Gender Studies
Department of Thematic
Studies
Linköping University
It’s my Body, my Life
Prejudices around Sex Work in the Netherlands
Lisa Grooteman
Dr. Malena Gustavson: Gender Studies, Linköping University Master’s Programme
Gender Studies – Intersectionality and Change Master’s thesis 30 ECTS credits
Acknowledgements
Here I would like to thank those that supported me during the process of my master thesis research. Firstly, I would like to thank the inspiring, passionate participants who were of great value to this study and I am very grateful that they were prepared to participate in my study. I enjoyed the hours listening to their stories, opinions and their driven motivations to improve the social position and well-being of sex workers. Also I would like to thank my supervisor Malena Gustavson for her valuable feedback and positivity. After every meeting with Malena I gained more knowledge and self-confidence that contributed well to my master thesis. Obviously I would like to thank my partner Robin for his love, acceptance and understanding during my research. The refreshing hours of walking, relaxing movie nights, dinners and taking over some household chores were really pleasant and helpful. Furthermore, I would like to thank my beloved family for their support and understanding throughout the process. The encouraging Skype sessions, encouraging mails and their love is of great importance to me. Also I would like to thank Marjorie Carleberg for checking my thesis on English spelling and grammar with a critical eye. Furthermore, I would like to thank my dear friend Vivien for proofreading my work. In addition I would like to thank the students and employees at the Unit of Gender Studies in Linköping for their critical, but supportive feedback.
Prologue
Twenty-three years ago I was born in a small village in the Northern part of the Netherlands. I was raised in a warm and supportive family together with my younger brother and sister. I look upon my childhood as a beautiful, warm, but also a disappointing period. Disappointing in the way that after a certain age life became less carefree and as a young child, you are exposed to prejudices, expectations and a lot of peer pressure. I was really disappointed in how some people treated each other, how spiteful people can be and eventually how it feels to not be part of the group. From my own personal experience I know how it feels to not be included, to try so hard to be recognized, to stand up for myself and eventually, to be ignored. There was and there still may be pressure to achieve, fulfil certain expectations and dress and act in a certain way, to be part of the group. A group that accepts who you are and supports you, but what if you cannot fulfil these requirements and what if these prejudices exclude you to be part of this group?
This is my own personal story of being excluded from a group and unfortunately this story does not stand-alone. There are many people in society who are not accepted or seen as equals due to their intersectional differences, such as gender, class, race, and sexuality or because of their choices in life. This master thesis is about the group of people who are not fully accepted in Dutch society, this group is that of sex workers. Sex workers receive a lack of support and acceptance in the Netherlands. With this master thesis I hope to create more awareness about the social position of sex workers in the Netherlands and I hope that due to their narratives in this study, that they will gain more respect and acceptance. Therefore, I would like to dedicate this master thesis to all the sex workers in the Netherlands.
Table of content
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1
PROLOGUE 2
INTRODUCTION 5
RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND AIMS 6
OUTLINE 9
METHODS 10
METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION 10
LITERATURE REVIEW 10
INTERVIEWS 11
RESEARCH ETHICS 15
SITUATING MYSELF WITHIN THIS STUDY 15
EVALUATION OF SOURCES AND METHODOLOGY 17
METHODOLOGY 17
HOW I USE THE TERMINOLOGY 18
PREVIOUS RESEARCH 20
THE ANTI-PROSTITUTION AND PRO-SEX WORK DEBATE 20
THE HISTORY AND DISCOURSE AROUND SEX WORK 23
SEX WORK AND POLICY 24
SEX WORK AS WORK 26
SEX WORK AND HEALTH 26
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 28
QUEER THEORETICAL INTERSECTIONAL FEMINIST STANDPOINT 28
GENDER AND SEXUALITY 29
DISCOURSE AND REPRESENTATION 30
THE DISCURSIVE NATURE OF EXPERIENCE 31
REPRESENTATION 32
RESPECTABILITY 33
STIGMA 34
SEX WORK AS EMOTIONAL LABOUR 35
A SHORT CONTEXT OF THE DUTCH LEGALISATION 38
ABOUT THE NETHERLANDS 38
DUTCH POLICY ON PROSTITUTION 38
REGULATION 40
ANALYSING THE INTERVIEWS 41
EXPERIENCING THE DISCOURSES ON SEX WORK 41
THE CONSEQUENCES OF DISCOURSES AROUND SEX WORK 46
THE STIGMA ON SEX WORK IN SOCIAL LIFE 48
THE STIGMA ON SEX WORK AND HEALTH 51
SEX WORK AS A FORM OF LABOUR 52
PROFESSIONALISATION AND NORMALISATION OF SEX WORK 52 WHY PROFESSIONALISATION, WHY IS THAT IMPORTANT FOR NORMALISATION? 53 SUGGESTIONS TO CHANGE THE DISCOURSES AROUND SEX WORK 54
CONCLUSION ANALYSIS 57
CONCLUSION 58
SUGGESTIONS FOR POLITICAL ACTIVIST IMPLEMENTATION 61
BIBLIOGRAPHY 62
APPENDIX 1. INTERVIEW GUIDE 66
Introduction
“It is great to have an opinion and argue for it, but you cannot just judge someone because of their choices in life, even if it sounds so strange to you.”1
This is a queer theoretical intersectional feminist study about the sex workers experiences and the prejudices they face in the Netherlands. Since October 2000 sex work is legalised in the
Netherlands, which means that selling, and buying is permitted, and since that date sex work is a legitimate profession. However, sex workers do no get the same chances and opportunities as other workers in society, which makes it very difficult for sex workers to practice their profession. According to studies, from feminist researcher Ine Vanwesenbeeck, sex workers experience high rates of stigmatisation in their personal and professional lives and receive a lack of support and acceptance in society (Vanwesenbeeck 2005: 638). In line with Vanwesenbeeck, former sex worker Melissa Petro states, recently sex work is related to other mainstream jobs, but however, the stigma on sex work distinguishes it from other mainstream jobs (Petro 2010: 155). Therefore, sex workers face difficulties in their professional and private lives, due to certain discourses around sex work. My overarching research problem of this study is the consequences of certain discourses that confine Dutch sex workers in their lives. To be able to discuss this I interviewed three (former) sex workers and a policy officer.
Research questions and aims
In this study I will investigate how sex workers in the Netherlands experience the prejudices around their profession, the main question is:
“How do sex workers in the Netherlands experience the prejudices around their profession?” What is the affect of certain discourses on sex workers? How does sex workers act upon the discourses? How and does it influences the lives of sex workers? Discourse in this context
implies a group of statements that form an idea, or in other words, systems of thinking. It is some sort of cultural fantasy how people experience and imagine the world. Later in this study, in the theoretical framework I will elaborate more on this concept.
