I carry three pieces of metal in my body from the separatists : Ukrainian war veterans' experiences of the reintegration process and adjustment to civilian life

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I carry three pieces

of metal in my body

from the separatists

COURSE:Bachelor Thesis in Global Studies, 61–90 hp PROGRAMME: International Work – Global Studies AUTHOR: Anita Omerbasic

EXAMINER: Marco Nilsson SEMESTER:Spring 2020

Ukrainian war veterans’ experiences of the

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JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY Bachelor Thesis 15 credits School of Education and Communication Global Studies

International Work Spring 2020

ABSTRACT

Anita Omerbasic Pages: 50

I carry three pieces of metal in my body from the separatists

Ukrainian war veterans’ experiences of the reintegration process and adjustment to civilian life The Donbas war in Ukraine has resulted in over 380,000 veterans who now have to reintegrate into civilian life again. What to do with former combatants has been on the agenda for many years since their reintegration plays a critical role in the transition from war to peace. Researchers have emphasized the relevancy of conducting more studies about how the veterans themselves experi-ence the transition to civilian life. Therefore, this study which is based on ten qualitative in-depth interviews explores how Ukrainian war veterans experienced the reintegration process following the war in Donbas and how they adjusted their identities in the transition from military to civilian life. Through a thematic analytical approach and by using a theoretical framework related to identity adjustment processes their experiences were analysed. The results of this study show that although the extent to which the veterans are in need of assistance after deployment varies, all veterans did experience difficulties when returning to a civilian setting. The bureaucratic processes and media coverage of veterans were expressed to have the biggest negative impact. Female veterans had experiences that differed from their male counterparts both before deployment and during the transition phase. Moreover, all veterans to some extent experienced identity disruptions during the reintegration process. Ultimately, the ongoing war in Donbas is impacting the possibility for these veterans to fully move on and take on their civilian responsibilities. They continue to wait for the prospects of peace, both for their country and for themselves.

Keywords: Ukraine, war, Russia, Donbas, veterans, female veterans, volunteer battalions,

reinte-gration, transition, adjustment, military, civilian, identity, identity crisis, identity interruption

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Acknowledgements

As a wise professor told me when I was in the middle of my fieldwork, worrying about how this thesis was ever going to happen ”We cannot control fieldwork at all, the most important thing is to do your best with the circumstances you are given and in the end it will all turn out well.” With those words, my time in Kyiv turned out better than expected, and it is with a reluctant heart I leave the city behind me.

To the wise professor, Ilmari Käihkö, I give all my gratitude truly. For being there as a mentor, guiding me when I questioned myself and for all the advice and assistance you gave me from the application process to the time that this thesis is finally completed. You have been a true inspiration and have motivated me when fieldwork seemed as a daunting task to handle.

During my time in Kyiv, several people helped me navigate towards the end-goal. A special thank you to David Plaster, for answering all my questions and making this study possible by help-ing me get in contact with several veterans and other people that contributed to this study.

To my supervisor, Johanna Bergström, thank you. For being with me through this all, encour-aging me in a constructive way and nudging me in the right direction when I got off path. Not everyone can keep sane while answering and navigating through all the questions that have been thrown your way since I started this process last year.

My wonderful friends and family, who never stopped encouraging me and who had to listen to me go on and on about this essay for two months, thank you. Clearly not as exciting for you at two in the morning as I thought it was. But nevertheless, for always believing in me, even when times were difficult, and the doubts came creeping in. For always seeing the potential in me and for all the input you contributed with throughout this whole process. You are always my most enthusiastic supporters, forever holding a special place in my heart.

And lastly, from the bottom of my soul, I want to thank all the veterans who took their time and participated in this study. Even though I cannot disclose your names, this work is all for you. For opening up and sharing your stories with me. You shared both moments of deep sadness, yet also how you found joy through the hardships. You have inspired me in infinite ways. There will never be words enough to express my gratitude, even so by doing this study I hope that people will get a glimpse of the reality you have shared with me.

Until next time, because there will be one.

Serdechno d’akuju. Сердечно дякую.

Anita Omerbasic Kyiv, 30 April 2020

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Figures and tables

Figure I: The control-system view of the identity process. ... 10

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“He looks out onto the world of which he used to be a part; seeing the same world but seeing it differently. It actually is a different world, now that the veteran has shifted identities from civilian to military. […] The veteran is part of both worlds and both worlds are a part of him; the relationship and interdependency between both cultural identities is permeably reciprocal”. (Stachyra 2011)

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1. Introduction

As war ends, soldiers return home. Or to a new place, now foreign to them. When they leave their military life behind, their identity as soldiers is pushed to a place of what ‘used to be’ – but for many, still highly present within the mind. The life which used to be familiar, has in many ways changed, and for veterans this means a journey of self-discovery and sense-making in a new reality.

For as long as warfare has existed in our societies, so has the question of what should be done with former combatants after wars come to an end. The process of reintegrating these former combatants plays a critical role in the transition from war to peace. While some researchers point out that the success or failure of this phase will have a direct impact on the peacebuilding prospects for any post-conflict society (Knight & Özerdem 2004: 499), others mean that it is problematic to view veterans as inherently violent and dangerous (McMullin 2013: 386). The fear of returning soldiers has motivated researchers to look closer at the impact military has on the values and be-haviors of those who serve (Söderström 2013: 88). While there are disagreements on which ap-proach should be used, there is a widespread consensus that for many veterans the reintegration process can be challenging (Kukla, Rattray & Salyers 2015: 477).

The question of what to do with former combatants following return is often discussed in the sphere of a conflict reaching its end. This is not as straight-forward as it seems; in eastern Ukraine the war has passed its sixth year of active combat, with no solution in sight so far. This means that while the war is highly present and Ukrainian forces are battling against pro-Russian separatists, to date more than 380,000 veterans have left the battlefield behind and began their transition from military to civilian life (Ukrainian Government Portal 2019). With that as well, an individual rein-tegration journey comes and brings many challenges. As the war is still ongoing, the Ukrainian state is currently under significant pressure, having to handle these two processes simultaneously.

In the Ukrainian context, six waves of mobilization and demobilization of military personnel have put additional pressure on a reintegration system for veterans. The absence of a solid coherent policy on reintegration has presented several problematic implications. With the absence of a for-mulation of what successful reintegration would constitute, it further affects the design, accounta-bility and measurement taken. There is no common ground for veterans themselves and the ad-ministrations in charge of implementing reintegration related policies on who is responsible for what. This leads to the absence of a shared common understanding and further widening the gap between policy and practice (International Alert 2019: 2).

