formed a characteristic feature locally known as ‘rauks’.

As stated in the background, rural areas on Gotland are suffering from challenges such as aging and de-population. For the last 30 years, the number of inhabitants has decreased, while the average age has increased (Municipality of Gotland 2017a). In relation to the number of inhabitants, the stream of tourists is striking. In

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2016, over one million tourists travelled to the island (Municipality of Gotland 2017b.). Everyone visiting the island are not tourists, many of them are so-called ‘summer Gotlandics’

(sommargotlänningar) who own property on Gotland but primarily live somewhere else. Local authorities have identified three areas which are the most attractive to part-timer owners and tourists, besides the city Visby, namely: Fårö, Storsudret, and the peninsula Östergarnslandet. On the peninsula there are about 700 houses inhabited part-time with only 266 full-time homes.

The study area focuses on five parishes:

Östergarn, Gammelgarn, Ardre, Kräklingbo and Anga and is today inhabited by 933 people (Municipality of Gotland 2017a).

The area constitutes a distinctive landscape with great nature, culture values (Municipality of Gotland 2017a). Östergarnslandet offers high biodiversity and cultural heritage; hilltop forts, medieval churches, grave fields, and fishing hamlets. The cultural landscape carries traces of being in existence for thousands of years. It still offers a traditional picture as small-scale with meadows, fields and grazing land. About a third of the area has been recognized as of high interest on a national level for its natural values. Almost a third of the local inhabitants work with agribusiness, including the fishing industry, agriculture, and forestry (Municipality of Gotland 2017a).

Material

When approaching the landscape of Östergarnslandet, the recognized challenges of the area and the changing landscape’s functions and contexts are examined in relation to theoretical landscape literature. The concept of landscape and the discourses shaping it has been widely theorized on by various sources of expertise. Amongst them, the ongoing discussion is supported in this thesis by a comprehensive literature review. The review covers various sources such as human geography (Antrop, Cosgrov, Fry, Halseth, Mels, Olwig, Setten, Stenseke, Palang), landscape

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architecture (Egoz, Merhav, Spirn, Peterson), history (Lowenthal, Schama), ethnology (Saltzman) and archaeology (Tilley).

The policy documents used in this study represents different sectors approaches to preserving the landscape. The first document is an inventory on the Gotlandic landscape picture carried out by the Municipality of Gotland. In the inventory of the Gotlandic landscape picture, physical landscape changes were compared between 1982 and 2013 (published 2014). Evaluation of the visible landscape is based on a “sense of content”, while the report is recognized as subjective it is self-proclaimed to still be considered objective while it follows ‘a certain number of criteria’.

As written by the then head regional conservator, this document represents a heritage-based approach towards the landscape.

The second document exemplifies an environmental angle, the Excursion Guide Gotland, addressing tourists by placing emphasis on Gotlandic nature. The brochure was published by the County Administration Board of Gotland in 2018. The third document is the in-depth comprehensive plan from 2017, developed by the municipality, which aims to describe and acknowledge all elements required for developing Östergarnslandet. An in-depth comprehensive plan commonly aims to represent a holistic management approach, weighing in different discourses’ valuation of the landscape.

Methodology

First part: Theoretically approaching Östergarnslandet The separate approaches towards the human and non-human world are deeply rooted. In the Swedish landscape preservation ideology, separate discourses were emphasized in the 1960s as a result of a reorganization of the Swedish environmental administration (Germundsson 2005). On a national level, the dichotomy is visible: The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency on one end and the National Heritage Board on the other.

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As a result, landscape management has often been stuck between different divisions: culture/conservation and nature/environment.

To understand how the discourses possibly shape our mental perception of the landscape and further the factual, this thesis looks at three Natura 2000-areas¹ on Östergarnslandet. These three Natura 2000 areas are Östergarnsberget, Mullvalds Strandskog, and Anga Prästänge. These are examined by using local policy documents and put in relation to the literature review.

The three Natura 2000-areas represent three different habitat types, they are also recognized as important by both the municipality and County Administration Board (Municipality of Gotland 2014 and 2017a; County Administration Board of Gotland 2018.)

The part of this study looks at the Natura 2000 area of Östergarnsberget to understand how the physical and mental landscape is connected. It explores our expectations of the landscape in correspondence with what actually surrounds us.

