Following the Hallyu: Korean Imaginations in Swedish Adults

Following the Hallyu:

Korean Imaginations in Swedish Adults Martin Edström

Department of Social Anthropology Bachelor Thesis 15hp

Bachelor Program in Social Anthropology 180hp Social Anthropology

Spring term 2020

Supervisor: Jonathan Krämer

Following the Hallyu:

Korean Imaginations in Swedish Adults

Martin Edström

Abstract

This paper is an empirical of attending

Korean language programs in the Republic of Korea. By using anthropological modes of inquiry and methods such as participant observation and different qualitative interviews, the focus of the research is on the mental processes behind these choices. Through a utilization of the analytical concept of imagination, what is argued is that these choices are engendered and regulated by several factors, such as engagement with Korean culture-products and certain practical conditions, but that the greatest importance lies with their own understandings and agency.

Keywords

Korean wave, Hallyu, imagination, South Korea, anthropology, global mobility, language program

Table of Contents

1. Introduction ... 1

1.1 Purpose and questions ... 2

1.2 Disposition... 3

2. Method ... 4

2.1 Research process and methods ... 4

2.2 Investigating the imagination ... 7

3. Literature Overview ... 8

3.1 Background of imagination ... 8

3.2 Conceptualizing the imagination ... 9

4. The Korean Wave ... 11

4.1 Discovery of Korea ... 11

4.2 Consuming an exotic package ... 12

5. Possibilities of Korea ... 15

5.1 Economic means ... 15

5.2 Life-opportunity ... 16

5.3 Imagining with practical conditions ... 17

6. Imagined truths about Korea ... 18

6.1 Perceptions of Korea ... 18

6.2 (non?) Cognizant imagining ... 20

6.3 Towards imagining together... 21

7. Conclusive remarks ... 23

8. References ... 25

1 1. Introduction

The rupture between reality and imagination the one annexed to fact, the other to theory has been the source of much havoc in the history of consciousness. It needs to be repaired. It is surely the task of anthropology, before all else, to repair it (Tim Ingold 2014:393).

As I sat there in one of the numerous stylized cafés that brimmed the streets of Gangnam-gu ( ), surrounded by well-dressed Koreans talking excitedly with one another after the tribulations, my interviewee Sofie ¹ answered my question with such poignancy that I

help but to choke a bit on the blueberry muffin I was snacking on. She had agreed to meet me for an interview after her classes had finished and we had just sat down at a table for two after getting our orders. I had asked where her interest in coming to the country had originated from, and her answer was short and precise After the initial moment of surprise, my response was the same, only followed by a question-mark. She continued. Her interest had started when she stumbled onto K-dramas during the summer of 2016 as she was looking for something new to watch. Not long after, she was also recommended YouTube-videos of the Korean boyband Bangtan Boys ( ) and became a big fan of their music. Her interest had grown deeper.

After further developing her curiosity for the culture, she began teaching herself the Korean writing system Hangul ( ) in her room, hoping to better understand what she was so interested in. In the end, she had decided for herself that she wanted to travel to the Republic of Korea to study the language, which she would do a few years later.

In recent years, the Republic of Korea ² has seen large economic, political, and cultural influence in the global arena. Since the beginning of the 21 ^st century, the Korean Wave, or Hallyu ( ) as it is called in Korean, has increasingly spread across the globe. The Hallyu, consisting of Korean culture-products such as music, television shows, films, fashion, cuisine, videogames, language, and more, should be seen as a prominent contemporary example of how flows of cultural information spread globally and become absorbed in the minds of various individuals.

As Jang & Paik (2012:201) argues, these new flows of information about Korea become corresponding flows of influence. As a result, the interest in Korea has heavily risen globally (Bae et al. 2017:2/8-9), with the number of visitors arriving in the country each year having

1

Some names are pseudonyms.

2

Hereafter simply referred to as Korea.

2

more than tripled in just over 15 years, from 5,321,600 in 2003 to 17,502,623 in 2019 (Korea Tourism Organization n.d.).

1.1 Purpose and questions

This study is an investigation into Swedish adults who choose to attend Korean language programs, a group belonging to said increasing numbers of visitors in the country, in order to understand their reasoning behind doing so. The aim of this research is to gain knowledge of the causes behind these specific wants of global mobility: what it is that engenders them, as well as the role of the mental processes of the individuals that undertake them.

Following these lines of queries, the main question to answer in this study reads as follows:

Why do Swedish adults choose to attend Korean language programs in the Republic of Korea?

In order to better focus the research, the following sub-questions have been formulated: What factors have influenced this decision? How do these factors influence their experiences?

There exists a large body of scholarly work on the exposure of Hallyu around the world (see Nikitina & Furuoka 2019), where these studies suggests that the Hallyu has increased positive sentiments towards the country atop of being a major factor for why many choose to study Korean; Kim et al. (2008:178-180) have even reported findings suggesting that exposure to Korean culture-products increases the probability of its consumers wanting to travel to the country. Additionally, there has also been some research on consumption groups of Hallyu in Sweden (e.g. Hübinette 2012) which exemplify how it has been received and gained attention in the country.