While the current system faces several challenges and waiting for the implementation of the new Ministry of Veterans’ Affairs established in 2018 (Ukrainian Government Portal 2018), a num-ber of initiatives have been implemented by both national and international stakeholders as a sup-plement to the formal reintegration system. These formal and informal initiatives are carried out by both non-profit and national non-governmental organizations who aim to bridge the gap be-tween policy and practical implementation. The result is a fragmented state-led reintegration effort. International and intergovernmental agencies are doing similar efforts, either aiming at supporting the Ukrainian state or service personnel directly, with both short-term and more long-term focus (International Alert 2019: 2–3).

With the current situation framed aforementioned, there is an urging need to investigate how veterans themselves experience the process. As well as the challenges they have identified when returning to civilian life and trying to adjust to their new reality; other researchers have pointed this out as well (see e.g. Janzen 2014; Nussio 2012; Ahern et al. 2015; Humphreys & Weinstein 2007). Since most of the research that is written on veterans’ reintegration issues is conducted in the global

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south, it is further of relevance to explore the eastern European context, as it is not obvious that the experiences are identical. Moreover, individual stories from those who fought in the volunteer battalions are important, in order to fill the current gap since current research mostly focuses on the volunteer phenomenon per se (Käihkö 2018; Karagiannis 2016), their motivation (Malyarenko & Galbreath 2016) and their relation to the state (Bukkvoll 2019). This study will therefore, with the help of concepts and theories connected to identity adjustment and loss, explore how Ukrainian war veterans’ experience their reintegration process and transition to civilian life.

2. Aim and research questions

The aim of this study is to examine how Ukrainian war veterans experienced their reintegration process after the war in Donbas and how they constructed their identities in the transition from their military- to civilian-self. This will be achieved by answering the following research questions: • How did veterans experience their participation in the war and the reintegration process? • How do veterans make sense of their experiences and construct their identities in the

tran-sition from military to civilian life?

3. Background

This section provides a greater understanding of the Ukrainian context in which the Donbas war emerged and the challenges that arose with it. Further, a brief insight is given on the Revolution of Dignity, and the decisions that later transpired into open warfare are included. Additionally, the section gives an account of what the volunteer battalions are in order to explain how they differ from the Ukrainian military.

3.1 The war that never was

As the announcement was made public by President Viktor Yanukovych on the 21 November 2013, a chain of events would follow and escalate in what would later be termed as the war in Donbas1_{. When the president made clear that his government would cease negotiations for an}

Association Agreement with the European Union in favor of strengthened relations with Russia, people went out into the streets. Thousands of Ukrainians demonstrated in the city of Kyiv as well as in other parts of the country in what would later be known as the Maidan Revolution or “The Revolution of Dignity” (Karagiannis 2016: 139). What started out as a gathering of thousands of students demanding that Ukraine sign the Association Agreement with the European Union, de-veloped into a full-fledged movement of not only protest but of opposition and resulted in several deaths (Diuk 2014: 9–11). The revolution did not only bring protests and death but also resulted in political and institutional fragmentation. Two months later, following Yanukovych escaping the country on the 22 of February 2014 among a series of events, would lead to the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula (Käihkö 2018: 147).

While Crimea largely remained peaceful during the outbreak that followed, events in the Don-bas region however transpired into open warfare (Malyarenko & Galbreath 2016: 113). This war was unexpected and is still ongoing while this is being written (Käihkö 2018: 151). Although it is

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important to note as Käihkö explains, that the war was officially never declared as one. The gov-ernment has during this entire process never formally declared a state of war, rather troops have been sent to the occupied territories in ‘self-defense’ purposes (Malyarenko & Galbreath 2016: 120). Back in 2014 it was officially labeled by the government as an anti-terrorist operation (ATO). An ambiguous definition that lasted for over three and a half years, of which were characterized by continued armed conflict in the Donbas region. This was the situation until a redefinition was established in October of 2017. Today it is still not defined as a war but rather as the “Joint Forces Operation” (Käihkö 2018: 152–153). Several attempts have been made in order to resolve the dispute. The Minsk Protocol which was established in September of 2014 that was followed by the Minsk II agreement aimed at establishing a ceasefire between the Russian-backed insurgents and the Ukrainian forces. Unfortunately, the agreements have been breached several times with viola-tions by both sides (Karagiannis 2016: 139).

3.2 The volunteer battalions

When the war started in 2014, neither the state nor the military was prepared for it (Hunter 2018: 78–79). The Ukrainian Armed Forces were ineffective by the time that Russian-backed separatists began their attempts of establishing independent republics (Donetsk and Lugansk) in the Donbas region. The army at this time was set up against potential threats from the west, rather than the east, meaning that most of the units were positioned far away from the conflict zone. When the combat operations were initiated in Donbas, only about 6,000 soldiers in the army were available and able to take part in the combat operations, at least according to official documentation (Ibid: 78–79, 89). At the same time, back amongst civilians, the separatist threat that was looming over the country initiated the civil society to spontaneously organize themselves into pro-government paramilitary groups, later called the volunteer battalions. Bukkvoll (2019) on the other hand writes that in defining the relationship between the state and the volunteer battalions they are best de-scribed as semi-official pro-government militias. They had formalized links to the state but were at the same time separated from the official armed forces (p. 295). These groups were formed in varying ways. There were the activists that had taken part in the Maidan Revolution who mobilized (and were later transformed into the volunteer battalions) and those who were established through a more top-down approach, sponsored by individual representatives referred to as oligarchs2

(Mal-yarenko & Galbreath 2016: 120–121). Puglisi (2015) writes that despite these differences, the unit-ing factor that brought these volunteers together was a strong patriotic commitment and motiva-tion to protect their country against what they saw as a war of independence (p. 5, 9).

It is difficult to pin-point their exact numbers since no official register exists on the matter, while the battalions themselves did not keep an inventory of personnel (Puglisi 2015: 5, 9). If in-ventory records were in fact set up, they are however not available as of today. Hunter (2018) does in regard to this write that during the first two years of the war, over forty volunteer battalions were involved in the combat operations in Donbas. What is important to note is that these volun-teer fighters to a great extent were supported through their own funds and donations from the public (p. 79). However, funds were also allocated through the official state budget, non-govern-mental organizations, and from oligarchs (Malyarenko & Galbreath 2016: 123). The volunteer

2_{Malyarenko and Galbreath (2016: 123) write that the oligarch Igor Kolomoysky was the most generous in funding of}

these groups of paramilitaries. In this case paramilitaries refer to the volunteer battalions not initiated by for example those who collectively mobilized on Maidan.