Secondly, the Natura 2000 area of Mullvalds Strandskog is explored. In order to understand a redefinition of a rural surrounding this section draws parallels to increased tourism in the area. This is executed by looking at economic benefits generated by conservation. Thirdly, current policies and approaches towards the landscape are examined with the help of the meadow and Nature 2000 area Anga Prästänge. This looks at how recognition of value potentially steers the landscape.

1Natura 2000 is a network of nature protection areas within the European Union.

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Second part: The Knowledge Exchange

The second part of this thesis uses a methodology of the RURITAGE: Heritage for Rural Regeneration. The RURITAGE project aims are to create a systematic framework for rural regeneration by emphasising the value and potential of local cultural and natural heritage. By heritage enhancement, RURITAGE possibly generates sustainable development safeguarding the identity of the area.

The RURIGAGE project uses a methodology compromising of a knowledge exchange between prosperous rural areas (‘role models’) and places aiming to redevelop (‘replicators’). By analysing the ‘role model areas’, the idea is to gain keys to regeneration. The methodology separates the rural places in different categories, so-called ‘systemic innovation areas’². The idea is to enable comparison inside given classifications. The role model areas are analysed from eleven cross-cutting themes to neutrally understand their roles in revitalisation. The results from studying the role model areas are later implemented in replicating rural communities within the same development and innovation area. The idea is to provide framework, approaches, and strategies which are adapted by replicating areas and further developed and readjusted by the local community.

2 The identified ‘Systemic Innovation Areas’: Pilgrimage, Sustainable Local Food Production, Migration, Art and festivals, Resilience, Integrated Landscape management.

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17 Figure 6: A tree is used in RURITAGE to illustrate the method of

‘replicators’ learning from ‘role model areas’ (Illustration by Hanna Åberg 2018).

This thesis is however, a free-standing endeavour, exercising the RURITAGE framework and adapting it to the study area of Östergarnslandet. As seen in the ‘Landscape identity model’, heritage constitutes the very basis of identity and sense of belonging. Thereby, the RURITAGE methodology provides a framework suitable to find approaches for redevelopment while sustaining identity on Östergarnslandet.

In accordance to the RURITAGE methodology, this thesis uses two ‘role model areas’, which represent successful examples of

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redevelopment to find lessons of on how to safeguard the identity of the ‘replicator’ Östergarnslandet. The two areas acting as role models are Southern Öland and Bråbygden. The areas were chosen based on previous recognition as successful rural areas of redevelopment (Southern Öland: Saltzman 2000; Steneseke 2008, Bråbygden: Peterson 2006).

The role models are approached through, so-called, cross- cutting themes in accordance to the RURITAGE methodology.

Each area is mapped according to eleven different themes to make them comparable. By this method the idea is to find common learnings to extract input from the ‘replicating area’.

The study is conducted via interviews. The areas were contacted via the two respective webpages. For Southern Öland, a person working at the municipality with the cultural landscape in particular was interviewed. In Bråbygden, the interviewee is a local inhabitant, who is an active participant in the local community. The two representatives were interviewed via skype/phone according to the aforementioned eleven cross-cutting themes. The questions asked are to be found in appendix 1 (p. 69). The interviewees were given the questions beforehand, which were answered through semi-structured interviews allowing the interviewees to express themselves freely. By breaking the role model areas Southern Öland and Bråbygden down into categories, the objective was to map success.

The replies to the questions are recorded in a table to make answers easily comparable. The area of Östergarnslandet is also represented in the table. Here, the study is purely based on local policy documents. The reason is to approach Östergarnslandet as independently as possible.

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Reflections on methodology

The lessons which are learned from the role models are supposed to be presented as independently as possible. In this thesis, the role models were approached by semi-structured interviews, following the 11 cross-cutting themes, thus enabling a dynamic conversation. The idea of a strict framework is partly lost with conversation since it allows both the person conducting the interview and the interviewee to shape the conversation. The RURITAGE methodology advocates a strict outline for a comparable result. The interviewees did not always answer

‘correctly’ in regard to the questions asked. When processing the material from the interviews, the author has taken the liberty to rearrange the interviews according to the structure of the eleven cross-cutting themes.