The most important research aim is that people will critically reflect upon this study and that they will take into account the different discourses and the non-uniformity of sex workers and sex work, in other words, to create awareness and a better understanding of the complex, diverse and various groups of sex workers and the sex industry. It is a business that is immense and often there is a great deal of judgement. With this study I hope to give an overview of a group of sex workers in a certain context from an equality perspective. My aim is not to argue if sex work is bad or good, but to give an overview, an explanation of a certain group of people to counter attack their rights.
The other two-sub research aims are interconnected with the above mentioned research aim. The first sub research aim is to share the thoughts and experiences of sex workers towards the
prejudices around their profession and to create awareness, in other words, a better understanding of the complex, diverse and various groups of sex workers and the sex industry. It has always been the aim of this study to give sex workers a voice. However I interviewed four people, so these people do not represent all the sex workers, but, nevertheless, the participants whom I interviewed are of great importance for this study and my research aim is to give these participants a voice and share their thoughts and experiences.
My second sub research aim is to suggest interventions that could change certain discourses around sex work and increase the social status and well-being of sex workers in the Netherlands. Aligned to my second sub research aim, I would like to add one more question:
“What interventions could improve the social status and well-being of sex workers in the Netherlands?”
To conclude, my greatest aim is that people will critically reflect upon this study and that they will take into account the different discourses and the non-uniformity of sex workers and sex work. Hopefully people will reconsider their own prejudices around sex work and sex workers. In October 2000 the Dutch government decided to lift the ban on brothels (Outshoorn 2004: 185). This means that sex work is now officially legalised and acknowledged as a profession, therefore, sex workers should have to same rights as other workers in society. Another reason why it is important is, since I believe everyone is responsible for hir body. Your body is your property and nobody can decide what to do or what not do with it. Referring to the quote on page 6 of this thesis, you cannot judge someone because of hir choices in life.
There has been a lot written about sex work and prostitution and several scholars have studied this topic from a diversity of feminist as well as non-feminist perspectives. Within feminist research the field is mainly divided by the anti-prostitution standpoint and the pro-sex work standpoint. From the anti-prostitution standpoint, well-known authors are radical feminist Andrea Dworkin, clinical psychologist Melissa Farley and feminist sociologist Kathleen Barry. The anti-prostitution strand argues, that anti-prostitution is inherently forced and is a violence against women (Barry 1995; Dworkin 1997; Farley & Barkan 1998). On the contrary, the pro-sex work strand argues, sex work is a form of labour and the illegal status of sex work violates the integrity and civil rights of sex workers (Chapkis 1997; Sanders 2005; Vanwesenbeeck 2005). Well-known pro-sex work scholars are feminist sociologist Wendy Chapkis, feminist philosopher Teela Sanders and feminist researcher Ine Vanwesenbeeck.
This study is written from a pro-sex work perspective and is in line with Vanwesenbeeck’s work. The reason why I write this study from a pro-sex work perspective is due to the Dutch situation where prostitution is legalised. Moreover, I believe not every sex worker is a victim of human trafficking or sexual exploitation, so these sex workers should have the same worker rights as others. Vanwesenbeeck is a Dutch researcher and published different materials about the social
Scientific Work on Sex Work (2001), Burnout Among Female Indoor Sex Worker (2005). Her
work clarifies that the well-being of sex workers relates more to their working circumstances than it does to sex work itself. Vanwesenbeeck’s work Prostitutes' Well-Being and Risk was one first large scale research on the well-being of female sex workers in the Netherlands. Her work really benefits from the fact that she is aware of class, since she conducted research under 187 former and current sex workers from all forms of sex work, origins, educational backgrounds, etc. Her findings calls into question that prostitution is inherently violent, since the outcome of two studies expressed a diversity of results. Koken argues about Vanwesenbeeck, “Perhaps
unsurprisingly, the women who were most likely to score in the lower 25 percent on the measures of well-being were also most likely to be working in the least paid, most dangerous venues for sex work” (Koken 2010: 44). So, the results of Vanwesenbeeck clarify the different experiences of sex workers, due to the fact that sex work consists of various forms of labour and the group sex workers is also very diverse, so you cannot argue for sex workers as one uniform group. Sex workers are not a cohesive, uniform group, because of intersectional differences, such as class, background, ethnicity education, religion, gender, sexuality, race, etc. Also sex work is very diverse and sex work itself consists all forms of sexual services for money or other material benefits. Within sex work there are various forms such as brothels, clubs, erotic dancing, escort services, online sex services, phone sex and street work, etc. (Willman & Levy 2010: 1).
The literature about sex work often reflects their working experiences or the deviance, illegal and negative consequences of sex work (Vanwesenbeeck 2001: 243). In the research that has been done, there is missing a clear voice from sex workers about their experiences towards the discourses around their profession, a gap I wish to fill. Within this thesis I will focus on sex workers, who are working voluntary and independently in sex work.
Outline
In this thesis I will present how sex workers experience the prejudices around their profession. Firstly, I will introduce and elucidate important definitions in order to understand my thesis. Secondly, I will present the methods applied to collect data, and I will discuss the research ethics, the evaluation of sources and the methodology. Thirdly, I will present the previous research, which is an outline of the research results and conclusions that are relevant for this study. After previous research I will present the theoretical framework where I introduce concepts and
theories to make the academic background of my research clearer. Furthermore, I will give some background information about sex work in the Netherlands and I will briefly outline some information about the Dutch parliamentary democracy. Eventually in the analysis I will analyse the transcriptions of the interviews and relate it to the previous research, theoretical framework and the research question. In the conclusion I will present a brief summary of the thesis and I will share the research results, answer the research question and give recommendations for further research. In the last and final part of the thesis I will present suggestions for political activist implementation.
Methods
This is a feminist interview study within an ethnographic framework about the prejudices around sex work in the Netherlands. This study consists is of two research methods: literature review and interview study. In this chapter I will present the methods applied to collect data, I will discuss the research ethics, such as situating myself, and codes of ethics. In the last part, evaluation of sources and methodology, I will articulate how I analysed the material and evaluate the sources applied in this thesis.
Methods of data collection
In this study I combined two data collection methods, such as literature review and interviews. The literature review consists of the previous research and the theoretical framework, where I analyse and discuss literature. The interview study consists of interviews with four participants, conducted both online and face-to-face, to get a better understanding of certain discourses around sex work, by listening to the to the stories and experiences from the participants. The
combination of these two methods can complement each other and increase the validity of the data, since I apply both academic and non-academic material.
As gender theorist Nina Lykke clarifies; the methods applied in feminist ethnography are seen as supportive tools to collect information and needs to be applied in a flexible and creative matter. The supportive tools should not be applied as mechanical devices (Lykke 2010: 144). I interpret this, that the methods applied in a study should be used in the most productive, comprehensive way and that the author should not be frightened to think outside the box and apply the methods in creative manner.