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battalions did play an important role while the Ukrainian armed forces re-mobilized for war. None-theless, their legal status was a question of uncertainty for a long time. Over time and after a long-due process they were incorporated into the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of De-fense structures. With this came a legal status for the volunteer fighters, bringing with it benefits as well as responsibilities along the way (Käihkö 2018: 159).

4. Previous research

This segment of previous research presents relevant aspects and examples connected to the rein-tegration of veterans. It highlights various challenges that have been identified and strategies that have been used or recommended in order to implement them. These have been thematized and are presented under four headlines in order to get a better grasp of their content and context. The themes that will follow in chronological order are: “The gap between policy outlines and imple-mentation”, “Brotherhood and brothers in arms”, “Returning to a foreign land – when home is no longer home” and “The gender barrier”.

4.1 The gap between policy outlines and implementation

Although researchers do not always agree on which path to take in order to identify the current weaknesses of the re-integration3_{phase, there is still consensus regarding two aspects. Namely,}

most researchers agree on the fact that there are various readjustments issues amongst veterans (MacLean et al. 2013; Bergman, Burdett & Greenberg 2014; Kline et al. 2011) and that there is a need to look at the gap between policy and implementation (McMullin 2013; Muggah 2005; Özer-dem 2012; Humphreys & Weinstein 2007).

McMullin (2013) writes that the efforts to reintegrate ex-combatants has gained a privileged position in the United Nations and its implementing partners in its peacebuilding strategy. But, when looking at problem-solving, this has tended to focus on organizational issues and less on the objectives it is aiming to achieve (p. 385–386). Humphreys and Weinstein (2007) on the other hand imply that there seems to be some discrepancy between policy makers and the success rate. The authors mean that we know little about the actual success-rates of reintegration at the micro level (individual determinants) and question why some former combatants are able to reintegrate while others are not. By looking at the difference between the impact of international attempts to facili-tate reintegration and a number of individual-level determinants, they draw the conclusion that the success-rates for reintegration are just as high amongst veterans who did not in fact take part in a DDR4_{-program as it is amongst those who did (p. 533). They are not alone in their statement,}

Jennings (2007) concludes in a study that a re-examination of the DDR-programs is justified. Thus, we still have very little understanding of the actual impact on the ex-combatants themselves. Alt-hough widely established, Jennings writes that the programs have left many ex-combatants feeling dissatisfied. By examining the viewpoints of individual recipients, an ambivalence was identified directly connected to the reintegration phase. Although many of the voices raised were due to the ‘broken promises’ by policy makers, the author writes that there is a need to shift focus. Instead of

3_{There are various definitions of reintegration, but as defined by the United Nations in connection to the reintegration}

of veterans it is the process where former combatants acquire civilian status. This entails a long-term process involving both the economic, social and political aspects (United Nations 2014: 25, 157–158).

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asking ourselves if the ex-combatants are reintegrating, we should instead ask ‘reintegration into what?’. To this gap between policy and implementation Humphreys and Weinstein (2007) add that the problem might be that even previous research has tended to focus on details of program design and implementation, rather than the impact on the target group (p. 562). Oppenheim and Söder-ström (2017) identify the same weakness and further write that program implementation in fragile and post-conflict countries can have a direct implication for social stability and reconstruction. For ex-combatants, these reintegration programs are an opportunity where the relationship between them and the state can be rebuilt (p. 134–135). This means that satisfaction with program experi-ence is an important factor since it shapes the participants view on the social contract between the state and citizen and additionally the perception of state legitimacy. While the reintegration pro-grams offer the opportunity to rebuild this fragile trust, failing in delivering will on the other hand create distrust in the government or the state (Ibid: 133). This implies greater negative effects for the society than merely re-adjustment problems for the ex-combatants.

This is not a problem without a solution; in fact, Muggah (2005) writes that being aware of the DDR-programs limitations is crucial if their full potential is to be realized (p. 239, 249). It comes down to perspectives, do we view the veterans as recipients or participants? Nussio (2012) highlights the perspective of the former combatants themselves (p. 369–370). If we have serious intentions to achieve the goal of creating sustainable long-term reintegration for the target group, it is important to create more ownership. As Nussio further states, involvement in war is not a uniform experience (Ibid: 370), therefore it is logical to draw the conclusion that neither should the solution be. Muggah (2005) amongst many agrees but emphasizes that just as there is a plethora of armed conflicts, it is important to be aware of the fact that the same applies to the diversity of post-conflict contexts (Muggah 2005: 249; McMullin 2013: 390). Söderström (2013) argues along the same line as Nussio (2012) and Muggah (2005), but in the context of political reintegration. He shifts the focus from researching the effects on participants and non-participants in these programs and writes that we should realize the complexity and variation of reintegration programs and com-pare different types, since they all emphasize different areas, whether this be political, social or economic reintegration. The author also writes that one important aspect to consider to ensure successful reintegration is the mere definition of the concept, that itself leads to confusion (p. 90). Most importantly, as Jennings (2007) also problematizes, we need to ask ourselves the crucial ques-tion: reintegration into what? Söderström (2013) further states that the term ‘reintegration’ suggests a process of returning to a state of normalcy (Söderström 2013: 92). McMullin (2013) discusses the role of ex-combatant versus the community in terms of reintegration and writes that ex-combatants are not recipients in the context of DDR programs. They do not benefit but are receiving assis-tance. Implying that the focus should shift to the communities to which the ex-combatants return. It is the communities who reintegrate ex-combatants, not ex-combatants who reintegrate (p. 409). 4.2 Brotherhood and brothers in arms

When addressing the needs of former combatants, this is often done in terms of viewing them as a high-risk group, who need to be demobilized and reintegrated to ensure the peace and security of the state. This can be exemplified, by the United Nation who in their definition of why DDR is needed, state that a failure of delivering “can be a threat to receiving communities” (United Nations 2014: 48). This view is also supported by various researchers who use this point of departure when justifying the need for successful reintegration (e.g. Knight & Özerdem 2004; Muggah 2005). Oth-ers, such as McMullin (2013) further concretizes this by writing that there lies a problem within

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our assumptions about ex-combatants themselves. This kind of stigmatization indeed works di-rectly against the objective we are trying to reach, and further even disrupts the integration into everyday life in the post-conflict state. This can be seen by the use of a, on the one hand the ‘threat narrative’ within the policy context which portrays ex-combatants as inherently and naturally threatening to post-conflict peace. Onn the other he refers to a ‘resentment narrative’. The second narrative implies that there is a likelihood that communities will resent assistance to ex-combatants, creating an inherent fundamental distinction between communities and ex-combatants themselves. The attributes that we assign the target group, where they are portrayed as irrational, barbaric and violent, just to mention a few will further contribute to the distinction (Ibid: 386, 395). Or as McMullin writes “if everything ex-combatants do after conflict is potentially threatening simply by virtue of their ex-combatant status, then peace and success become equated not with ex-combatant visibility but with invisibility (p. 413). Moreover, it is problematic because of the use of these kinds of narratives portray ex-combatants as if they were one homogenous group, all the same within and across contexts (Ibid: 400). While McMullin (2013) means that this is problematic for ex-com-batants because it hinders the potential from agency over their own reintegration process (Ibid: 399), Janzen (2014) takes this a step further. In his study he asked Guatemalan ex-guerrilla soldiers what advice they would give to other reintegrating ex-combatants. The results show that unity in fact was integral for their reintegration process. Instead of reintegrating as individuals, this small group went through the process as a collective where they faced difficulties together and could take advantage of their shared experiences (Ibid: 9).