The two areas of study may differ in a couple of ways. However, both have been defined as examples of successful cases of a sustained traditional landscape while developing the rural community. However, the case of southern Öland is however significantly more comprehensive, from the land area and population to recognized values and regulations. Southern Öland is a world heritage site³, clearly affected by external interests and tourism. Bråbygden on the other hand is a smaller community of national interest, but not subject to, nor visible to any larger amount of exposure.

Apart from the occasionally adaptable framework, the fact that the interviewee represents different connections and influences on the landscape must be acknowledged. From Southern Öland, the interview was conducted with a person employed by the municipality and thereby exemplifying an authorial position

3A World Heritage Site is an area which is selected by the UNESCO as having cultural, historical, scientific or other form of significance, and is legally protected by international treaties. The sites are viewed as important to humanity.

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(interviewee 1). From Bråbygden the interviewee was a representative for the local voluntary association (interviewee 2).

The fact that their viewpoints are used and compared in the methodology, in the same way, must be taken into consideration while reading the study. In addition, the audio recording did not work while conducting the second interview. Therefore, close to exact notes were taken instead of transcribed.

When approaching Östergarnslandet as independently as possible, the initial idea was to not conduct any interviews or include personal communication. However, this turned out to be unavoidable. Personal communication, conducted for a school assignment in 2018, with a farmer at Östergarnslandet was used as a source to understand a local challenged on page 23. Besides this, during the time this thesis was written there was also ongoing communication with a local NGO, Nygarn, regarding their application to join RURITAGE. This task was conducted via an internship at the Department of Architecture at the University of Bologna. Involved members of Nygarn got to discuss their aims of development for the community. This research has not been used in the study but can possibly have influenced the final conclusions.

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3 Theoretically approaching Östergarnslandet

The following part of the study aims to understand the current landscape management of Östergarnslandet.

Östergarnsberget: Mental expectations of a landscape

The cliff of Östergarnsberget (Hanna Åberg 2019).

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We live in landscapes, just like landscapes live within us; we shape landscape mentally as well as physically, integrating them into our identity (see also Saltzman, 2001, p. 171). Traditionally the Swedish word for landscape, landskap, has been strongly related to traditions, customs, nation, and nature. Originally, the idea of landskap gestured toward a view of space as “an area carved out by axe and plough, which belongs to the people who have carved it out” (Olwig 1993, p. 311). With this in mind, the landscape is an important agent as a collective memory (Schama 1995; Egoz &

Merhav 2009). Landscape can be viewed as raw material for images and projects over territory such as nations and regions (Lefebvre 1974; Sörlin 1999). Further on, landscapes have been culturally reproduced and mediated. As a result, these cultural processes have shaped the sense of belonging, valuation, and identity in these areas (Sörlin 1999).

Often conservation of nature is thought of as protection from human society. Although most areas on Östergarnslandet are recognized as culturally minted, the idea of prehistorical nature and traditional land use is linguistically used to underline importance and value. It is interesting to note how ‘untouched’ is unrelatedly used as a positive judgement. Use of this language in an in-depth Östergarnslandet has a natural and cultural landscape which is in many parts unique for the country. Areas close to the coast are coined by the open landscape with smaller roads and sheep paths, accessible for visitors by bike or on foot. In many places, the landscape is experienced as untouched without other cultural elements than grazing and genuine agricultural methods. There are untouched beaches and exciting cliffs as well as beautiful stone beaches to appreciate for outdoor activities (Municipality of Gotland 2017a, p.16, italicization by author).

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comprehensive plan, which is said to neutrally describe the landscape, implicates a truth to the reader.

Establishment of reserves can be regarded as an extremely clear confirmation of governmental exercise of power in the landscape.

Protected areas have not naturally emerged but are results of social values: borders are drawn on maps and not a result of natural processes (cf. Cogrove 1984; Corner 1999; Mels 2001). By delimiting an area and by signs and clear borders inform what is a valuable landscape, people’s way to view and move in the landscape is guided. A reserve is singled out as solitary in the landscape by limitations and is thereby treated differently than its surroundings. The lines between reserve and non-reserve become symbolically important and are clearly yet discreetly marked with signs in the landscape (cf. Saltzman 2000; Mels 2001). “Wild nature was seen as a symbol of continuity, as a link between future, present, and the original condition of the fatherland” (Mels 2002, p.138).