Whilst providing a good background of the potential effects of the Hallyu in different

sociocultural contexts, none of these studies involves inquiries into either the mental

understandings of the individuals or the underlying processes involved, instead more so

providing larger contextual and quantitative data of the imagery produced by the Hallyu and

the people who consume it. By utilizing anthropological methods and modes of inquiry, this

study will instead attempt to give insights into the subjective understandings of the Swedish

individuals that come into contact with the cultural information from the Hallyu, and the

subsequent global mobilities to study Korean they undertake.

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Besides providing empirical data on Swedish adults learning Korean in Korea, something which is very lacking, the importance of this research will be its connection to larger anthropological debates related to the incorporation of the imagination when understanding both the thinking and actions of individuals. This study will further contribute to the debate by providing concrete empirical examples of how imaginations are (re)created through exposure to globally disseminated flows of information, and how they sequentially influence actions. The usage of imagination as an analytical tool itself will provide useful considerations of the individuals own mental understanding of the increasingly interconnected world and its structures, and how those same individuals choose to act upon those understandings.

This study will not have the same focus on the social aspects of the imagination that many other anthropologists have, instead more so focusing on particular individuals in relation to their exposure to globally disseminated flows of cultural information for the purpose of understanding their specific way of interpreting and acting upon said information; i.e., imagination as an intermediary between culture and individual practice. Whilst different anthropologists have proficiently shown that social perspectives certainly have their place when thinking of the imagination as part of larger social contexts ³ , this study will rather examine d application of the faculty, something which Crapanzano (2004:1) believes has lacked much consideration within the discipline.

1.2 Disposition

This paper is structured in the form of several points. Skipping the introduction above, in point 2. Method, I discuss the methods that have been utilized in the research as well as why they have been chosen. In 3. Literature overview, I give a brief background of the concept of imagination, before presenting the works that have had the greatest influence on my own theoretical thinking. In 4. The Korean Wave, the role of the Hallyu in the creation of imaginations about Korea is explained. In 5. Possibilities about Korea, I discuss the role of practical conditions in the observed feasibility of travelling to the country to attend Korean language programs, as well as the reasoning behind such a choice. In 6. Imagined truths about Korea, I explain the imagination truthfulness and effect on experiences once in the country.

Finally, in 7. Conclusive remarks, I discuss the findings of the paper in a more conclusive manner.

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E.g. Appadurai (1996, esp. 5/31).

4 2. Method

The empirics that constitute the basis of this research has been collected through ethnographic fieldwork, with other related methods such as participant observation and different kinds of interviews being used. Here I will discuss the research process in relation to these methods and explain their application in investigating the imagination.

2.1 Research process and methods

The research process of collecting empirical data took place during a period between the 10 ^th of October 2019 and the 5 ^th of April 2020 in two different places, namely the cities of Stockholm, Sweden and Seoul, Republic of Korea. Starting in Stockholm, I did a total of four formal interviews with four collaborators ⁴ until the 19 ^th of January 2020. Thereon, I did more traditional field research in Seoul until the 5 ^th of March 2020, both doing participant observation at a language institution that provided Korean language classes and conducting a total of eleven formal interviews with six collaborators. Lastly, on the 5 ^th of April I did one last formal interview with a collaborator from Seoul.

Starting with the language institution, which was situated in the business district of Seoul named Gangnam-gu ( ), I took part in Korean language classes from 9 am to 12:15 pm every weekday for a total of five weeks, both participating in and observing the teaching. The choice of this institution specifically was its advertised prevalence of Swedish students. Each class was relatively small, consisting of approximately five to ten students, with students rotating in and out each Monday. The context of the classroom, with a more relaxed nature and focus on individual learning, allowed for an easier research process since it allowed me ample opportunity to take notes as well as intermittently disengage and only observe atop of my engagement as a participant.

Participa

data in naturalistic settings by ethnographers who observe and/or take part in the common and he two words participant and observation as conjunct, since it is this relationship that provides the researcher with the greatest understanding of what is being researched. The researcher takes part in what

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highlighting the collaborative effort this research constituted (see Koskinen 2014).

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transpires in front of him/her, thus gaining the insider perspective, but at the same time takes a step back and observes, gaining insights as one from the outside (Hume & Mulcock 2004: xi).

During breaks, after the classes concluded, or in the afternoons/evenings, I also took part in different activities with other students such as studying, café-hangouts, eating meals, shopping, attending dance and cooking classes, et alia. Being present at both the classes and these extracurricular activities was a great way of coming into contact with potential collaborators since they provided ample opportunity for socializing and establishing rapport. In line with the argument of Ambjörnsson (2004:39-40), it was also crucial in improving trust between us, an essential condition for gathering truthful and trustworthy information (Jorgensen 1989:69-70).

Additionally, during these different activities, informal interviews also took place. The subjects discussed often related to whatever the collaborators themselves deemed important to discuss at the moment, which was to be preferred (Bernard 2018:167-8). These further deepened our relationship as well as helping me as researcher to observe the researched phenomenon more holistically. My Swedish nationality, similar age, occupation as a student, and interest in Korean culture, all facilitated this process since we could easily identify with one another.