Hinjosa and Hinjosa (2011) on the other hand mean that these types of constellations have also been seen as a hindrance in civilian family reintegration because of emotional ties that bind former combatants to each other. Just by having experienced similar events, this created a form of ‘brotherhood’ (p. 1145–53), an instant connection of feeling understood emerged. This is a con-nection that may be hard to find amongst family members and old friends while struggling to adapt to civilian life again. This has to do with the realization many veterans have at this ‘loss of military family’, that their civilian friends and family members do not seem to understand the process they are going through (Ibid: 1146, 1152). Along the same line as McMullin (2013) on the subject of creating a gap between the different groups, Janzen (2014) writes that the former combatants ex-pressed that they were being subjected to a process they had little control over, which in turn generated a sense of fear and lack of trust in the government and those in charge of the DDR program. One of the recommendations by the author is to view the ex-combatants through a lens of capacity and what they can contribute with (Ibid: 14, 21). Leff (2008) adds to this from the entry point of social capital and claims that local ownership is vital. The informal networks among ex-combatants are key elements for successful economic and social reintegration. Further stating that it is especially of benefit in societies where the social capital is scarce. DDR program managers should in fact encourage the establishment of such networks, as they could potentially function as a platform for discussion between veterans and the receiving communities (Ibid: 14, 35).

4.3 Returning to a foreign land – when home is no longer home

When going into the military, no matter your background, you experience assimilation into a new culture. Demers (2011) describes this as being stripped of your civilian identity and replacing it with a military identity. Through this process the individual gains less space in order to make room for the collective (p. 162). This means that after deployment, the ex-combatant is faced with a reversed process in order to become a functioning member of the society again. Demers (2011)

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further writes that during this process, some veterans are caught between the two cultures and as an effect experience an identity crisis. Unsure of how to adapt to the new reality and what rules to follow, this affects their reintegration process. Soldiers expressed that when returning to civilian life, there were new sets of rules that they were expected to follow, without knowing how to, which resulted in significant confusion. Since they were no longer the same individuals as when they went off to war. While they had a strong yearning to be with people, there was a tension between this need and the fear of being misunderstood (Ibid: 170, 172). Bergman, Burdett and Greenberg (2014) on the other hand mean that what the veterans are experiencing is a reversed culture shock when returning to their civilian lives. They argue that veterans go through institutionalization while in the army which hinders their reintegration later on. Coming back to a reality where the rules they were ordered to follow no longer apply, resulting in for example anxiety. However, pointing out that when we talk about veterans, we should be aware that although there is a group of veterans who face adjustment issues, it is of relevance to mention that the majority of veterans are able to re-adjust without experiencing these difficulties. It comes down to the individual to make sense of their situation to avoid alienation and rejection.

So far, the individual’s part in the alienation that some veterans experience has been high-lighted, but Ahern et al. (2015) claim that this is not only due to personal struggles, but that veterans express that alienation is also a result of unsupportive institutions when trying to locate or access support. This further contributes to the feelings of loss of purpose and structure (Ibid: 1–2, 8). The authors connect this to the identity adjustment process and mean that veterans and family and friends have unique experiences during the separation. Where both parts change and thus in some ways will be unknown and unfamiliar to the other upon return. Differences between expectations and reality might be shocking for some veterans, complicating the reestablishment of connections in the shadow of the changes that have taken place (Ibid.). Orazem et al. (2017) also agree on the fact that it is not only the responsibility of the veteran. Those veterans who manage to merge the two identities (military and civilian) are able to develop a coherent and integrated self, while failing in doing so, will lead to what previous researchers have emphasized, identity confusion. This im-plies that the reintegration programs must take this into consideration; to acknowledge veteran’s attachment to their military identities and find ways to support them and their families in this transition (p. 5, 10). This process can be quite problematic, Nussio (2012) argues that the difficulty lies within separating the emotional legacies (experiences of war) from the perception itself because they are closely intertwined. How ex-combatants feel about their past and what emotional legacies that still remain after deployment will vary. He further explains that this can be seen for example in former combatants’ frustration with reintegration programs as they compare between life today and life before (p. 378). This means that if the programs are able to respond to the needs that exist, veterans might embrace their civilian life to a greater extent, further decreasing the transition gap.

In the study conducted by Leff (2008) on the nexus between social capital and reintegration of ex-combatants as mentioned earlier, the author notes that the bonds that were created in the battlefield with their ‘war family’ define their identity and provides a strong sense of security. When returning to civilian life, they are met with a new reality and social structure. This includes unfamil-iar norms, beliefs and laws within communities. Many veterans experience this transition of return as confusing and psychologically traumatic, but also the communities that they return to (Ibid: 13– 14). The conclusion that the civil life becomes an unfamiliar one is far from a new idea. Schuetz (1945) developed the concept of the ‘homecomer’ when trying to problematize the many internal challenges veterans face during the transition. He explains that while the veteran leaves his home

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behind, both parts are separated by space and time; a time which is experienced as a unique indi-viduality. The author further explains that what happens during this process is that for the veteran the deployment period is like stepping into another social dimension and when they return home, they speak the same language, but it is as if no one understands the unique experiences they have gone through. Schuetz (1945) captures this in terms of conflicting identities, both internal for the veteran himself, but also for the people around him in the statement that “[…] the homecomer is not the same for himself nor for those who await his return” (Ibid: 369, 375).