Throughout history there has been an elimination of historical layers when ‘constructing natural heritage’. Examples of this start at the creation of American national parks of the mid-19th century (Spirn 1996) as well as the national parks of northern Sweden in the early 20th century (Mels 2002) and more recent examples of Israeli national parks (Egoz & Merhav 2009). The notion of landscapes as potent ideological notions is often devalued. As such, when actively shaping nature it is taking a political stance (Egoz & Merhav 2009).

Just like natural landscapes are used to represent a national identity (Olwig 2008), they are also used to confirm the local. The natural landscape can be viewed as a social and personal construction where the biophysical features are the components, outlined by the perceived uniqueness of that place (Stobbelaar &

Pedroli 2011). Some would suggest that the perception of Gotland is significantly strengthened by the fact that it is an island. The power of a map following a natural border such as water

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automatically legitimizes a region as natural (Olwig 2008). Gotland can be argued to have a marked regional identity that has been shaped by a common language, a common history, common values, and, a common geographical formation. Collective identities are bound to notions of common traditions and shared material forms. Areas and communities change: the meaning of being a Stockholmer or Londoner might fundamentally change over time, the use of the same term produces a semblance of cohesion (Tilley 2006). The meaning of Östergarnslandet vitally changes over time whereas the term figures as the one constant.

Protected areas can be argued to construct a common heritage by legitimizing social cohesion through ‘natural’ (cf. Olwig 1993; Mels 2001).

In an inventory on the Gotlandic landscape picture, values are measured in relation to how well it supports the distinctiveness of the island. By recognizing types of landscapes that give Gotland its distinguishing character: zoned landscape pictures, anthropogenic heaths,⁴ agricultural bogs, barren pine forest and beaches, aesthetic values within the landscape are mapped. In addition, there are characteristic elements such as cliffs, ‘rauks’, Gotlandic settlements, meadows, particular vegetation elements (grazed junipers, pollarded⁵ ashes, scraggy pine trees), wetlands, stone walls; round pole fences; to be “protected, conserved and cherished” (Municipality of Gotland 2014).

4The different habitat types including rocky ground (hällmark), alvar, heath (hed) are often used to describe the same area. They do describe different ecosystems; however, these are direct quotes taken from the different documents. This means that the same place can be described slightly differently depending on the document.

5Traditional pruning system involving removal of upper branches on a tree (in Swedish: hamling).

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By stating that “it is important to keep on focusing on what is

‘characteristic for Gotland’ in the landscape picture” (Municipality of Gotland 2014) authorities declare what is valuable. By being consistent with the mental expectations of the Gotlandic landscape, the Natura 2000 area Östergarnsberget constitutes an area of prominence; “several characteristically Gotlandic natural environments are to be found side by side” (County Administration Board of Gotland 2018, p. 58). Östergarnsberget is commonly known, potentially even interwoven with the mental image of Östergarnslandet: “this cliff is the most beautiful and distinct of all hinterland- hills” (Municipality of Gotland 2014, p.

9). The area composes one of the most important aspects of the landscape structure on this part of the island according to the landscape picture inventory (Municipality of Gotland, 2014). By acknowledging something as “the most important” does shape the human perception of sites and define it as remarkable. Tangible heritage and places such as Östergarnsberget may act as key metaphors to identity embodiment, something to consider and create connections through which to actively create and withhold collective identity. Memory is recognized as a conception of the past, however, as Tilley (2006) claimed, memory is anchored in places and landscapes because we remember through embodiment. Thereby, heaths like Östergarnsberget become most important for a sense of place, both as a tangible symbol of the area but also as an attachment to the mental landscape.

Heaths are possibly the most important landscape type for the Gotlandic landscape distinctiveness. It is constituted by barren land with pine and mostly juniper. Separating stone walls or roundpole fences and ‘lammgift’ (houses for sheep) belong to the landscape picture (Municipality of Gotland 2017a, p.93, italicization by author).