Literature review
The literature review consists of the previous research and the theoretical framework. In the previous research I compile and review studies and research that has been done in the field of sex work. It is some sort of summary of the most important research results and conclusions that are relevant for this study. In the theoretical framework I present relevant concepts, to inspire and to unravel the research problem and eventually to answer the research question. Both the previous
research and the theoretical framework are important for the analysis, since they are supportive tools to analyse the material.
Interviews
As mentioned before the main reason to use interviews is to collect the stories and experiences from sex workers in the field. This is the most important element in this study, since I base my analyses on the experiences of the sex workers’ I interviewed.
Gayle Letherby refers to an interview as, “A specialised pattern of verbal interaction – initiated for a specific purpose, and focussed on specific content areas” (Letherby 2003). In line with Letherby an interview in this context means a verbal exchange of knowledge within a specific framework. It is significant to be aware “That interviews are interactional encounters and that the nature of the social dynamic of the interview can shape the nature of the knowledge generated” (Fontana & Frey 2000: 647). So it is very important to be aware of receptive nature an interview and that participants constructing knowledge around the questions.
Semi-structured interviews
In this study I applied interviews as a method to collect data. In March 2014 I conducted four interviews with four participants both online and face-to-face. As mentioned in the beginning of this chapter it is important to apply methods in a creative manner, therefore I decided to organise three interviews with the participants through an online medium, so-called Skype. The interviews were semi-structured, this means that I had a list with topics and eventually the participant could decide how to interpret the question. Eventually the answers of the participants guided the interview direction, so the informal and open scope of the interview engaged the participants in the research outline. As a result the participants could emphasise and point out the importance of certain topics. Therefore, all the interviews were ambiguous, depending on the persons, situation, etc. Another reason why I applied semi-structured interviews is to have some sort guidance, since I had a specific purpose in mind and I wanted to discuss a certain topic, however it was up to the participants to decide how to interpret the questions and they could decide to discuss or to switch to another topic. So, the reason why I applied semi-structured interviews is to have a greater extent of data and to discuss certain topics in a guided framework.
The average interview time was 1 hour and 15 minutes and took place both online and face-to-face. For the online interviews I performed a Skype conversation with the participant, if possible both me and the interviewee used the camera function on Skype. This was most preferable, but due to Internet connection problems, the sound improved after switching off the camera. Under those circumstances the participant and I had to adjust to the new form of interviewing and we had to listen carefully if the person had finished talking or just needed a thinking break. The face-to-face interview I conducted in at the Prostitution Information Center (PIC) in the Red Light District in Amsterdam. All the interviews went very well and both the different interview formats have pro and cons, for example the participants found it very comfortable talking about this topic in their own familiar and safe environment. A pro of having an interview face to face is that you can read the whole body language of someone, which is difficult to read from a webcam, which often only displays the upper body.
Interview set up
After the small talk I started with the introduction, which consisted of the explaining the research proposals, mentioning the letter of consent, and emphasising on their anonymity. Furthermore, I informed if everything was clear and shared some practical information about the time and if I was allowed to record the interview with an audio recorder for the purpose of transcribing it. The participants in this study are made anonymous and the personal details will be handled with care in order to reduce any discomfort that the interviewee might experience. Furthermore, I
mentioned that the participation in the study is completely voluntary and that they may refuse to answer any question or choose to stop participating at any time. Apart from this, I had a non-judgmental attitude, to give the participants a comfortable and confident feeling. Also I
mentioned that if the interviewee had questions about my thoughts and opinions towards the topic I could share my thoughts after the interview, so I did not influence the participant with my ideology.
During the interviews I used an interview guide that I put together with some topics that I wanted to discuss with the participants. The interview guide is a document, which consists of example questions and certain topics. If the participant was done with speaking about a topic, I introduced a new topic. The interview guide is presented in appendix 1. The topics that I discussed during the interviews are: personal information, profession related questions, their experiences as a sex
worker, how sex workers are portrayed in media and in politics, and eventually what is their opinion about certain topics. Firstly, I was interested what personal information the participants would like to share, such as information about educational background, age, relationship status, but also if their friends and family are supportive towards their profession. Especially I was interested in the answers of the last question, to analyse which discourses were mobilised. The profession-related questions were about their motivation, what does their job mean and imply and what was their perception before they entered sex work. The part about their experiences was the most important part of the interview, since all the participants brought up different stories and experiences. In this part I posed questions about their personal experiences as a sex worker, for instance what they find challenging in their work. Also, I asked them to share their thoughts how they think how sex workers are portrayed in media or how they are represented in politics; this was for me also a very important research question. Eventually I had some questions related to their opinion, for example about the use of the term “prostitute” and the term “sex worker”, this question was relevant in relation to how I should represent the participants in this study.
In this chapter I often mention that the interviews were semi-structured, even though I apply the terms semi-structured to inform the reader about my interview proceedings, I have to underline that I think this concept has some shortcomings. In line with Letherby, I consider the terms structured, unstructured and semi-structured confusing and misleading, since the most unstructured interview is structured due to the natural interview roles and the particular rules (Letherby 2003: 84). Although I find these terms troublesome I think the benefits are still good and relevant enough to apply it, also I situate myself within an academic framework were certain rules must be applied and recognised. So, I think you could apply these terms, but with an elaborate explanation of your interview proceedings what semi structured, structured, unstructured implies.
Participants
Here I will introduce the participants by using fake names, due to the confidentiality code. As mentioned before, this study consists of four participants: one sex worker named Rachel, two former sex workers: Anna and Melanie, and a policy officer named Maria.The participants were recruited both individually and through the network of Soa Aids Nederland and Humanitas. Soa
workers and giving advice. During the recruitment process I received several mails from sex workers who did not want to participate, however they were willing to help me find other
participants. One sex worker wrote to me that she found it a very noble purpose and that she will contact other sex workers within her network. The same evening I received an email from a sex worker and she expressed her interest to participate in my research.
All the participants in this thesis have Dutch citizenship and are of Dutch origin, so therefore the interviews were conducted in Dutch. The participants in this thesis were on average 48 years of age and they all identify themselves as women. From a statistical categorical representation and intersectional perspective I tried to include people of other gender, origin and sexuality, however due to my limited access to the field and language issues I did not include people of other gender, origin and sexuality. I am aware that these four participants do not represent all the Dutch, female sex workers in the Netherlands, instead I would like to clarify how I think the stories of these participants can reflect the experiences of other sex workers. In this study I interviewed Maria, a policy officer who is very engaged and well informed about sex workers in the Netherlands. Melanie started an organisation about informing people about prostitution in Amsterdam and she has very close contact with sex workers. Anna started a sort of sex workers association and through this association she has a lot of contacts with other sex workers, both national and international. Furthermore, Rachel worked for more than 30 years in sex work in different settings and places. So, all of these women have different experiences and knowledge about the Dutch sex industry. Again with this study I am not trying to represent all sex workers, instead I will present and aim to create awareness about their stories and experiences.