4.4 The gender barrier – myth of the masculine warrior

So far, it is clear that through the years quite extensive research has been done on different aspects of the reintegration process. Studies with female veterans in focus are limited to date, but a majority of these point out that female veterans’ experiences differ from their male counterparts which needs to be taken into consideration (see e.g. Burkhart & Hogan 2015; Mattocks, Haskell, Krebs, Justice, Yano & Brandt 2012; Demers 2013). As Strong et al. (2015) point out initially in their study, women make up an increasing percentage of military service members and veterans but have his-torically been excluded from discussions of war. They further emphasize that female veterans may perceive combat and threat differently than their male counterparts. Strong et al. (2015) mean that, in order to understand the impact, it is essential to gather women’s perspectives of combat in their own words, rather than to rely on research that has focused on male service members and veterans (Ibid: 489–490, 500). Dodds and Kiernan (2019) argue along the same line and state that by gaining a better understanding of women who have served in the military, we enable a better understanding of their wishes and needs. The authors write that throughout the literature on female combatants, much of it has failed to ask women about their experiences (p. 293–294). When discussing women’s role in combat they point out that there are many challenges to combat. Not only do women experience negative attitudes and are exposed to assumptions about their capabilities, they also face stereotypes such as being weak and vulnerable (p. 298–299).

Demers (2013) mentions that the risk for women to be exposed to sexual violence within the military is disturbingly high. She additionally points out that gender harassment occurs more often than other forms of sexual harassment. This includes as sexist jokes, crude remarks and stories, putting someone down on the basis of gender, or expecting someone to work harder to prove himself of herself (p. 490). She further states that although military culture has evolved and has come to accept women more to some degree, military training still remains rooted in the ideal of the what she refers to as the ‘masculine warrior’ (Ibid: 493). Demers (2013) points out that one of the struggles women veterans face is the struggle of fitting in into a society where civilians are perplexed by them, unsure of how to treat them (Ibid: 505). In a study done by Strong, Crowe and Lawson (2018) on females post deployment experiences and navigating two identities simultane-ously, several social determinants were identified as influential on the reintegration process. Amongst these the authors note that the extent to which female veterans successfully transition to civilian life is determined by several factors connected to the availability of for example gender-specific services and social stigmas associated with being a female veteran. Access to education and employment and specific medical support was also mentioned. The authors point out that female veterans all too often become an invisible population (p. 93, 97). Mattocks et al. (2012) did a similar study where they explored how female veterans cope with their experiences after returning to ci-vilian life. The results show that although some female veterans expressed that the transition was fairly easy, others went through a complicated process which involved marital problems, loss of

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friendships, divorce, job loss and troubles with returning to pre-deployment daily routines (p. 543). The authors for example point out that many female veterans had troubles with leaving the war behind them, often encountering seeming threats in everyday life after serving. Others experienced disrupted relationships with their family and friends because they chose not to discuss their military service since they felt they would not understand their experiences. Instead of sharing their expe-riences several of the female veterans chose to isolate and remove themselves from family and friends (Ibid: 541–542).

5. Theoretical framework

In order to answer the research questions of this study it is of relevance to outline the concepts and theories that have acted as the foundation for this research. These are used to interpret the empirical data and are presented and discussed in this section in order to get a grasp of the defini-tions that are used and further have influenced the analysis of the data.

5.1 Identity crisis

Taylor (2011) explains that identity is the horizon within which individuals are capable of taking a stand. In short terms, it is defined by the commitments and identifications which provide the frame or horizon. The way in which people see their identities may differ as well; while some define it partly by moral or spiritual commitment, other may define it in part by the nation or tradition they belong to. As initially mentioned, it functions as a frame in order to determine where we stand on questions of what is good, or worthwhile, or admirable, or of value. When an interruption occurs, or if this sense of navigation is lost, it can result in an identity crisis.

Put counterfactually, they are saying that were they to lose this commitment or identification, they would be at sea, as it were; they wouldn’t know anymore, for an important range of questions, what the significance of things was for them. And this situation does, of course, arise for some people. It’s what we call an ‘identity crisis’, an acute form of disorientation, which people often express in terms of not knowing who they are, but which can also be seen as a radical uncertainty of where they stand. (Taylor 2011: 27)

Further, Taylor (2011) means that when an individual experience an identity crisis, they are put into an unfixed state which to many people is a painful and frightening experience. Erikson (1980) has a similar definition but explains it in relation to what he refers to as the ‘ego’. We as individuals try to create coherence within ourselves.

Ego identity, then, in its subjective aspect, is the awareness of the fact that there is a selfsameness and continuity to the egos synthesizing methods and that these methods are effective in safeguard-ing the sameness and continuity of ones meansafeguard-ing for others. (Erikson 1980: 22)

In comparison to Taylor (2011), Erikson (1980) describes that in his work with discharged veterans, partial loss of ego synthesis could be identified as a universal symptom. Erikson further explains that after soldiers return to civilian life, they no longer have a sense of who they are, implying a distinct loss of ‘ego identity’. Many changes happen for the veteran at once; somatic tension, social panic and ego anxiety were always present in the state of mind. This results in a situation where

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the sense of sameness and the belief in one’s social role are now gone. Erikson explains that when this happens the boundaries which used to exist between their egos and their ‘shock-absorbing delineation’ has been blurred or disappeared. This can lead to a state where anxiety and anger are provoked by everything that is too sudden or intense (p. 42).

5.2 Burke’s theory on identity interruption processes

Burke (1991) presents a theory where he incorporates interruption theory and identity theory to give an understanding of how interruption of the ‘feedback loop’ (see Figure I) will generate dif-ferent types of social stress. The author means that the identity process is a continuously operating, self-adjusting, feedback loop. When exposed to a familiar situation this process is more or less automatic where the individual pays little to no attention. When an individual on the other hand experience a large discrepancy is it likely to cause some type of interruption in the identity process. Reactions may vary, but distress is a commonly occurring causal effect. The model that Burke (1991) has developed emphasizes the disruption or interruption of the continuous identity process rather than changes to existing identities. The problem in this case is the distress and the conse-quences it causes for the individual. There are several ways in which the identity process can be interrupted, and Burke (1991) proposes four mechanisms which can cause interruption on identity processes. For the sake of this study two of these mechanisms are of particular relevance; the broken

loop and interference from other identities (Ibid: 839–840). The broken loop

The loop in this case is referred to as the identity process, which is the normal state and continua-tive, automatic process in which an individual is trying to uphold a coherent identity. When this process is interrupted by external events, it breaks, and the identity process ceases to function as it normally would.

Figure I: The control-system view of the identity process. The cycle of meaning showing possible points of interrup-tion at A and B (Burke, 1991: 838).