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26 Östergarnsberget and the Alvar ground (Hanna Åberg 2019)

Protected areas like Östergarnsberget visualize a world where nature is clearly separated from the culture at the same time as it defends the concept of unity (Mels 2002). In that sense, “landscape is a visible and easy to communicate way of finding common qualities and features that can unify people and a territory” (Loupa Ramos, Bernardo, Carvalho Ribeiro & Van Eetelde 2016, p. 42).

The idea of identity is often portrayed through a subjective mental image of how a place ought to be rather than an actual objective landscape. This is expressed and further on confirmed by tourist brochures, postcards or guide books (Tilley 2006). Guide books like the Gotlandic Excursion Guide support, uphold and possibly reshape the mental image of a place. Protected areas become a

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representation of an origin from which a mental landscape of Östergarnslandet has been, and is being, carved out of.

Mullvalds Strandskog: Redefining a landscape

The beach forest of Mullvalds Strandskog (Hanna Åberg 2018)

The division between the Swedish mainland and Gotland, underlined by water, in combination with high accessibility from Stockholm, makes the island attractive for second-home owners.

The idea of distinguishing Gotlandicrecreational features depicts the island as idyllic countryside. Second-home owners’ lifestyles and approaches to surrounding landscapes tend to be clearly disconnected from its milieu (Halseth 2004). Separately, urban and rural inhabitants define, interpret, redefine and develop the Gotlandic landscape. The surrounding landscape features reflect a picturesque backdrop for an urban inhabitant, whereas for a rural inhabitant it represents something else; “one is a landscape of leisure, while the other is a working landscape” (Halseth 2004, p.

52). Getting to know a landscape through work is fundamentally different. The landscape becomes an object, instead of a subject (Setten 2005).

The frequently used phrase “welcome out to nature” in the Gotlandic Excursion Guide (County Administration Board of

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Gotland 2018, p. 4, 92), further underlines the landscape of Östergarnslandet as something to visit and experience, not to coexist with. In the brochure, the nature reserve Mullvalds Strandskog is in short described as the following: "The coastal natural forest by Mullvalds is one of Gotlands most valuable. Here exists rich biodiversity and fine natural environments and a wonderful beach for warm summer days” (County Administration Board of Gotland 2018, p. 64). The word ‘valuable’ sets the tone for the urgency and importance of its nature. The concept cultural landscapes are generally used to described farmed or grazed areas, although often overlooking forestry as cultivated (Saltzman 2001).

The fact that parts of Mullvalds Strandskog were privately owned and farmed traditionally until 2013 is not mentioned in the Gotlandic Excursion Guide. Most of the forest has been kept and used by local farmers for centuries according to Johan Lundborg.⁶ Mainly there has been a tradition of deselection of trees to cut down (Municipality of Gotland 2017a). In accordance with Saltzmans’ claim, this has not generated any possible interpretation of the place as culturally minted. In addition, beaches like the one at Mullvalds Strandskog, have traditionally been jointly owned as algae was used as a fertilizer, but no longer used since the introduction of modern fertilization methods in the mid -20th century, according to Lundborg.⁷

Tilley (2006) described tourism as creating a homogenous ´non- place´ at the same time as it is fully dependent on the idea of the uniqueness of a place. In resemblance, a reserve like Mullvalds Strandskog is described as external to society by being promoted as a “natural forest” although, with a “wonderful beach” as a tourist attraction. A further allure for visitors is a structure of inlandsraukar situated in the forest. The dramatic look of the rauks adds to the impression of untouched nature: “...’The kings hall’, a

6 Johan Lundborg. Farmer and former landowner of Mullvalds Strandskog.

Gammelgarn, Östergarnslandet April 30st 2018.

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gathering of rauks in the middle of the woods. (...) the thick woods give a nice atmosphere - the king of the trolls holds court here”.

Yet, reserves like Mullvalds are still being managed by local authorities. The former landowner, Johan Lundborg,⁸described the transformation to a reserve: the experience was that the farmers were not considered to be able to properly care for the forest. This was expressed by firstly depriving them of the land and secondly by denying them to still maintain the area when this was requested, according to Lundborg.

The inlandsraukar called ’The kings hall’ (Hanna Åberg 2018).

Current guidelines for maintenance conclude deselection of trees in similarity to former landowners’ usage. Another example of maintenance guideline effects young pine trees along the shore.