For this research, participant observation provided three main contributions: (1) enhancing the quality of the data being generated; (2) increasing the quality of interpretation of said data, and;

(3) encouraging questions and hypothesis to be based on empirical data (DeWalt & DeWalt 2011:10). By using the researcher as a tool for inquiry, participant observation allows for a deeper understanding of behavior and less explicit sentiments, discourages simplistic viewpoints, promotes holistic comprehensions, as well as makes ideas and hypothesis to be continually questioned and negotiated. Summarized, it advocates for theory to be based on qualitative empirical evidence (Ibid:15).

The formal interviews in both Stockholm and Seoul were all around one and a half to two and

a half hours and followed the same rough structure. The first, and sometimes only, interview

with a collaborator was more non-structured, having more of an exploratory function that

provided a greater holistic understanding. The second interview leaned more towards semi-

structured, with a heavier emphasis on specific questions and inquiries (Aull Davies 2008:105-

6). As DeWalt & DeWalt (2011:141) mentions, this is a common research strategy since the

two different forms provide complementary data.

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Interviews in ethnographic work ought to be seen as a joint venture undertaken by both the interviewer and the interviewee where they together work towards a goal. It is

differentiates itself from normal talks on the basis that one of its participants has a research agenda and therefore takes some amounts of control (Hammersley & Atkinson 2007:117); the researcher naturally has a certain subject in focus that he/she wants to discuss with the interviewee, and in interviews this pertains to the understandings of the latter in relation to the area of interest being investigated by the former (Skinner 2012:26).

Ethnographic interviews are mainly qualitative in nature, desiring more reflexivity and nuance in the responses from the interviewees. or -structured , denoting the more reflexive and flexible way that inquiries are made, something which allows the discussion to be correspondingly adaptable in nature (Hammersley & Atkinson 2007:117).

They may be formal, meaning planned and isolated, or informal, taking place spontaneously and therefore more resembling normal talks (Göransson 2019:121). The former is more focused

the latter. These different forms of interviews are therefore used intermittently in ethnographic research as a way of complementing their strengths and shortcomings (DeWalt & DeWalt 2011:140-2).

Eleven formal interviews were in person, being conducted in cafés, restaurants, and libraries.

These locales were chosen in coherence with the wants of the collaborators and, although being public, did not cause any ostensible discomfort, which is the most important aspect to consider when choosing a location (Roulston 2010:99-100). Due to practical and economic factors, four interviews were done online: two synchronous video-chats and two asynchronous questionnaires with open-ended questions. These lost some of the naturalness of the in-person interviews, making the data obtained from these unfortunately lacking in certain aspects, with one example being an impaired understanding of non-verbal ques (Shuy 2003:179). Yet, these forms of interviews allow participation from those otherwise unavailable (James & Busher 2006:415), which is why they were utilized in the research.

The biggest strengths of participant observation and interviewing in ethnographic fieldwork is

their combined usage. According to the argument of Wolcott (2008:48-50), participant

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observation facilitates understandings by insights and interviews understandings by enquiring;

one investigates o ,

they together provide insights into what people do and what they say that they do, which often are two separate things (Brewer 2000:64-5). In this way, participant observation and

being coupled together as co-dependent methods which produce qualitative and legitimate insights through complementing techniques.

2.2 Investigating the imagination

The choice of the above-mentioned methods is their unique applicability for inquiring about the subject at hand. As Säävälä (2006:390) argues, the design of these methods makes them uniquely equipped for inquiring into the complex relationship between the lived experiences of . Particular understandings of reality such as imaginations are ontological and thus always subjective; they are distinct perceptions of the dynamic, intersubjective, and distinct realities that people exist within (Desjarlais & Throop 2011:91-2). As subjective interpretations of the world, they cannot horical arena of distinct comprehensions.

The methods employed in this research are not proficient in producing positivistic statements,

word (Hastrup 2004:458)

researcher to come into contact with various aspects of subjective understandings: their metaphys

ctice through participant observation. Thus,

for understanding the subjective imaginations of individuals, these methods provide a proficient

mode of inquiry, for the knowledge that they produce is organized information about ways of

interpreting and understanding the world (Hastrup 2004:456), or, in other words, imaginations

of the world.

8 3. Literature Overview

been considered by thinkers. In this overview, I will give a very brief illustration of some of its conceptualizations in western philosophy and anthropology. Conclusively, I will present the most influencing works for my own theoretical thinking.

3.1 Background of imagination

Around the turn to the 21 ^st century, several influential works expanded on the way to think of the imagination. Whilst early theorizing about the concept in ancient Greek philosophy had equated it to a power belonging to humans as seeing something through something else (Sepper 2013:123), and more modern philosophers such as Kant (2007 [1781]:132-3/142- 4/180-7) related it to mental schema, apperception and knowledge, anthropology built upon these notions by attributing it new dimensions.

In his discussion of what 2004:14-23) explains

the projective qualities of the imagination, emphasizing how it operates to extend the realities of individuals beyond their immediate present towards an imagined optative time-space. By focusing on the processes of the imagination, he understands it as a culturally and historically situated organizing faculty that allows individuals to conceive things that are not immediately apparent in their specific contexts. In other words, human thoughts, perceptions, and experiences of how the nature of their reality is constituted has an inherent imaginative quality that creates notions of an elsewhere , something -and- Ibid:15).