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Burke (1991) explains that the loop can be broken at two points; point A and B (See figure I). The first one (A) being when the process is broken by external events, where the individual’s behavior in a situation has little or no effect on the situation. Meaning that it may not influence the way others behave toward, label, or treat him or her. Any attempts of meaningful interaction may fail, and others may not recognize the efforts displayed by the individual. All of the abovementioned scenarios will lead to feelings of self-efficacy, alienation, disaffection, estrangement and the like on the part of the individual. Most forwardly, it will be associated with the loss of identity or the loss of a sense of self. The second point where the process can be broken (B) is the point at which input is received from the environment. This is connected to the individual’s perception of the situation rather than their behavior. The individual is not able to perceive the meanings in the situation or does so incorrectly. This may lead to the feeling of being misunderstood and any efforts may prove ineffective because of the inability to read or understand the meanings that others dis-play. Burke (1991) exemplifies that this situation can occur when one is in a new culture or subcul-ture with which one is not familiar.

The difference between when the loop is broken at the first and second point is that while a broken loop in the first instance will lead to a situation where one’s behavior has no effect, the second one will generate unexpected effects. This will create a state of distress which is associated with being in a new and strange environment, when meeting new people, entering new roles or starting a new job. No matter the circumstances in which the loop is broken, the person will be put in a state of distress (Burke 1991: 841–842).

Interference from other identities

Distress can also occur when a negative connection between two or more identities arise, for ex-ample in a situation where one identity is maintained while the other identities are interrupted as a result. Burke (1991) means that this can happen in situations of time constraints and one is not able to be in two places at the same time or when an individual is overcommitted to one particular identity which limits engagement in other role identities. With the help of interruption theory, Burke explains that feelings of distress occur because one identity adjustment process is interrupted while another is maintained. What this will do is create a circle where the individual has to work on maintaining one identity while interrupting others which can cause high distress levels. It is important to note that having multiple identities as such does not have to generate more distress but can in fact reduce it. Some identities are more prominent to cause this scenario, for example so called episodic identities, which are taken up episodically and irregularly, distress is highly likely to occur because of the extended interruptions it causes over time (Ibid: 842–844).

5.3 Rationale

The rationale for this study is multidimensional, which has been exemplified in the section above. As this review of previous research demonstrates, there are many challenges that veterans face during the process of returning to civilian life after deployment. While some veterans do not face any challenges at all, others feel the need to seek help in order to adjust properly to their new life situation. As Janzen (2014) and Jennings (2007) write, we have quite a good overview of the many challenges that exist, but still lack an understanding of the first-hand experience of ex-combatants (Janzen 2014: 3; Jennings 2007: 1). There is also a need to examine closer how veterans construct their identities as Cooper et al. (2018) highlights, by writing that the influence of military culture and the impact on the individual after leaving is fairly undertheorized. What happens to veterans

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when they return to an environment that was previously familiar but may no longer be so? (Ibid: 157). Since the reintegration process is highly subjective and context-specific this study will aim to fill the gap in the Ukrainian context, where little research up to date, has been conducted that has had the focus on veterans themselves and how they have experienced the reintegration process. The fact that the country is handling the process of active warfare and reintegrating veterans sim-ultaneously just adds to its complexity. By investigating this particular aspect with veterans’ expe-riences in focus, there is an opportunity to gain a better understanding of what needs to be done in order to facilitate or at least ease the transition process. From a wider perspective it might offer insights that can be of use in other contexts as well in connection to the reintegration of veterans.

6. Methodology

This section provides the reader with an account of the research process from the choice of re-search design, the selection of respondents and delimitations of this study. Further, there is a dis-cussion on how the collected data has been analyzed as well as those methodological concerns that have occurred during the research process. Lastly, a discussion on ethical considerations as well as positionality is included in order to increase the transparency between the author and the reader. 6.1 Research design

This phenomenological study is based on a qualitative approach where semi-structured interviews have been conducted. A qualitative approach was deemed as most suitable since the research ques-tions do not aim at quantification but rather at exploring the experiences of the veterans in-depth. There was a desire to view the events directly through the eyes of the veterans. In order to get a deeper understanding of the reintegration process, the social world must be interpreted from the perspective of those individuals who are being studied and allow them to reflect upon their own experiences. Previous research has emphasized that when attempting to understand the challenges that veterans face, even though there are many common factors, there is still a need to keep in mind the impact and the importance of contextual understanding of this phenomenon (Humphreys & Weinstein 2007; Jennings 2007; Nussio 2012; Muggah 2005). As Bryman (2011) writes, if we have a desire to provide considerable descriptive detail, such as behavior and values, they must be understood in context. Additionally, the choice also had to do with the position of the researcher. It was of interest to let the veterans themselves express what is important and significant which in turn provided the point of orientation which was possible by the reflexivity when using qualitative methods (Bryman 2011: 380, 399–401, 408).

6.2 Semi-structured interviews

The empirical data for this study was collected through ten in-depth semi-structured interviews. Qualitative interviews were considered the most relevant method due to the reflexivity of the method. Flexibility and keeping the structure to a minimum was preferable since it increased the opportunities of genuinely revealing the perspective of the veterans. A structured interview would have increased the risk of not being able to identify important aspects beforehand that would have been excluded during the interview, while a non-structured interview would have made it more difficult to compare the experiences between the respondents, especially for an inexperienced in-terviewer. Semi-structured interviews provided the possibility to change the direction in the course

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more much easily and it also enables the researcher to do follow-up interviews or ask additional questions retrospectively. The structure allowed narrative inspired questions while providing enough space to be altered or changed to each individuals’ experiences during the course of the interviews (Bryman 2011: 403–404, 470; Harrell & Bradley 2009: 27).

As is advised when conducting semi-structured interviews, a guide was designed with certain questions and topics that were deemed as necessary to cover in all interviews in order to be able to answer the research questions (see Appendix I). These were based on previous research and the theoretical framework. Although the questions did not have to be asked or answered in a certain order, it was a way to ensure that the correct material was covered. The guide was structured with the starting point of three main questions following more specific follow-up questions, if certain themes or topics were not mentioned in the respondent’s initial response to the question.

Harrell and Bradley (2009) write that so called ‘funnel protocols’ are deemed as appropriate when working with sensitive topics. Since they employ broader questions before asking more pointed questions. Thus, this approach was used when designing the question guide to get a mix between descriptive and structural questions in order to capture both the questions which might have been missed out and create understanding for how events relate to one another. Lastly, con-trast questions were used to clarify any misunderstandings that occurred or to get an insight on what certain topics or terms meant to specific individuals (Ibid: 27, 35–36, 38, 40, 50). The guide has been revised by individuals who are not part of the research, but who work with veteran rein-tegration and in consultation with a former veteran. Mostly to ensure the relevance of the questions but also to make sure that a comprehensible language was used (Bryman 2011: 473).