The pine trees started growing along the shores as removal of algae stopped (County Administration Board of Gotland 2016c). This makes the trees point out the switch to modern agriculture. On one hand the pine trees would not have been there if the agricultural sector was still dependent on it as a fertilizer. On the other hand, the pine trees would have grown freely if the area never had been utilized by humans. The objective of management,

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according to the management plan, can be interpreted as aiming into an ahistorical space. Simultaneously it ‘silently’ supports results of cultural production.

Although reserves like Mullvalds Strandskog are mainly thought of in relation to environmental issues and challenges, the act of nature preservation has not been thought of as an obstacle for capitalism (Mels 2002). Marxist philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre referred to “well-defined” areas as produced spaces:

“they are products of an activity that involves the economic and technical realms, but which extends well beyond them, for these are also political products, and strategic spaces” (Lefebvre 1991, p.

84). The number of visitors inevitably increases after defining an area as particularly interesting. This notion is recognized as positive by the Swedish Environmental Agency; “protected areas often become natural sights which will provide PR for Sweden, the county, municipality and region” (2009 p. 6).Tourism becomes a tool to further underline a territory (Mels 2002), and by that confirm the value which defined the area.

Some would argue that areas like Mullvalds Strandskog, linguistically as well as by its very constitution, shape the mental Gotlandic landscape. By emphasising aesthetic and natural values, human impact is left out. The rural landscape of Östergarnslandet can be said to have gone from a “taskscape” (Tilley 2006 p. 26), a landscape bound to the lives and values of the work constituted within it, to scenery for the tourist gaze. Saltzman (2001) writes that there is a clear line between the idealized image of countryside living, often associated with farmers, and that the which is real-life for an employee in today’s modern agricultural business.

Management of our surroundings can be said to be concurrently leaving out a human factor.

The landscape of Mullvalds Strandskog can be argued to have become an object, instead of a subject: “while cottage landscapes are indeed set within the rural countryside, to be ’at the cottage’ is to construct a geographic landscape and imagination separated

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from that countryside” (Halseth 2004, p. 53). The forest, which was once a space of work, now represents a scenic backdrop for visitors to experience from a distance. The phrase “welcome out to nature” (County Administration Board of Gotland 2018) clearly separates visitors from its surroundings, just like a cottage represents a rescue “from the psychological and physical pressure of urban life” (Halseth 2004, p. 40).

Both the concept of ‘nature’ and a ‘cottage’ are used as metaphors for an escape from human society. In resemblance, the two can be viewed as a state of mind rather than an actual place.

The concepts can be said to be a result of an outside perspective where the landscape is viewed from a distance in similarity with a landscape painting (Cosgrove 1985). This distant perspective poses a lesser understanding for a landscape to be culturally minted which easily leads to exotification. Since initiatives for protecting and preserving a rural landscape usually come from non-locals (Saltzman 2001), a landscape interpreted as ‘exotic’ is more likely to be protected: “beautiful places with unique environments” like Gotland; like Östergarnslandet is “’unique’ for the country”;

Östergarnsberget is “most beautiful and distinct”; Mullvalds Strandskog is “one of Gotlands’ most valuable”.

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Anga Prästänge: Valuation of a Landscape

The meadow Anga Prästänge (Hanna Åberg 2019).

Recognized elements in the inventory of the Gotlandic

landscape picture are based on aesthetic features. In that sense, it does not stem from a locality or the people’s memories and relations to it (Hedrén, 1998 see Saltzman 2001, p.215). Just as tangible heritage is often preserved based on aesthetic values (Lowenthal 2005), the landscape of Gotland in this inventory is promoted on the same notion. It is idealized from a distance with a picturesque notion of a landscape. The landscape is surely a final tool to connect our past, present and future; a tool for inclusion and identity; a tool for community and collective

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memory. Yet, by preserving the tangible landscape, and

evaluating it based on stiff regulations, there is a notion of losing inherent character and for the local community to lose their connection to their landscape.