Another influential theorist when thinking of the imagination is Appadurai (1996). He argues that in the technological world today, where global movements of people, mass-mediated information and imagery are abound, different imaginations have become a normal thing in the everyday lives of ordinary people. These new global flows facilitate the construction of new imaginations that are no longer constrained by the nation-

attachments, interests and aspirations now more so extend beyond its boundaries. In other words, globally disseminated cultural information create new observable

, allowing for new ways

for them to use their agency. For example, more people than ever imagine that they and their

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children can live, study and work in new and better places, which has led to a subsequent increase in migration across the globe (Ibid:6).

Appadurai illustrates some of the connecting themes that often circulate imagination in anthropology, namely globalization/transnationalism (e.g. Hannerz 1996) and media (see Rothenbuhler & Coman 2005). In line with the argument of Bieger et al. (2013:vii-viii), I believe it to be no coincidence that when anthropologists started to recognize the more interconnected nature of the global world, subsequently attempting to find new alternative ways of conceptualizing about how people started to act and relate to things beyond the easily delimited localities of yonder, imaginations constructed through globally mediated information-flows became an answer for many, whether that was by using the concept to examine barbershops in Tanzania (Weiss 2002), mediating in a New Delhi market (Favero 2003), or internationally negotiated national-cultural imaginaries in Japan (Ivy 1995).

As a conceptual tool, imagination provided a new way of showing how humans more and more related to things beyond their immediate surroundings.

3.2 Conceptualizing the imagination

I find the usage of imagination to be similarly applicable in world as it was 15-20 years ago when the concept started to pick up speed in anthropology. Atop of the empirical data in this research, the works of Sneath et al. (2009), Rapport (2016), and Salazar (2010; 2011) have been especially influential for how I theoretically approach the concept. I choose to directly explain the influences of my own thinking on imagination here to counteract the ambiguity of the concept that thinkers such as Stankiewicz (2016) have noted.

Starting with Sneath et al. (2009:26), they argue that the imagination should be seen as an

his conceptualization is meant to

bring light to the underlying processes which contribute to the construction of the imagination,

but without making the mistake of falling into the trap of advocating strict causal forms

analogous to determinism. Whilst certainly affected by various external processes (like globally

mediated forms of information for example), the imagination s constitution is plagued by

indeterminacy and should therefore be seen as sui generis, not a determined effect. I find this

to be a good argument for exhibiting both the heterogeneity and unpredictability of the forms

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of imagination that exists, even if the underlying processes which engenders them can be very similar.

Secondly, Salazar (2010:5-6) believes imaginations to be schemas of interpretation which work to create representations of our world and attribute meaning to it. Existing both in the form of personal imaginations in agents and culturally shaped imaginaries which influence collective behavior, the imagination is thought to be something which produces specific ways of seeing reality, both individually and collectively. I believe this conceptualization is proficient in showing the structural relationship that exists between individual and larger collective imaginations. Additionally, Salazar (2011:590) also emphasizes some of the more practical conditions involved with global mobilities, such as the economic means that enable the wants for mobility that imaginations can bring about.

Lastly, I find 6

come together ⁵ is a good way of theoretically placing the imagination.

e determinant for their actions still lie with their own agency. Complete imaginations are not handed over to individuals through external influences as something to follow outright but are rather created through the ways said individuals choose to interpret, relate, and act upon said influences.

Influenced by these works, the specific conceptualization of imagination I am using in this research is then one which positions it as culturally based schemas of representations of the external world which operates to guide but not outright determine actions. This formulation effectively separates the concept from its synonym fantasy the latter is more of an autotelic imagining which does not further affect thoughts or practice (Appadurai 1996:7).

Additionally, it also allows for the relationship between cultural influence and individuals actions to not eventuate into cultural determinism. In line with the argument of

(1992:41) that culturally based schemas have an inherent heterogeneous application which creates behavioral variations, the imagination emphasizes a larger importance on the agency of individuals when it comes to how it influences their actions; thence, whilst culturally induced, the imagination is heavily dependent on the individual

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Emphasis in original.

11 4. The Korean Wave

In this part, I will discuss the role of the Hallyu in the creation of imaginations about Korea.

Focus will be on the processes of this construction, namely the collaborators with its culture-products. In the end, what will be explained is the role of these imaginations in the perceived possibility of travelling to the country.

4.1 Discovery of Korea

Korean media was the reason why I opened my eyes towards Korea when I was about 15 years old. I used to love K-pop and spent a large part of my free-time watching dramas and Korean tv-shows. (---) It got my

interest up for Korea

.

The above quote from one of my collaborators Sophia does well to encapsulate the major role that the Hallyu has in the global mobilities that these individuals undertake. Unanimously, all my collaborators had some sort of interest in the culture-products of the Hallyu antecedent to actually travelling to the country, a proprietor interest that Sotirova (2014:73) have similarly noted in her research on students learning Korean in Bulgaria. The collaborators themselves often described it as a form of discovery of Korea, as if a completely different world had appeared before them that previously had not been there. This discovery was the beginning of the process which would eventually lead them to want to travel to Korea in order to attend language programs.