As mentioned in the paragraph above all these women have different experiences in the Dutch sex industry. The sex worker and former sex workers have diverse experiences within sex work, for instance in window prostitution, escort services, brothels and sex clubs. They all worked for at least a minimum of five years in sex work, after that they became active as an activist for sex workers rights, for example as a board member of International Committee of Sex workers Rights in Europe, the Dutch sex work union Rode Draad and a national think tank. Two former sex workers are besides their activism employed with sex worker related issues, as a prostitution
officer and as a sex worker informant, who informs the society about sex work. So, the
participants in this study are very well informed and updated about sex work in The Netherlands The participants in this study participated in a completely voluntary fashion. They participated in this research for several reasons, for instance to raise more awareness about this topic and to inform and share their experiences about the difficulties they face in relation to the discourses around their profession.
Research ethics
In this part of this chapter I will discuss the research ethics. Firstly, I will situate myself in this study and in the section codes of ethics I will elaborate certain research ethics I applied in this study.
Situating myself within this study
In this study I situate myself as a young female critical, pro-sex work student that strives for equality and tries to be as inclusive as possible. In this research and especially during the
interviews I think it was an advantage to be a woman, since the topic does mostly involve women and it can be a very sensitive topic. In addition women are preferred to conduct interviews, because women are perceived as less threatening and people will more easily open up and share their personal stories (Letherby 2003: 85). As Letherby argues, being a woman in this study is easier and more personal and I can confirm that in relation to the interviews I conducted. At the same time this can be a weak argument, since I have to acknowledge that I am not a female sex worker and therefore I do not have the experiences. However even if I had the experiences, interviewing is an interpretative, subjective process and is always implicated with my decisions. So in this study, I rather focus and emphasise more on my political perspective on sex, namely the pro-sex work perspective.
In the above paragraph I elaborate on my position as a woman, but apart from this I believe it is also significant to be aware of my position as a researcher. In line with Ruth Behar, being aware of the privileged position as a researcher, to study the marginalized, is significant to take into account the positioning from both the participant and researcher. The participant is asked to reveal, to share, while the researcher often reveals nothing or very little. This creates inequality between the participant and the researcher; the participant becomes vulnerable in contrast to the
researcher remaining invulnerable to maintain the power of neutrality (Fontana & Frey 2000: 659). From a feminist and intersectional perspective I find the hierarchy between the researcher and the participant very problematic, however in this study I acknowledge that I cannot argue for tools and methods that can decrease the hierarchical position of the researcher. Though it can be added that in my own study I can decrease the hierarchy by sharing my own thoughts or personal stories in relation to female sexuality with the participants despite the fact that I lack personal experience in sex work. According to Oakley, this form of interviewing creates intimacy and trust (Oakley 2003: 245). In my research I wanted to apply this form of interviewing, however I think this theory has some shortcomings, since I believe that the interview will be influenced by the knowledge of the interviewer and it will be most likely that it confirms the ideology of the interviewer. Therefore I believe the research is less objective, if you could even speak about objectivity, since objectivity is not about being not engaged. “Objectivity is not about
disengagement but about mutual and usually unequal structuring, about taking risks in a world where “we” are permanently mortal, that is, not in ‘final’ control” (Haraway 2003:40). In other words objectivity is impossible to achieve, since it an illusion. Instead you can strive for a faithful account and position yourself in the world (Haraway 2003: 27). So, in this study I hope to situate myself in a clear way and strive for a faithful account as possible.
Codes of ethics
In social science the codes of ethics are the conventional format for moral principles. These principles are of great importance conducting research. The codes of ethics consist of four guidelines, for instance informed consent, deception, privacy and confidentiality and accuracy (Denzin & Lincoln 2000:139). In this paragraph you can read a brief overview of how I implemented the codes of ethics in my research. After the letter of invitation the participants received a letter of consent, this consists of the purposes and consequences of the research. It is significant to inform the participants about the nature of the research, since participants have the right to be informed. The participants must agree voluntarily and the agreement needs to be based on comprehensive information. Privacy and confidentiality is also part of the letter of consent and must be ensured against exposure. This master thesis is written on a sensitive, ethical topic and therefore I feel great responsibility about the privacy and confidentiality of the participants (Denzin & Lincoln 2000: 139).
Evaluation of sources and methodology
As mentioned in the beginning of this chapter, I conducted four interviews with four participants and the analytical tool that I will apply for the analysis is thematic content analysis. Also in this part I will elaborate and evaluate the sources applied in this study.
Methodology
During the process of interviewing I recorded the conversation, so I could transcribe every word that has been said. Field notes only are not enough, since you cannot note and or remember everything. In this chapter I mentioned that the most important element in this study are the experiences and thoughts from the participants, therefore I transcribed every word and expression from the participants. The speaking language is different compare to the written language, for this reason I adjusted the shared information to written language. The transcripts ranged in length from 13 to 18 pages per interview. Through reading and rereading transcripts, as well as making notes, I organized the information and created a global overview (Thorogood & Green 2006: 184).
To analyse the data I administered the method thematic content analysis, to apply this method you need to code all the interview transcripts and divide the content into themes and sub-themes. The research topic and lists of interviews were guiding in coding and organising the data. It is significant to mention that some codes emerged by itself, for example the discourses around sex work, sex work as a form of labour and the consequences of the Dutch policies around sex work. In the analysis I apply these thematic themes, to analyse the material and relate that to the
research that has been done and the theoretical framework. However, firstly, I will present how I use terminology and present the previous research.
How I use the terminology
In this chapter I will clarify the definitions that are of great importance to my study. The
interpretations of the definitions are build on previous work from other authors, in order to create my own understanding of, and perspective about the definitions.
Sex workers
In this study I often apply the term sex workers and therefore I find it significant to clarify this term before using it. The term sex workers comprehend in this context people who are employed voluntarily, often independently and in a legal framework in the sex industry. I am aware that the terms voluntarily and independently are problematic, nevertheless I still would like to adopt these terms, so therefore I give you an example of how I perceive the terms voluntarily and
independently. In this context people who work voluntarily, decide to work in sex work, given the options they have. Some would argue that if money were the reason to work in the sex
industry, that it is somehow forced, however I would argue that every form of economic labour is in some way forced. The term independently implies in this context that no pimp or third persons intervenes in their businesses, so this means that these sex workers are own bosses.
Sometimes the word prostitute is applied in relation to previous research or the language chosen by the participants. Personally I think the word prostitute evokes negative stereotyping and can be offensive. Furthermore, applying the word sex worker is also a political statement, since you refer to the pro-sex work perspective that looks upon sex work as a profession, so therefore I prefer to apply sex worker.