Halseth (2004) claimed that elements such as shorelines, forests and a varied agricultural landscape (to put this in a perspective, on Gotland’s equivalent features are declared as: zoned landscape pictures, heaths, agricultural bogs, barren pine forest and beaches) all recreational features which constitute idyllic countryside. These features are well in accordance with the agricultural landscape of Anga – “the mosaic landscape image generally has high value”

(Municipality of Gotland 2014) - in the north western part of Östergarnslandet. The inventory from 1982 on the Gotlandic landscape claimed that agricultural area of Anga constitutes a varied landscape, contrasting between grazed heath with junipers, lush vegetation of leafy trees and beach meadows. In resemblance, the revision of the landscape from 2013 concludes that the landscape has to a very little extent changed since 1982 which is fully due to living agriculture (Municipality of Gotland 2014). In particular, Anga Prästänge, a Natura 2000 area composed by one meadow, is frequently referred to as particularly valuable.

A meadow can be described as a most decisive symbol of a cultural landscape. Landscape architects Egoz, Makhzoumi and Pungetti (2011) describe a cultural landscape as conceptualization of a ‘product’ and ‘production’. The meadow of Anga Prästänge is an example of landscape product and production, dating back further than 1,500 years. This means that this meadow as a product is older than any built construction in Sweden. The intangible act to form the land constituted the ‘production’ of the landscape. The tangible landscape, which we see around us, is the ‘product’ of the intangible acts (Egoz, Makhzoumi and Pungetti 2011).

Throughout time, Anga Prästänge has been shaped to produce forage. Production has been a necessity to gain the product, the tangible surroundings were a by-product. Quite in reverse, today

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the act of production aims to conserve the landscape which constitutes the very product.

To maintain the ‘product’; the meadow, it is traditionally

‘produced’, following a management plan constituted by local authorities. The idea that authorities execute maintenance plans is a particularly concrete way to steer development in a landscape. By maintaining the Anga meadow, there is production of a landscape as well as heritage; the contemporary agricultural landscape is to be viewed as a product as well as the production of the landscape.

Biodiversity, cultural heritage and recreational values have become integrated into the guidelines of agriculture, instead of what they initially have been: shaped by food production (Saltzman 2000;

Peterson 2006). Farmers are a decreasing part of the population.

Still, they have a major impact on the expression of a rural landscape, how it is shaped and altered. This has led authorities to pay farmers to maintain and manage a certain element of cultural heritage and biodiversity (Saltzman 2000; Peterson 2006).

Externally recognised values have become economically bearing for the agricultural sector. The values within the agricultural landscape are thereby evaluated by external experts and managed by local farmers.

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35 Anga Prästänge (Hanna Åberg 2019).

The inventory on the landscape picture, as mentioned earlier, concludes that areas around the island have gone through rapid change in the last 30 years. However, Östergarnslandet has managed to sustain its character as it offers an unchanged agricultural practice (Municipality of Gotland 2014). In many ways, It is impossible to freeze a landscape and prevent change, but still important to sustain characteristics which remind us of our cultural history and anchors us in the past. There is a need for improved knowledge about which value based traces constitutes the character of the landscape and the distinctive Gotlandic landscape picture (Municipality of Gotland 2017a, p. 93, italicization by author).

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the agriculture is on many ways dependent on external funding to sustain its qualities; therefore, the landscape of Östergarnslandet is fully dependent on external recognition for protection. The acts of

‘conserving’, ‘protecting’ and ‘safeguarding’ natural and cultural heritage – “our common heritage” (County Administration Board of Gotland 2018, p. 4) – are founded on constructing and reconstructing the physical landscape.

Östergarnsberget, Mullvalds Strandskog and Anga Prästänge are recognised as valuable in the various documents. What these values actually are is described slightly differently depending on the publisher. As all three studied areas are protected as Natura 2000 areas, they are constituted by the environmental sector and the respective managements plans are focused on preserving biodiversity qualities. The inventory on the landscape picture emphasises the aesthetic values in the landscape. However, aesthetic values are recurrently mentioned in both the in-depth comprehensive plan as well as in the excursion guide Gotland.

Landscape values are often given in regard to promote the areas as places to visit. Just as the Swedish Environmental Agency clearly confirm by stating that protected areas ‘naturally’ provide ‘PR’ or the concrete publication ‘the excursion guide Gotland’. The values can thereby act as catalysts for increased tourism and consumption.