6.3 Selection of respondents and delimitations

The selection of respondents for this study was based on two main criteria: the respondent had to be (1) a veteran from the war in Donbas and (2) be able to speak English. This was justified by the fact that one of the reasons for choosing Ukraine was due to their particular situation where the reintegration process is going on simultaneously as the war in the eastern part of the countries. In regard to the second criteria, it was necessary because it was not deemed as favorable to use an interpreter as it was important to hear the veterans construct their own answers in their own word-ing. Additionally, it was also because of the time-consuming mission of finding an interpreter who would be available at often last-minute scheduled interviews.

As Bryman (2011: 425) problematizes, when conducting research, it might initially not be apparent what groups need to be interviewed at the outset. The sample was set to only include veterans from the official armed forces, but after discussions with people within the field, was expanded to also include veterans from the volunteer battalions since they represent a large group of returned veterans. Before arriving in Kyiv, contact was established with the organization Anom-aly NGO who works with projects directly aimed at veteran reintegration. A snowball sampling was initially used in combination with a purpose sample (Bryman 2011: 422, 424). During the pro-cess another researcher within the field and an organization, initiated contact with a couple of veterans that fit the criteria. Those veterans in turn suggested other participants who they thought might be of interest for the study. A purpose sample was used when finding respondents with the help of the host organization.

In total, ten in-depth interviews (see table I) were conducted with veterans. Five women and five men in various ages, background and time deployed. They were all in different stages of their reintegration process.

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Respondents Pseudonym5_{Age Time deployed} _Position Date of

interview

Respondent 1 (R1) M6_Vasyl* ₃₃ _{1 year, 8 months Paramedic/ Grenade}

launcher 2020-04-06

Respondent 2 (R2) M Mykola* 29 2 years Rifleman/machine gunner/

secret service/commander 2020-04-11

Respondent 3 (R3) F Daryna* 33 1 year Paramedic 2020-04-21

Respondent 4 (R4) F Anastasiya* 25 10 months Paramedic 2020-04-12

Respondent 5 (R5) F Olena 28 2 years, 9

months Cook 2020-04-21

Respondent 6 (R6) F Yelena* 25 6 months Paramedic 2020-04-12

Respondent 7 (R7) M Tymur* 30 1 ½ years Commander 2020-04-10

Respondent 8 (R8) F Tania 53 2 years

(6 months as volunteer)

Medical instructor 2020-04-02

Respondent 9 (R9) M Danylo* 31 6 months Anti-tank specialist 2020-04-02

Respondent 10 (R10) M Andriy* 30 1 year, 7 months Machine gunner 2020-03-27

Table 1: Presentation of respondents

All the interviews were conducted over video chat. After the respondents had agreed to an inter-view, they were offered to choose a day and a time most suitable for them but were informed that a setting where the conversation could proceed without any major interruptions was preferred. One out of the ten interviews were conducted in Ukrainian with the help of an interpreter. The interviews were scheduled to last between one to two hours but varied in length depending on how much time the respondents had available. In the end the interviews lasted between 00:36:57– 03:36:07 in length. The interviews were not limited to a certain frame which means that a large amount of material was accumulated, it was deemed as necessary in order to get the in-depth an-swers that were needed for the analysis. Two of the respondents were contacted after the interviews and asked to answer a couple of complementary questions in written form.

All interviews were recorded upon agreement and approval of the respondents. Two separate devices were used for recording, to ensure that there was backup in case of malfunction. This was beneficial since there was only one researcher responsible for the interviews and to avoid excessive note taking, as well as enable full focus on the respondents. As Bryman (2011) also emphasizes it is beneficial since not only the spoken word is of importance, but also the way in which the re-spondents are expressing themselves can be useful. It was also beneficial in order to make sure that no data was lost. The downside which is worth taking into consideration is the respondents be-coming self-conscious of being recorded. However, the benefits deemed to outweigh the negatives and since the devices were out of eyesight, the respondents did not seem to be noticeably influ-enced by it in a way that could have impacted the interviews or the results (p. 483).

6.4 Analysis method: thematic analysis

After the data was collected it was prepared for analysis. The entire process was done by using the qualitative research computer software MAXQDA. Due to the large amount of data that was col-lected, this tool proved useful since it allowed for a more systematic approach than if the material had been handled in separate documents. Before a thematic analysis was done, all interviews were

5_{* An asterisk in this case means that the respondent was a part of a volunteer battalion squad. Pseudonyms have}

been used for confidentiality purposes.

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partly transcribed, the passages that were deemed as most relevant in order to answer the research questions were transcribed word by word. The other parts were summarized in accordance to the topic they covered. The transcriptions were time stamped and stored within the software, making it easy to track and double check if certain passages appeared unclear later on during the coding process and to ensure that the quotes included in the results were verbally and literary correct. The analysis followed the six-phase guidelines developed by Braun and Clarke (2006).

This particular method was deemed as suitable since it allowed a more interpretative approach. Although the approach is fairly interpretative, the latent content is seen as important as the manifest content. This means that even though themes were identified on the basis of for example repeti-tion, there was a search for the meaning under the surface or what was being said (Bryman 2011: 297). Ethnographic content analysis (ECA) is a similar method that could have been used and was considered, but a thematic analysis was preferred since the data was allowed to control the coding process without having predetermined categories mapped out, which is often the case when apply-ing an ECA approach (Altheide 1987: 67–68). By thematizapply-ing in a broader sense, it involves search-ing across the data, to a greater extent ensursearch-ing that the context is not lost (Braun & Clarke 2006: 15). Which was deemed as important since the reintegration process takes place over a longer timeframe. In order to keep track of ideas and reflections that occurred, analytical memos, inspired by grounded theory, proved very helpful in order to crystallize these notes and keep track of rea-sonings on various topics (Bryman 2011: 573, 581).

When analyzing the material an inductive approach was used and the data determined the themes that were identified. The interview transcripts were firstly read through where smaller notes were put in the margins. When coding the material, which is recommended while conducting a thematic analysis, it was done in three steps. Open coding was initially done, followed by axial coding to group similar codes together. Finally, the selective coding culminated through an iterative process where the data was analyzed to be divided into central themes and subthemes (see Appen-dix II). The method does however not necessarily tell the researcher how to identify themes, mean-ing it will be highly influenced by the individual researcher. The themes that were emerged durmean-ing the analysis of data were based mainly on repetitions, meaning that they reappeared several times in the material. Additionally, themes emerged out of the use of similarities and differences. For example, if respondents addressed certain issues in contrasting ways and in what way they differ from each other. One of the benefits of the approach is that when identifying themes, they do not necessarily have to be based on quantifiable measures but can include aspects that capture some-thing of importance in relation to the overall research questions (Braun & Clarke 2006: 10).