During one interview with my collaborator Andreas, he told me how his interest had started when he stumbled onto a random video on the internet about a girl living in Korea. He thereupon became intrigued by the country as it was something he did not know much about. He started to read about it with a general interest for the culture, and soon started to engage more and more with its media, language, and popular-culture industry. Another collaborator Anna shares similar sentiments, saying that Korea was a country she metaphorically had not thought existed before she had happened upon K-pop. To her, the interest almost became something resembling a new substitute world, which echoes what Powdermaker (2013 [1950]:12-3) describes as an

from the present into an imagined world through consumption of media.

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All quotes from collaborators were originally in Swedish and were translated by me.

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If we recall the argument of Appadurai (1996), these sentiments consolidate the idea that the globally disseminated information of the Hallyu create new specific globally defined fields of perceived possibility; these individuals discovery and engagement with the culture-products of the Hallyu produces new ways for them to see the world and its constitution, namely by opening up Korea as a new perceived possibility. Following the argument of Crapanzano (2004), this can also be seen as the laying down of a projective imagining about Korea as something that exists beyond their specific contexts. It is through their engagement with the globally disseminated cultural information from the Hallyu that the collaborators representations of reality included new ways of seeing Korea, namely as a perceived optative

which, sequentially, allows for new possibilities for action.

This new way of seeing Korea is a form of imagination. As Salazar (2010) argues, the imagination is a representational schema which attribute meanings to perceptions of the external world. For the individuals mentioned above, the specific schemas of representation they have of Korea is influenced by the cultural information they were exposed to through the Hallyu. It was this exposure to Korean culture-products that allowed their perceptions of the world to include Korea in this new meaningful way since, as Rothenbuhler and Coman (2005:9) asserts,

and enunciation .

In other words, by way of consuming commodified Korean culture, these individuals lifeworlds have expanded as they are able to gaze into a new imagined sociocultural context (see Hannerz 1996:18-23; Mau 2010:23-32). The information from the Hallyu has thus a pivotal role in the (re)construction of the perceptions that these individuals have of Korea as it is exposure to the cultural information from the Hallyu that engenders these specific imaginations about the country.

4.2 Consuming an exotic package

Then, what is it that entices individuals to engage with the culture-products of the Hallyu? My

collaborators often explained that their interest in the Hallyu had originated from their

In his research on the reception of Hallyu in Sweden,

Hübinette (2012:521-2) similarity notes that Swedish fans seem to like culture-

products due to them being When I met one of my collaborators Jonathan

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in Stockholm, he shared with me his reasons for why he started to listen to Korean music at the turn of the century:

) [B]ut that which captivated you was that well, this is from Korea. It sounds damn different. I got a bit extra drawn to it [since] it was a super exotic language. No one listens to it, but it sounded awesome.

At another interview in Seoul with my collaborator Louise, she explained that her introduction to Korea had been through a music video of the Korean boyband Shinee ( ) song Ring Ding Dong to which she had this is so ridiculous that I love it For these individuals, it is that which makes Korean culture-products be recognized as different that makes them interesting.

As Marinescu (2014:2-3) asserts, the success of the culture-products of the Hallyu are due to their ease of cultural assimilation, being extremely polyvalent in how the consumer can observe its cultural information. For my collaborators, the more eccentric aspects of the Hallyu did not create boundaries of differentiation, but rather established lines of intrigue and even different points of identification, despite their initially perceived outlandish nature. A popular expression was that Korea was a place where , which suggests that the cultural information the collaborators were exposed to was able to find a good balance between exotic and relatable (also see Jang & Paik 2012:201 ) . For example, Andreas asserted that he could identify with Korea despite its perceivable cultural dissimilarity by virtue of him observing the living standards to be somewhat similar to what he was used to:

But here in Korea it is more like you can see that there are people who are more like yourself despite that you live in a different culture and then it is it is easier to be interested then.

The exotic allure was also facilitated by how the culture-products were consumed, often being

something that the consumer had to consciously seek out and do. When Louise started to interest

herself with Korean dramas, she for example had to resort to illegal streaming to be able to

watch the shows she wanted. Similarly, Jonathan described the sensation of finding and

listening to Korean music as pioneering since it was something that was not readily available

to a general Swedish audience, consequently making it exciting to delve into. More

unconventional means of consumption thus aided feelings of intrigue.

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With the increasing popularity of the Hallyu throughout the world in recent years however, the opportunities to consume Korean culture-products have increased substantially. Nowadays, the collaborators take part of their favorite music, shows and other culture-products through more traditional channels such as Spotify, YouTube, V Live and Netflix in a more casual manner.

This more ready availability has naturally led to an easier engagement, but collaborators such as Jonathan and Louise proclaimed that their interest had partially diminished as a consequence of this development, saying that the industry had become

due to its increasing commercialization and internationalization. Exotification can therefore be seen as a major factor in the attraction of the Hallyu.

Lastly, the consumption of Korean culture-products is not a consumption of selective items, but rather involves engagement with a complete package. All collaborators were interested with a variety of different parts of the Hallyu, not restricting themselves to a specific area, whether that be music, shows, the language, etc. Whilst most individuals stumbled upon a singular item of the Hallyu, their interest soon led them to engage with it as an inter-linked product. Anna eloquently described it as the Hallyu putting forward a complete world or concept that worked to encapsulate you. How these specific imaginations about Korea are created should therefore be seen as a complex process of engagement with exotic, yet not alienating, cultural information originating from a variety of different Korean culture-products which together operate to create a coherent and cumulative entity.