This group of sex workers consists of women, men, and transsexuals, above the Dutch legal age limit of 18 years. The members of the group sex workers are extremely diverse and consist for instance of highly educated students and housewives. It is significant to be aware of the
intersectional differences among sex workers, since it is not a unified, homogeneous group, but it is extremely disparate and multifarious (Willman & Levy 2010: 1). Sex workers are employed in the sex industry; in the next paragraph I will clarify what sex work consists in this study. To be more specific, people who are forced into the sex industry are not sex workers, but are victims of sexual exploitation.
Sex work
Sex work consists all forms of sexual services for money or other material benefits. The sexual services involve all kinds of sexual exchanges, for example: sexual fantasies, sexual product and or sexual contact (Brents & Hausbeck 2010: 9).Within sex work there are various forms such as brothels, clubs, erotic dancing, escort services, online sex services, phone sex and street work, etc. (Willman & Levy 2010: 1). In this study I also apply sometimes the term prostitution to relate to the previous literature, since by using the term sex work I make a political statement and refer to the pro-sex work strand. So, in my own analyses my personal preference is to apply the term sex work.
Previous research
In this chapter I will present the research that has been conducted in the framework of sex work. This chapter is therefore divided in different, but related sections. As mentioned before, within the sex work debates there are two major standpoints: the anti-prostitution standpoint and the pro-sex work standpoint. Firstly, I will mention both strands in the pro-sex work debate and elaborate the two perspectives. Secondly, I will illustrate the history and the discourses around sex work. In another section I will present the results and conclusions of an international comparative study of prostitution policy in Austria and the Netherlands. Under the heading Sex work as Work I will discuss a few authors who look upon sex work as labour. In the last heading I will present the results from two different studies about sex work and health related issues.
The anti-prostitution and pro-sex work debate
First I would like to start with a brief overview about the anti-prostitution and pro-sex work debate, since this debate divides feminists in two major standpoints towards sex work. The two major divides are the anti-prostitution standpoint and the pro-sex work standpoint. There are two well-known authors in these fields. Within the anti prostitution framework it is Melissa Farley, American clinical psychologist, researcher and anti-prostitution feminist. Farley’s work touches upon the topics of prostitution, trafficking and she investigated the forensic evaluations of survivors of prostitution (Farley 2004: 1125). From the pro-sex work perspective it is Dutch feminist researcher Ine Vanwesenbeeck, her former research work consists of the social position and well-being of sex workers in the Netherlands (University n.d: 1).
In literature and especially in literature from anti-prostitution strand, such as Farley in her article
Bad for the Body, Bad for the Heart': Prostitution Harms Women Even if Legalized or
Decriminalized (2004) it is often about the negative consequences of sex work. In other readings
from the pro-sex work perspective, such as Chapkis (1997) and Sanders (2005) the negative social effects do not relate to sex work itself, but to the discourses around sex work. These discourses around sex work are understood as one of main reasons that confine sex workers in their personal and private life (Vanwesenbeeck 2005: 638).
The anti-prostitution standpoint looks upon prostitution as harmful for the body and mind and that prostitution itself is violence against women (Farley et al. 1998: 406), (Dworkin 1997:143). Farley states, “Prostitution is an institution that systematically discriminates against women, against the young, against the poor, and against ethnically subordinated groups” (Farley 2004:117). Juline Koken refers to a study of Isin Baral, Melissa Farley, Merab Kiremire and Ufuk Sezgin Prostitution in Five Countries: Violence and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (1998) that they began to work on their study from the perspective that prostitution is always violence towards women. The study consisted of a comparative study of violent experiences of 475 street working prostitutes in five different countries. The study findings were that the majority of the people experienced high rates of violence against them, 67% suffered from PTSD and 92% of the street workers wanted to stop working as a street prostitute (Koken 2010: 46). In their study the authors made modest great claims, for example “Our data show that almost all those in
prostitution are poor” (Farley et al. 1998: 421). The authors in this study portrayed a side in society in which women get exploited; at a level that they live a life deeply depended on people, who take advantage of them and their vulnerable position. I would like to note that I absolutely do not intend to dismiss or disagree with the research results, however I have to underline that this study only focussed on a certain group of sex workers and therefore I think that you cannot present claims that prostitution discriminates against all women and that it is always violence. In other words, I am very critical about the generalising claims the authors present.
As mentioned before, Farley claims that prostitution itself is violence against all women, but her studies are often focused on one specific group within sex work, namely street workers. In the example mentioned above the study consists of 475 street workers and street work is known as one of the most dangerous forms of sex work. In an interview with Farley about her study in 1998, the interviewer asked Farley “Do you encounter women who say they like this work?’ To this Farley replied, ‘Women don’t say that to me because of the questions I ask” (Koken 2010: 47). In line with Farley’s answer pro-sex work feminist Juline Koken stresses, “Women who have asserted that they have consciously chosen employment in sex work have been neglected or viewed by anti-prostitution feminists as non-existent” (Koken 2011: 210). The answer from Farley is a problematic statement and this proves that Farley’s data was limited due to her own ideology towards prostitution.
The pro-sex work perspective looks upon sex worker as a form of labour. Vanwesenbeeck stresses that “from a pro-sex work feminist frame of reference, meaning that sex work is, on principle, considered legitimate work, not violence. At the same time it is acknowledged that the illegal status of sex work and its consequences do violate the workers’ rights and integrity of sex workers” (Vanwesenbeeck 2001: 243). So, the pro-sex work perspective sees sex work as any other profession and argues for the equal rights and chances for sex workers (Koken 2010: 35). I will write my work in line with the studies from Vanwesenbeeck, because she investigates in a more extensive manner compared to other scholars, as Farley. Here I would like to underline that I am aware that the participants in this study are more privileged, compare to the ones in the study of Farley’s. The participants in this study are working voluntarily and experience more independence and the ones in the study of Farley did not. Vanwesenbeeck published different articles about the social position of sex workers, such as Prostitutes' Well-Being and Risk, 1994,
Another Decade of Scientific Work on Sex Work, 2001 and Burnout Among Female Indoor Sex Workers, 2005. The work of Vanwesenbeeck stands out compared to other sex work research
from different scholars, since Vanwesenbeeck conducts a research from various groups of people from all levels within sex work. Second, her research is not written from the perspective that sex work is bad or good and the questions she posed for her research allows a diversity of responses and results (Koken 2010: 44).