This leads to one of the major difficulties regarding landscape planning and management; the question of use versus preservation. It addresses the basic question of whether we want to preserve the appearance of a certain time or live the life it’s used for (Palang & Fry 2003). The drive to preserve our surroundings is shaped by and shapes regulations and policies. These regulations are result of values that have been mentally reproduced. By promoting certain elements in the landscape, they will be preserved while others are lost. In a longer run, preservation aims to and is shaping the physical landscape. The act of preservation must in itself be recognized as a dynamic process of development with

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consequences of its own (Sabaté & Warren). In the search of a sustainable future, there is a production of space which potentially ignores the identity of a place, overlooking locality and its inhabitants: ‘the farmers’´ landscape heritage is practically based, it is also place-bound’ (Setten 2005, p. 76).

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4 The Knowledge exchange: Learning from the role model areas

To create a contextualisation of the two role model areas, this part of the thesis gives a short introduction to Southern Öland and Bråbygden. In the second part results given in respective interviews are presented.

Role model areas

The landscape of Southern Öland

Figure 8: The island of Öland. The marked area constitutes Southern Öland, Northern Europe, the darker green marks Öland in the middle of the Baltic Sea (Hanna Åberg 2019)

The island of Öland is situated close to the eastern coastline of Sweden in the Baltic Sea. Öland is divided between two municipalities, whereas this case study focuses on the southern part in the municipality of Mörbylånga. 13,400 people inhabit Southern Öland over an area of 670 square kilometres. Most of its land consists of a diverse cultural landscape with rich biological qualities. Along the shores of the oblong island, there are traditionally kept meadows and grassland. In the midst of the island, one finds the pride of Southern Öland - Stora Alvaret - with

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about 26,000 hectares of Alvar, a flat limestone pavement with a thin soil layer. For an untrained eye, the landscape of Southern Öland can easily come off as ‘natural’ although it is a result of traditional grazing, practiced for thousands of years. The continuing land use is fundamental in order to sustain biodiversity values. Nearly all of southern Öland is considered of national interest based on cultural heritage, nature conservation, and outdoor recreation values. It is also considered a world heritage value, in the year 2000 the agriculture landscape of southern Öland was inscribed on the World Heritage List with its unique nature due to cultural processes.

The landscape of Bråbygden

Figure 9: The area that of Bråbygden. The marked area constitutes Northern Europe, the darker green marks the County of Kalmar (Hanna Åberg 2018.

Bråbygden is composed of 14 villages in the county of Kalmar in southeast Sweden. The area has been called “the area where the wind changed” (ref. book: “Bygden där vinden vände” 2004), after suffering from a high rate of abandonment and emigration the landscape is once again flourishing. As of today, there is a clear regeneration of the villages where young families are moving in.

Land use in the area was documented already in the 14^th century, however, it is understood that the land was used already about a

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thousand years ago. Since then the area has combined stock-raising with forestry. Until the 1940s, every property in the area was obtained by farming which shows extensive land use. Due to the location far from roads, railways, and cities the modernization of agriculture came late. As a result, in combination with the growing industries in nearby cities, inhabitants emigrated from the area (Bråbygden 2018).

Due to late modernization, the landscape of Bråbygden still has a look of a ‘traditional’, and ‘old-fashioned’ agricultural landscape with pollarded trees and roundpole fences ⁹. The area was recognized already in the 1970s as of national interest within the heritage sector. From a biodiversity angle, the area also has been considered a resource, with more than 40 species per square meter to be exact. Approximately 70 farms which were active about a century ago are still standing today. However, the landscape is however, very much alive, still combining livestock-raising with forestry. Today, Bråbygden is inhabited by about 270 people, which it has not been seen since the 19^th century.

Findings based on cross-cutting themes

This part of the thesis introduces the result from examining the role model areas according to the eleven cross-cutting themes. The following table summarises the results from the interviews. All information presented in the table under Southern Öland and Bråbygden is based on the interviews. The few exceptions are clearly stated by provided source at the end of the sentence. The data on Östergarnslandet is throughout the text referred to the sources of information.

How the interviews were conducted is explained in the methodology under ‘Part two: the knowledge exchange’ on page 15. The questions used are to be found in Appendix 1 (p. 69).

9Wooden fence typical to the countryside of Sweden (in Swedish:

gärdesgård).

Sustaining identity in changing landscapes: The case of Östergarnslandet