Conclusively, if we circle back to the main question of this study, Korean imaginations can be observed as the underlying facilitators of these individuals

programs in Korea since imagination before

its actualization (Murphy-Lejeune 2002:77). It is through their consumption of different

Korean culture-products from the Hallyu that their imaginations included notions of Korea in a

new meaningful way, namely as a perceived exotic and intriguing, yet not alienating, possible

destination to travel to. Korean imaginations (re)constructed through their engagement with the

complete package of the Hallyu thus engendered these specific choices of attending

language programs in Korea by creating an interest for the country and its culture, as well as a

specific perceived possibility of travelling there.

15 5. Possibilities of Korea

Murphy-Lejeune (2002:51-2) argues that the eligibility for international educational mobilities is not universal as it is dependent on several factors. Whilst cultural information from the Hallyu (re)constructs imaginations about Korea, and consequently a perceived possibility of travelling there to attend language programs, such things as practical conditions must be considered by individuals for them to perceive their journeys to be possible. In this part, I will discuss two major factors when thinking of the feasibility of travelling to Korea, namely economic and life- opportunity.

5.1 Economic means

The choice of attending language programs in Korea is not a generally pragmatic or economically beneficial one. Travel costs, costs of living, and fees for attending classes for some, all add up to create a substantial economic investment, atop of the inherent investment of time. Whilst it could be argued that the expenditure is an investment in personal résumé, many collaborators admitted that skills and knowledge in the Korean language and culture was not very sought after in the global market, only being beneficial for certain areas of work specifically related to Korea.

The collaborators explained that their reasoning behind attending the language programs was therefore not a strategic choice but was rather done simply out of interest for the country and its culture. This distinguishes this kind of global educational mobility from others of similar kind. For example, Teichler (2004:397) explains that educational mobilities through the ERASMUS student exchange program are partially compelled by factors such as gaining international academic experiences and to improve career prospects. Attending Korean language programs is thus distinctive as an endeavor not done to further

professional career, but principally to indulge a personal interest.

Then, being quite the economic expenditure, the collaborators utilized a motley collection of ways to fund their travels. Some used savings they had accumulated through work back home.

Others applied to the Korean Government Scholarship Program (KGSP) which provided

financial and educational support, but since it was only awarded to one person per year, it was

not a widely used tactic. Another strategy that was uniquely available to the collaborators as

Swedish citizens was taking educational loans issued by the Swedish government, commonly

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-loans . One of my collaborators Johanna described this kind of loan as very comfortable:

CSN is so favorable. When I come home, it will only be 600 [SEK] a month I will have to pay, and I

have even loaned 000 [SEK] for all of it. And that is a lot, but

I will not end up in debt at Kronofogden

(laughs).

When I asked Andreas if he believed - , he concurred and

elaborated on his beliefs that the loans are a major economic benefactor for Swedes attending language programs:

Yes, and I think that is why there are so many swedes here [at the language institution] . Especially swedes stay here longer because you have the opportunity to finance it that way .

Hence, these different kinds of financial faucets made the economic expenditure of the global mobilities manageable. Yet, another factor was influential in the collaborators believed possibility of travelling to Korea, namely if the practicality of the journey would fit into their current situation in life.

5.2 Life-opportunity

All of my collaborators were between the ages of 18 and 32 years old when they undertook their global mobilities. This quite narrow and young age-range is not coincidental. As Tsoukalas (2019:33-4) discusses, at these younger ages, professional or personal long-term commitments are less likely to impede the kind of undertaking that educational mobilities entail. Attending language programs in Korea can take upwards from a few months all the way to a few years, depending on the wants of the specific individual. This entails a large period of time being uprooted from normal commitments back home, which necessitates a presupposed ability in life to do so.

Johanna described it as the time when you have opportunity , saying that whilst you could theoretically do these kinds of journeys in your later years, as you start to settle down with a family, house, bills and more, it becomes more difficult practically to do so. She believes that the interest in the Hallyu extends far beyond the ones who study Korean in Korea, and that

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A Swedish government agency that deals with debts.

17

those who are in the country are simply the ones that are in a place in their lives that would allow for such a commitment:

If you look at why people are just in between these ages, then I believe it is those ages when you go It is because they have the interest and then they just happen to be in that age category as well

This belief is strengthened by where other collaborators were in their professional and personal lives. For example, Andreas had just finished his dissertation in fiber-optic communication and was unsure of the next move to do in his career; Sofie had just graduated from school and did not know what she wanted to study at university; Anna had recently divorced her husband and was on leave from her work; and another collaborator Zara had just failed to get into the Preschool university-program she had wanted. For these collaborators, attending the language program was something that could feasibly fit into their current position in life, a prerequisite for believing their journeys to be possible.

5.3 Imagining with practical conditions

As Salazar (2011:590) alludes to, most imaginations do not eventuate into global mobilities since there are a number of practical conditions that need to be met for them to be possible. Not having these economic means and life-opportunities, the perceived possibility of travelling to Korea and attending language programs would not exist. For the collaborators in this study however, they were, which consequently allowed their imaginations to be practically employed in their agency. If we bethink ourselves with the argument of Rapport (2016), the material world, reason and imagination come together as individual practice. The practical conditions discussed above becomes intermixed with the collaborators imaginations about Korea and their own personal reasoning which, sequentially, presupposes the active choice of traveling to the country in order to attend language programs.