This research will be mainly written from the pro-sex work perspective. The reason why I am writing in line with the pro-sex work perspective is that I take the stand that one is responsible for your own body, your body is your property and nobody can decide what to do or what not do with one. Secondly, I look upon sex work as a form a labour and therefore I argue for equal civil worker rights. Thirdly, the group sex workers is so diverse and various that I believe that you cannot say that sex work is bad per se or good per se and I think others cannot decide or judge about someone’s life. The pro-sex work perspective sees sex work as work and tries to create a better social status and well-being, which is in line with my ideology towards sex work. I would like to underline that I do not want to dismiss the fact that there are people forced into
prostitution and I look upon this as grave violence and exploitation. If I mention the definition sex workers I mean people who work voluntarily, independently, with no interference from
pimps or other third parties. So, people who are forced into prostitution are not sex workers, but victims of sexual exploitation.
The history and discourse around sex work
In the article Another decade of social scientific work on sex work: a review of research
1990-2000, Vanwesenbeeck consolidates different discourses around sex work from the beginning of
the 1990’s till the millennium. Before 1990 scholars often investigated why and how prostitutes entered the industry (Vanwesenbeeck 2001: 243). Pamela Lucas, master student in Master Medical Anthropology and Sociology clarifies in her master thesis Bodily Experiences in Sex
Work that late in the 19th century, scientists were investigating the motivations behind why
people end up working in the sex industry and scientists looked upon sex workers as diseased personalities with inborn criminal traits or psychopathological disorders. From the second half of the Twentieth Century scientists compiled and linked sexual abuse in childhood with an increased chance of becoming a sex worker. Scientists assumed that sexual abuse would cause an increased chance that people would sell sexual services (Lucas 2012: 2). Research was often conducted in the framework of AIDS and sexual transmitted diseases, sex workers were considered as a danger to public health. Most observations were generalised and no distinctions between different forms of sex work were made (Vanwesenbeeck 2001: 243).
In her article Vanwesenbeeck Another decade of social scientific work on sex work: a review of
research 1990-2000, she argues for an intersectional approach. Vanwesenbeeck compiles and
criticises research literature on prostitution from 1990 till 2000. She presents different topics and perspectives from early writings under specific headings. Vanwesenbeeck is critical in her
conclusion about earlier writings on prostitution, especially writings that are not inclusive enough and focus often on one specific vulnerable group of sex workers. These negative study results are often presented as the consequences for sex work in general. Often sex workers are victimised, criminalised and seen as deviant in scientific literature. Vanwesenbeeck criticises the
stigmatisation and stereotyping that looks upon sex workers as one unified group in academic scientific literature (Vanwesenbeeck 2001: 280).
Studies in Culture and Politics at Utrecht University she wrote her master thesis about Service
providers and their attitude towards sex workers. According to her study, sex workers in the
Netherlands are afraid of being stigmatised if they ask for help, in particular that they will not be seen as humans and that others will not understand and respect their decision to be employed in sex work. Stempvoort concludes that most of the service providers do respect and recognize sex workers and look upon sex work as a form of labour. This ideology is a pro-sex work thought and Stempvoort argues that the majority of the service providers identify themselves in the discourse of pro-sex work. The service providers mentioned that they also applied this ideology and put it into practice. Furthermore, some service providers mentioned that they would put their
ideological attitude aside to assist sex workers. Stempvoort was aware that during her fieldwork she might obtain socially desirable answers, but according to her, both outcomes are positive. Sex workers want to be seen as acting subjects and if service providers are aware of their position within this field and are aware of the discourse, that is already positive (Stempvoort van 2008: 44).
In the literature described above there is a lot of emphasis on the stigma around sex work and sex workers. In her book The Prostitution Prism, 1996 from sociologist and psychologist Gail
Pheterson she describes what she calls the whore stigma. The verb prostitute is defined in Pheterson’s work as “To prostitute oneself is to sell one’s honor for base gain or to put one’s abilities into infamous use” (Pheterson 1993:1). The definition is the popular opinion about the verb prostitute, they definition assumes that prostitution concerns a female sex worker, hetero sexual intercourse and the exchange of money. According to Pheterson, there is a mechanism of social control on women’s sexuality. If a woman exceeds certain limits, she will be labeled as a whore. Sex workers exceed the limits of female frigidity and sell their honor for base gain by having sex with multiple partners. (Pheterson 1996: 12).
Sex work and policy
Here the previous research from Dutch policy researcher Sietske Altink, scientist at Leiden University will be presented. Since the early 1980’s Altink has been conducting research in the field of prostitution. Recently Altink was a policy officer at The Read Thread, an advocacy support group for prostitutes, but after financial problems The Read Thread was lifted (Opinie 2013:1). Moreover, Altink collaborated with Dutch professor Henk Wagenaar and Helga
Amesberger in an international comparative study of prostitution policy in Austria and the Netherlands. The results of this study consist of two major conclusions. The first conclusion is more on prostitution in general and the second conclusion is about prostitution as a subject of policy (Wagenaar et al. 2013: 87).
The general conclusion about prostitution consists of the notion that prostitution is an
enormously policy resistant topic and it is in constant motion. It is influenced by international developments, such as technology, trends in Internet and labour migration. Previous sex work forms like window prostitution are disappearing and new forms, for instance online escorts services, hotel and home prostitution are being introduced to the field. Due to these rapid changes policy officers have a hard time adapting their policies to the current situation and it forces them to be in a highly reactive position. Furthermore, this report pointed out other consequences due to the current prostitution status, such as stigma, shame, criminality, language and cultural issues, since a great number of the sex workers are migrants. Apart from this it is extremely significant to emphasise that there is a great lack of accurate and reliable material, since the material presented in academic publications and serious media is often adapted to the authors ideology. Besides that it is very difficult to obtain the material, since prostitution often operates in the dark (Wagenaar et al. 2013: 87).
This paragraph presents the results and conclusions on prostitution as a subject of policy from an international comparative study of prostitution policy in Austria and the Netherlands. In the conclusion the authors particularly underline that prostitution is very diverse, various and exists in different forms. Since prostitution is looked upon as a not unified phenomena it causes
differences in understanding and therefore it is difficult to design inclusive and engaged policies. Furthermore, the authors address the fact that prostitution is a sensitive topic and it often divides people within the same political parties, since it involves moral issues. In addition to developing and designing effective policies it is important to be aware of the diversity and non-uniformity of the topic, since an easy solution, regardless of the goals, does not exist (Wagenaar et al. 2013, p 87).
Sex work as work
As mentioned before sex work was often seen in the framework of the negative and deviant and seen as a social problem. During the last two decades there has been a new movement in
scientific research that looks upon sex work as labour (Koken 2010: 28). This is the perspective from pro-sex work authors, like Chapkis, 1997, Sanders 2005, Petro 2010, Vanwesenbeeck 2001, 2005. “What distinguishes sex work from other forms of employment, however, is the way the industry has historically, contemporarily and cross cultural been criminalized by the state and stigmatised by popular society” (Petro 2010: 155). As Petro stresses, recently sex work is related to other mainstream jobs, but however the stigma on sex work distinguishes it from other
mainstream jobs.