Lastly, the theoretical framework functioned as a springboard when identifying which themes to include in the results to ensure that they had a close connection to the research questions (Bry-man 2011: 580). After the coding scheme was finalized, the theoretical framework was applied to the data in order to finalize the analysis (Ibid: 578–579). An important note to add is that the themes identified in this study do not necessarily imply that they are the most common but were chosen since they together capture important elements of the reintegration process (Braun & Clarke 2006: 10). Six out of twelve themes that emerged were included in the results of this study since they highlighted specific aspects in the Ukrainian context. This means that those who were excluded mainly aligned with previous research and were therefore not as highly prioritized.

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6.5 Methodological concerns

After spending two months in Kyiv (during March to May) in 2020 a large amount of data was collected as a result of several formal and informal interviews. It has therefore unfortunately been impossible to include all the material in the final product. The material that was seen as most es-sential in order to answer the research questions has been selected, while the rest has functioned as a kind of context creator. Another evident limitation is that this study was not able to include those veterans who live in the outskirts of the bigger cities where access to assistance is more limited. It is important to be aware that these veterans might face different challenges than the ones who have been presented in this study.

As with every research method, a qualitative approach too has its difficult sides that should be addressed. Firstly, it is important to note that this study was initially planned to have more ethnographic elements. The aim was not only to learn more about the difficulties that veterans face when returning to civilian life, but to be a part of the social setting in which these individuals spend most of their time in (Bryman 2011: 383). Due to the circumstances with a complete lockdown within the country and the pandemic, this was proven impossible to implement to the researcher’s dismay. Although it is difficult to replace the ethnographic methodology, various organizations within the field were included to at least get a glimpse of the social reality from their point of view. This is also the reason as to why several of the interviews were more in-depth and narrative than originally intended. Alas, in regard to the thematic analysis as a method to interpret and analyze data, it of course has its disadvantages to be aware of. Even though the method was chosen due to its flexibility, this can easily be a pitfall if one is not systematic enough and result in inconsistency and coherence (Nowell et al. 2017: 3). It is also important to be aware of the risk of disproportion-ality between data and analytical claims created, emphasizing the importance of conclusions and judgments made by the researcher during the process (Javadi & Zarea 2016: 38).

It is necessary to add that initial attempts were made to independently find respondents, but without luck or any response to the messages that were sent. Most likely due to the fact that veter-ans are considered a “hidden population”. This meveter-ans that it is not possible without insight to know who is or not is a veteran and getting access to these populations may be difficult (Hecka-thorn 1997: 174). In those instances, it is common to use a snowball sampling or to get access to a key informant to get around the problem. Both of these approaches were used due to the difficul-ties of initially finding veterans who wanted to participate in the study (Ibid: 175). Further, of importance is also to emphasize that the collaboration with other organizations in order to find respondents had no impact on the objectivity of the researcher other than providing direct contact with potential respondents. On the other hand, there is a risk that the organizations did provide a selection of respondents with more positive reintegration experiences.

Since this study involves different groups within the veteran community, there is a further need to reflect upon the impact this may have had on the results. A majority of the respondents were a part of the volunteer battalions, this means that there is a limited representation from the official armed forces. However, even though the aim of this study is not to draw conclusions based on the entire Ukrainian veteran community, it is of importance to remember that results could have been different since the deployment process varies between those who were parted of the official armed forces and those who were part of the volunteer battalions. Although the represen-tation is limited, it was still deemed as preferable to include these to get varying perspectives on the topic. Moreover, on the subject of the female veterans who were a part of this study, which did not have ‘traditional’ combat positions out in the battlefield and therefore may also have had an

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impact compared to the male veterans simply due to the nature of their service. Although, not to say that the challenges might still have been similar in many ways.

Lastly, one factor to keep in mind is that English was not the respondent’s native language, nevertheless, should not have affected the result of the study other than the fact that responses might have been more nuanced if it had been conducted in their native language. The respondents were however able to express themselves with words that they knew, and the questions were kept short and coherent in order to make it as easily understood as possible7_.

6.6 Ethical considerations

In order to ensure that the research conducted does not bring any harm to the participants, this study has related to the Swedish Research Councils recommendations on good research practice during the entirety of the study. As the council states: while knowledge is valuable, so is the indi-vidual privacy and the protection of the respondents against various forms of harm and risk. There are four principles that have been taken into consideration while conducting this study: infor-mation- consent- confidentiality- and the purposeful use of the material.

The information requirement has been upheld by verbally informing the respondents of the nature and the terms of the study if they choose to participate. Initially it was meant to be a formal written consent but proved difficult since all the interviews were conducted online. The consent requirement was fulfilled by not initiating any interview before permission had been granted, any misunderstandings clarified, and a verbal consent was given by the respondent. It was explained that the participation was voluntary and if they at any time during the process wanted to withdraw their participation in the interview, this could be done without any negative repercussions. If there were questions that the respondent did not feel comfortable answering they would be excluded. No additional questions would be asked, and the material collected up to that point would be deleted. The confidentiality principle was taken into consideration by informing the respondents that participation was confidential, meaning that no details about specific individuals would be included in the finished study that could reveal the respondent’s identity. Names would be coded to make it harder to identify respondents who participated in the study. Lastly, the principle that advises on the purposeful use of the material was fulfilled by informing the respondents that the information collected would not be used for any other purposes than research and would not be used or borrowed in the purpose of commercial use or other non-scientific purposes. All respond-ents were also informed how and where the finished study would be published and that they were free to ask questions during the entirety of the study and afterwards if they the desire to (Veten-skapsrådet 2002: 6–14).

6.7 Validity and reliability

As Bryman (2011) notes, validity and reliability are important criteria when conducting and as-sessing the quality of any type of qualitative research. These points have been taken into consider-ation in the design and execution of the study. In order to strengthen the credibility of this study a thorough account of how it has been conducted and the challenges that occurred during the pro-cess has been discussed (Ibid: 181). One approach is to triangulate the data used; this has been

7_{This is also the as to why quotes have been used with the exact wording the veterans used, without any grammatical}

corrections. Because it was of weight that they truly captured the way in which the veterans contemplated and reflected upon the questions that they were asked.

I carry three pieces of metal in my body from the separatists : Ukrainian war veterans&apos; experiences of the reintegration process and adjustment to civilian life