In consummation, these individuals choices of attending language programs in Korea is not a

strategic choice to further themselves professionally, but was rather done simply to indulge a

personal interest. This decision was also not impeded by the large commitment involved since

the collaborators met certain practical conditions. If we recall the discussion from the previous

part, we can then assert that it is by first imagining the possibility and then believing it to be

practically feasible that underlies the active choice of attending language programs in Korea, a

decision that is made out of a personal interest in said country and its culture.

18 6. Imagined truths about Korea

In this part, I will discuss the effect that the constitution of the collaborators of Korea had when they finally arrived in the country to attend their language programs. What will be showed is that the imagination is not a faulty representation of reality, but is rather a subjective truth which helps to guide actions in a conscious manner, which in an aggregate create larger collective behavior.

6.1 Perceptions of Korea

Interestingly, many collaborators explained that the perceptions they had before coming to Korea was not that different from what they would experience once they actually arrived.

Amanda, one of my collaborators in Stockholm, explained that much of what was being portrayed in Korean dramas was representative of, the Korea she had encountered herself. Anna similarly explained that through the unintentional research she had done as part of her interest in Korean culture-products, her arrival in the country had been without many surprises, having but no initial cultural shock; rather,

home. When I asked Sofie about what kind of image she had of Korea before coming to the country, she shared a similar sentiment: Yeah, well the information I had was from like dramas and stuff that I had found on YouTube. It was about what I had expected .

These different examples illuminate an important aspect when thinking of the imagination.

Discourse surrounding the concept often relate it to its more Romantic origins (Sneath et al.

2009:9-10), describing it as something akin to a positive power inherent in human beings that can produce thoughts without any determinant logical origin. This description miscues the processes underlying the constructions of imaginations. As has been previously discussed, the

disseminated information of the Hallyu, practical conditions of the material world, as well as

their own reasoning. Imaginations have their origin in these underlying processes and are thus

engendered by them; they do not exist a priori (see Sneath et al. 2019:19). Consequently, the

imaginations of the collaborators should not be observed as false distortions of reality, but are

rather individual subjective interpretations of it that are logically constructed on the basis of the

cultural information that they engage with.

19

Albeit, all aspects of the information originating from the Hallyu were not regarded as completely truthful representations of Korea. The collaborators were often very conscious of certain aspects of the culture-products that were excessive, overblown, or changed for dramatic effect. A general consensus was that the well-produced nature of the culture-products often created a more romanticized picture of its contents, such as the almost advertised attractiveness of its actors, artists, and cultural practices. For instance, Jonathan believed that Korean dramas often advocated more abusive and traditional relationship norms under the guise of passionate romance, something which he warned could lead to false perceptions of certain cultural values:

[A]t the same time as you have this oh, everything about Korea is good and then maybe this sneaks its way in like a kind of oh, how romantic , or oh, they really care about each other . It still is some kind of physical abuse and then there is also a lot of mental abuse.

Other discrepancies that were not in line with the imaginations were more sensuous, pertaining to sensations such as the spiciness of Korean food, feeling oneself to be tall in the country, or the occasional glance from locals. These are not surprising since such sensations cannot be adequately conveyed through narrated depictions, but must rather be experienced in person.

Yet, the most important aspect to consider when examining these representations is whether the collaborators themselves believed them to be true, which they often did not. They were often very reflective and conscious of the effects that the well-produced culture-products of the Hallyu had, and were generally able to discern between authentic depictions and more counterfeit and produced portrayals. For example, when I asked her what image she had of Korea and its culture before her journey there, Amanda responded that much of it had come from Korean dramas, but soon followed up her sentiment by stating that those were never truly accurate. The collaborators were thus aware of the fact that the cultural information they were exposed to was being modified in certain ways, which in consequence allowed them to permeate it for more reliable testimonies. They were therefore engaged in what Wolf (2013:51-

2) calls life-like representations without

believing them to be truly real.

20 6.2 (non?) Cognizant imagining

It would not be farfetched to claim that the analytical concept of the imagination is just the rebranding of others of similar kind. In certain ways, the processes underlying the (re)constructions of imaginations are quite similar to the structuring processes of the habitus, which correspondingly operates to generate and organize practices and

(Bourdieu 1992:53). Additionally, as Strauss (2006:331-334) discusses, the imagination could also be seen as the simple replacement of different cultural models which internalized, and widely shared, contents similarly works to guide understandings and practice. Whilst certainly resembling these concepts, I contend that the imagination separates itself by one simple determinant, namely that individuals are heavily cognizant of the representations that influence their actions.

Whilst building on information accumulated from both the habitual consumption of

culture-products and observable practical conditions, the were not simply deep-rooted structural systems that subconsciously guided their actions. Rather, they were subjective understandings of reality which they themselves could consciously choose to rely on or dismiss. Several times during interviews, my collaborators explained that they could regulate their own perceptions of Korea as to not fall into the trappings of having false expectations. When I asked Johanna about the expectations she had before her journey, she explained that whilst she certainly had certain images of how the trip, country and culture would be, she would consciously keep those mitigated:

I think I had quite reasonable expectations. Above all, also because I trained a lot to keep my expectations moderate (---). So, I feel myself very ready, I have not felt something like a cultural shock at all.