Sociologist Wendy Chapkis published in 1997 her books Live Sex Acts: Women Performing
Erotic Labor, 1997. This book is a seven years ethnographic study in the Netherlands and the
United States. Chapkis interviewed women from various levels in sex work and victims of sexual trafficking; her work includes both positive and negative aspects of the experiences of women within prostitution. She interviewed more than fifty women and to not let her ideology
concerning sex work lead her work, she involved and used material that is not in line with her opinion towards sex work (Chapkis 1997: 6-7). The work from Chapkis is seen as ground breaking, since Chapkis acknowledges that sex work is emotional labour, and emotional labour could lead to health issues, like burnouts or feeling alienated from your own true feelings. Koken expresses that according to Chapkis sex work itself does not lead to health issues, but your control over your own working conditions, personal experiences as well as acceptance and support from your environment (Koken 2010: 50).
Sex work and health
Years after the publication of the book Live Sex Acts: Women Performing Erotic Labor, 1997 from Wendy Chapkis, other scholars became interested to write about sex work as emotional labor, such as Doctor in Philosophy and Senior Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Leeds Teela Sanders. In her article‘It’s Just Acting’: Sex Workers’ Strategies for Capitalizing on
Sexuality, 2005 she describes how sex workers adopt a manufactured identity to protect their own
mental well-being from the effects of sex work. Sanders relates emotional service jobs to sex work and she argues for normalization of sex work as a legal profession (Sanders 2005: 337).
In line with the work from Chapkis, Vanwesenbeeck published her work Burnout Among Female
Indoor Sex Workers, 2005. Vanwesenbeeck examined burnouts among sex workers and another
comparison group of female nurses. The outcome of this research is that sex workers health is not only influenced by their experiences at work, but also in their social environment. Social
acceptance and recognition of their profession as well their choices in private life appeared equally as important(Vanwesenbeeck 2005: 637). Vanwesenbeeck clarifies that “negative social consequences with violence, and lack of a worker-supportive organizational context were found to be important factors in burnout. To a certain extent, many of these factors are stigma related” (Vanwesenbeeck 2005: 637). In other words the stigma and stigma-related experiences are seen as one of the most significant elements of burnout. In her report she stresses that legal rights for sex workers does not normalise and guarantee social acceptance. According Vanwesenbeeck the reduction of negative reactions should be an additional aim for policy makers to increase the social status and well-being of sex workers (Vanwesenbeeck 2005: 637).
Theoretical Framework
In this chapter I will make the academic background of my research clearer. First, I will indicate the theoretical framework I have used to approach my research question; this will be from a queer theoretical intersectional feminist perspective. The research question of this study is “How do sex workers in the Netherlands experience the discourses around their profession?” In order to
understand and to carry out an analysis it is important to deconstruct and unravel the research question. This theoretical framework constructs different parts of the inquiry. Here I will present the key perspectives of this inquiry, in order to organise and structure the theoretical framework. I decided to present the perspectives under two main sections. Those main sections are firstly, discourse and secondly, representation and respectability. Within these two main sections I will present other theoretical reflections on key concepts, such as experiences, stigma and sex work as emotional labour.
Queer theoretical intersectional feminist standpoint
Firstly, I would like to frame my theoretical assumptions: my standpoint will be from a queer theoretical intersectional feminist perspective. It is important to take a stand, because by doing so, I mobilise certain theories from a specific feminist standpoint. In the next paragraphs I will discuss and outline what my stand is towards gender and sexuality, since the terms are related and irremediably slippery (Kofosky Sedgwick 2005: 83). But first I will briefly explain what I mean by queer theory.
Lykke explains in her book Feminist Studies, A Guide to Intersectional Theory, Methodology and
Writing that Queer Theory emphasises that gender, sex and sexuality need to be analysed all
together and that gender and sexuality are seen as intra-acting performatives in a
hetereonormative discourse (Lykke 2010: 210). Queer theorist Nikki Sullivan argues that “Queer (Theory) is constructed as a sort of vague and indefinable set of practices and (political) positions that has the potential to challenge normative knowledges and identities” (Sullivan 2003: 44). Sullivan stresses that queer is not an identity, but rather a position. Therefore everybody who feels marginalised due to his or her sexual practices can take up a queer position. Currently this is happening with the sex workers in the Netherlands, since they are marginalised due to their sexual activities and they are challenging the norm around sex.
Gender and sexuality
From a queer feminist intersectional perspective I perceive gender as something we do, instead of something we have or are (Lykke 2010: 205). Queer theorist Judith Butler argues in her text
Critically Queer that “Gender is performative insofar as it is the effect of a regulatory regime of
gender differences in which genders are divided and hierarchized under constraint. Social constraints, taboos, prohibitions, threats of punishment operate in the ritualized repetition of norms, and this repetition constitutes the temporalized scene of gender construction and destabilization” (Butler 1998: 21). In other words this means that gender is a social construct. Sullivan elaborates that repeating the performative effects on reiterative acts causes the natural sort of being. This natural sort of being does not really exist, since it is not something natural, but a but a repeated act throughout time that causes the illusion that gender identity is a natural sort of being (Sullivan 2003: 82).
In A Critical Introduction to Queer Theory Sullivan adopts Foucault’s argument that, “Sexuality is a discursive construct that takes culturally and historically specific forms” (Sullivan 2003: 119). In line with Sullivan, Rubin argues in Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the
Politics of Sexuality that Foucault is arguing that new sexualities are continuously being
produced. So, Foucault is emphasising that sexuality is constructed by society and history and not by nature. In line with Rubin I look upon sexuality as a human product, such as kinship systems and scientific taxonomies (Rubin 1975: 267-277). Furthermore, Rubin argues, “If sex is taken too seriously, sexual persecution is not taken seriously enough. There is systematic mistreatment of individuals and communities on the basis of erotic taste or behaviour. There are serious penalties for belonging to the various sexual occupational castes”(Rubin 1975: 310). This quote of Rubin is very much in line with my standpoint within this queer intersectional feminist study, since sex workers are marginalised because of their sexual behaviour.
Queer Theory tries to understand certain performances and practices, for instance heterosexuality. These performances and practices form gender identities, due to continuously producing these gender identities creates the normativity of gender and sexuality. This is reinforced by what Foucault call the regime of truths that seeks to naturalise heterosexuality.
politics’ of truth: that is, the types of discourses which it accepts and makes functions as true, the
mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguish true and false statements, the means by which each is sanctioned… the status of those who are charged with saying what counts as true (Foucault 1980: 131).
So, the reproduction of truth, regimes of truth, normalises certain practices and performances. I think sex work is a discursive part of this regime of truth, as the sex is outside marriage, non-productive, non-monogamous and other there are institutions that claim these truths.