Andreas notes a similar conscious choice when he first came to Korea. Whilst certainly being affronted when certain parts of his expectations were the same or different, he explains that much of what he encountered was not very surprising since he decided not to uphold any major expected standards to compare them to:

I think I kept myself pretty free from expectations from how it would be exactly I mean, I can count

things that are different compared to Sweden, but I I was surprised about it,

21

My collaborators also explained that their experiences had been mostly positive, something which was related to what they had expected, or not expected, to find once they had arrived in the country. Their own regulated expectations thus guided their experience once there, illuminating that how their imaginations are utilized by the collaborators is regulated by their own agency. This continuous cognizant dimension of the application of the imagination thus separates itself from the more deep-seated structuring of representations and actions of the habitus and cultural models. Although being continually (re)constructed through exposure to external cultural information, the Hallyu in this case, the imagination is constituted by representational schemas which helps to guide action, but are not a strict determinant of it.

6.3 Towards imagining together

Different sentiments about, and ways of seeing, Korea were abundant amongst my collaborators, where disparate reflections and thoughts were plentiful in number. Their reasoning regarding the choice of attending language programs, the factors behind these choices, and their own personal experiences once they had arrived, were all distinct in their own ways. If we recall the argument of Sneath et al. (2009) that imaginations are an undetermined effect of the processes that engenders it, the individual application of the imagination leads to more heterogenous forms, even if the underlying processes that facilitated its construction are principally similar. The imagination is therefore a capacity which allows for certain degrees of individual mental freedom (Robbins 2010:306-307) since it is dependent on the specific

.

Yet, as has been exemplified in previous parts, there were unifying similarities between the

collaborators. This seemingly conflicting fact exemplifies the perpendicular structural

relationship which exists between different levels of imaginations. As Salazar (2010) argues,

there exists both particular imaginations that influence individual actions as well as collective

imaginations which influence larger collective behavior. Foremost, it is in the smaller micro-

context of individual actions that the imagination operates, but when collections of individual

imaginations start to create similar actions and representations, a larger aggregate of behavior

create more structural effects (see Coleman 1994, esp. 400-1). So, whilst the individual

imaginations of the collaborators are constitutive of distinct representations of Korea and

perceived practical opportunities, they are unified as a collective group through their general

22

commonalities and common decision to travel to the country in order to attend Korean language programs.

To conclude, we can then assert that these collaborators are

constitutive of certain representations of the country which are regulated by their agency, and

that these representations should be observed as subjective truths and not faulty representations

of reality. These in turn made the collaborators stay in the country chiefly positive since their

experiences were predominantly in line with what they had expected beforehand. Additionally,

whilst being an active personal choice influenced by individual imaginations, the collective

decision to attend Korean language programs in Korea can be explained through the

perpendicular structural relationship between different levels of imaginations and actions.

23 7. Conclusive remarks

This study has been an inquiry into the reasoning behind the choices of Swedish adults to attend Korean language programs in the Republic of Korea. The focus has been on the factors behind these wants of global mobilities, as well as the mental understandings of those take undertake them. Additionally, this study has provided an example of the usage of imagination as a conceptual tool when explaining the engagements and understandings of individuals in an increasingly interconnected world, and how those same individuals choose to act upon said engagements and understandings.

So, why do Swedish adults choose to attend Korean language programs in the Republic of Korea? This paper has shown that this decision can be traced back to their consumption of Korean culture-products disseminated through the Hallyu; a consumption done out of interest for its exotic yet still relatable qualities which, consequently, makes them engage with cultural information about the country and its culture. This information in turn (re)constructed specific imaginations about Korea which engenders a specific perceived possibility of travelling there.

Thereon, what was exemplified was that this perceived possibility was regulated by practical conditions which determined if it was observed as a feasible undertaking or not. For these specific individuals, both their economic situation and position in life permitted this quite considerable commitment, consequently making them observe it as a possibility. It was also explained that the reasoning behind attending the language programs was not a strategic choice made to build a professional résumé, but was rather done to simply indulge a personal interest in the country and its culture.

Finally, it was explained that the imaginations these individuals had of Korea were not false distortions of reality, but were rather subjective truths that they themselves consciously regulated through their agency. These in turn made their experiences in the country mostly positive since they predominantly corresponded to what they had expected before coming there.

It was also argued that the imagination operates on micro-individual levels, yet can create larger collective behavior through bigger aggregates of individual actions.

The decisions to attend Korean language programs can thus be simply described as the active

choice of these Swedish adults to indulge a personal interest in the Republic of Korea and its

24

culture, something which is permitted by certain practical conditions and is engendered by specific imaginations that are (re)constructed through their engagement with the cultural information from the Hallyu.

To end, it can be noted that this paper analytical focus on the imaginations of individuals leaves room for additional research to be done on the subject. Further focus could be given to these individuals as part of a larger social group of consumers of the Hallyu with emphasis on how their participation within this group influences them, both in the formation of their interests and the (re)construction of their imaginations. Such perspectives would provide good insights into the larger social aspects surrounding the

programs in Korea, something which would complement the more individual perspective of

this specific study.

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