Discourse and representation
To get a better understanding of the social attitude towards sex workers it is important to acknowledge discourses around sex work. According to Foucault, knowledge and power are closely linked together and controls how we look upon and experience the world around us and imagine society (Foucalt 1990: 5). Foucault argues that discourse constructs the object, it
organises the meaning around the object. Apart from influencing the practice, there are some kind of set of unwritten social rules that define how to talk, write, look upon and conduct oneself. According to Stuart Hall the creating of the discourse through the language we apply, leads to the control of people, but in the same way it “rules out” people (Hall 1997: 44).
The term “discourse” means in the context of this study
A group of statements which provide a language for talking about – a way of historical moment… Discourse is about the production of knowledge through language. But since all social practices entail meaning, and meanings shape and influence what we do – our conduct - all practices have a discursive aspect (Hall 1992: 201).
In relation to the work of Foucault and Hall I would like to share my own definition and interpretation of discourse from a Foucauldian perspective. Discourse is a group of statements that form an idea, or in other words, systems of thinking. It is some sort of cultural fantasy how people experience and imagine the world. A discourse effects and affects objects, certain
discourses are very challenging to modify, since they are based on fairly fixed notions, but other discourses are more receptive to being altered.
To get a better understanding of what a discourse entails and implies I would like to share some points from Hall about the concept discourse from Foucault. First of all, a discourse consists of different statements and this can be produced by individuals within families, schools, prisons,
hospitals, that is to say within different institutional settings. Every discourse is developed from the position of the subject. As Hall argues “Anyone deploying a discourse must position
themselves as if they were the subject of the discourse”(Hall 1992: 202). So, this means, in the context of this thesis, the position of the sex workers. It is significant to underline that it is not about analysing the relations between the author and the subject. It is about what position can be occupied by the individual or, in other words, the subject (Foucalt 1972: 95-96).
Another point that I would like to clarify is that discourses are not closed, single systems, but open and reactive systems. With reactive systems I mean that often certain elements within a discourse relate to elements within another discourse. For example the discourses around sex work are constructed and compiled by discourses around sexuality, female sexuality and many other discourses (Hall 1992: 202). Lastly, to have a better understanding of what a discourse implies and entails, I would like to briefly explain the concept of discursive formation. In the book Michel Foucault by post-structuralists and Foucault admirers Cousins and Hussain, the concept “discursive formation” is very well explained. The statements “Refer to the same object, share the same style and support, a common institutional, or political drift or pattern” (Cousins & Hussain 1984: 84-85). This means that the statements are in line with each other, but do not have to be totally the same. As Hall expresses “But the relationships and differences between them must be regular and systematic, not random. Foucault calls this a ‘system of dispersion’”(Hall 1992: 202).
The discursive nature of experience
During my fieldwork I conducted four interviews and, while interviewing and listening to the participants, discourses were introduced. Discourses and experiences are related, since
experiences are produced by practice and every experience is an interpretation. Gender historian Joan W. Scott argues, “Experience is at once always already an interpretation and something that needs to be interpreted. What counts as experience is neither self-evident nor straightforward; it is always contested, and always therefore political” (Scott 1991: 797). In other words, experience is an interpretative process and the term “experience” is very ubiquitous. In order to understand my interpretation of experience, it is significant to be aware that I relate the concepts power and knowledge to experience, from a Foucauldian perspective. This means that I look upon power
same time, once applied knowledge in society, it has real effects and therefore becomes true (Hall 1997: 49). In the following quote Foucault argues:
Truth isn’t outside power. … Truth is a thing of this world; it is produced only by virtue of multiple forms of constraint. And it induces regular effects of power. Each society has its regime of truth, its ‘general politics’ of truth; that is, the types of discourse which it accepts and makes functions as true, the
mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguish true and false statements, the means by which each is sanctioned … the status of those who are charged with saying what counts as true. (Foucault 1980: 131)
In the quote Foucault refers to regime of truth, in other words, general politics of truth, the politics of construction. Regime of truth is related to experience, since experience it is always an interpretation, due to the discursive nature of experience; it is influenced and constructed by dominant discourses. The dominant discourses select what counts as true or false, to be more precisely regime of truth.
During the interviewing, the participants shared their experiences and certain discourses were mobilised, for instance: discourses around female sexuality, sex work as criminal and sex workers as deviant imaginaries. The participants experienced different, but related discourses, since they are integrated in the discourse and nobody is outside of discourse. So, the sex workers’ experiences mobilised certain discourses. The concepts discourse and representation are related to each other appears similar, so therefore I will clarify the differences between these two concepts in next section.
Representation
Another concept that I would like to analyse is the concept of “representation” from Stuart Hall. Stuart Hall is a cultural theorist and sociologist who lectured and wrote on the subjects of race, identity and social change (Jeffries 2014: 1). According to Hall, representation “Is the production of the meaning of the concepts in our minds through language” (Hall 1997: 17). The term
“language” covers, in this context, a broader meaning. It is not only the written and spoken language, but it also includes music, visual images, the language of facial expressions, the
language of fashion, etc. As Hall stresses, “ Any sound, word, image or object which functions as a sign, and is organized with other signs into a system which is capable of carrying and
Discourse is mainly about the production of knowledge through discourse, while representation produces meaning through language (Hall 1997: 44). In other words discourse is about
knowledge and is expressed through language, however social practices consist of meaning, which determine and influence how people act, which means that all practices have a discursive aspect (Hall 1992: 202). So, discourse is the system of representation. In relation to discourse and representation I would like to bring in the concept of respectability in the next section.
Respectability
In this section I will apply the concept of respectability as the discourse of normativity from Beverley Skeggs. Beverley Skeggs is Sociologist London. Respectability is an important signifier of class and in forms how we act, how we speak, who are and who we are not. Respectability notifies us how we classify others and it is usually of concern to people who seem not to have it. So, people who are normalised do not experience respectability as problematic, since they are part of the discourse whereas to people who are positioned by and against the discourse of normativity, it is troublesome (Skeggs 1997:1).
Besides respectability, exclusion is one of the most fundamental markers of class. Skeggs
mentioned in her book (1997) that certain women were excluded due to non-respectability. Class was experienced as affective and emotional politics. The powerful and superior position of the other authorizes these women to be judged about every little, single aspect of their lives. As a consequence these women lived in fear and they never felt comfortable, since they were scared that others would find something undesirable. This manifestation induced shame due to their disposition and place in society, but some women tried to counter attack against the shame and negative valuing by others. They tried to claim respectability, but instead they were trapped in the perception that they were managed or controlled by others (Skeggs 1997: 162).
Another important signifier of class is the body (Skeggs 1997: 82). According Bourdieu the body is the most undeniable materialization of class. Pierre Bourdieu was a French sociologist,
anthropologist and philosopher; who developed the well known cultural deprivation theory (Bryant n.d: 1). The body is a physical site where different elements and relations come together,
