Volunteering, Gender and Power

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Volunteering, Gender and Power

Making conditions visible and understanding

male dominance in a volunteer context

with a gender perspective

REBECKA SÖDERHIELM

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Volunteering, Gender and Power

Making conditions visible and understanding

male dominance in a volunteer context

with a gender perspective

Rebecka Söderhielm

Master of Science Thesis INDEK 2014:87

KTH Industrial Engineering and Management

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Master of Science Thesis INDEK 2014:87

Volunteering, Gender and Power

Making conditions visible and understanding

male dominance in a volunteer context

with a gender perspective

Rebecka Söderhielm

Approved Examiner

Johann Packendorff

Supervisor

Charlotte Holgersson

Commissioner

The Swedish Sea Rescue

Society

Contact person

Thore Hagman

Abstract

The background for this thesis is found in the patterns of gender inequality in civil

society organizations. Existing research provide little comprehensive knowledge of

the conditions for women and men in civil society organizations. To help fill this gap

in knowledge the purpose of this thesis is to explore the conditions for women and

men as volunteers in a male dominated civil society organization with a gender

perspective and make any eventual inequalities visible. The thesis explores the

conditions women and men face in their volunteering, what gender differences can

be found and how the male dominance can be understood. The study is based on

data from a self-administrated survey conducted among volunteers in a Swedish

male dominated civil society organization. Questions concerned their volunteer work

and their experience of the situation as female and male volunteers in the

organization. Empirical patterns were identified and gender theories were used as a

basis for the interpretation of the results. The findings from this case illustrate that

women and men do not face equal conditions in their volunteer work. Most

volunteers were happy with their work as volunteers. However, male volunteers

typically held positions of more power, influence and higher status than women.

Female volunteers were in a token position and in many ways had to prove

themselves as well as adapt to conditions formed to suit men, by men, as

representatives of the norm. The male dominance could be related to perceptions of

the ideal volunteer; a competent man loyal to the organization and without

inconvenient responsibilities elsewhere. Another aspect which could be related to the

male dominance was patterns of social interactions that favour male volunteers, in

this case homosocial relations, which are created in the interaction between the

ambiguities of unstructured processes and gendered expectations.

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1. Introduction

Perceptions of gender vary over time and between places and cultures, but ultimately determine the distribution of power and resources between women and men. Gender equality is about this

distribution being equal; giving women and men equal power to shape society and their own lives (Ministry of Education and Research 2012). Gender equality require for women and men to have equal opportunities, rights and obligations regardless of gender in all areas of life. Along with other Nordic countries Sweden constantly places among the most gender equal countries according to the Global Gender Gap Index1 and the UNPD Gender Inequality Index2. However, these measurements are not complete measurements of gender equality in a country and, even if they were, no country has yet to achieve gender equality.

1.1. Background and research issue

In Sweden gender equality has been on the political agenda for a long time and organizations are obligated to encourage a gender equal structure (the Swedish Institute 2013). Gender equality has grown to become an accepted organizational issue, rather than a woman’s, that can be approached by using knowledge of gender (Wahl et al. 2011). It is about changing systems, processes, norms and attitudes that act to limit women. Many recent studies that apply a gender perspective on

organizations have contributed to the understanding of the issue by classifying problems and introducing concepts and tools.

Even though gender equality has attracted the attention of researchers, media and public

investigations publications that bring up gender equality in the organizational context of volunteer work are scarce. A clear example of this is that the civil society sector is the only sector yet not included in the yearly indicators for gender equality in Sweden provided by Statistics Sweden (Statistics Sweden 2013). This does not mean that the issue of gender inequality is non-existent in this sector. Research show that there are indeed gender equality issues in the context of for example volunteer work (Jeppsson Grassman 2004, Lindström fc., Stark and Hamrén 2000). Just like with the labour market there are elements of segregation in the volunteer market, i.e. of all women and men that participate voluntarily. Men are typically found in positions of influence and power. Existing research, however, does not provide any comprehensive understanding of the issue in this

environment (see Lindström fc.). While statistical data gives an overview of the situation there is a need for supplementary investigations of qualitative nature to find the aspects behind the statistics, i.e. the real and many times hidden conditions that dictate the way in which women and men volunteer. Investigations in gender equality on the labour market accentuate that research detailing the conditions of women and men, in addition to the available statistics, is a necessity for gender equality (SOU 2005:66). When it comes to volunteers the organizational context differ from that of paid employees and accordingly the significance of gender can be assumed to be different.

Ultimately, more research is needed to fill the gap of knowledge on gender and volunteer work. Understanding the conditions for female and male volunteers from a gender perspective would provide a basis for detecting any inequalities and in the long run to address these. It would be a step forward in working towards gender equality in the civil society sector.

1_{The Global Gender Gap Report 2013} 2

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1.2. Purpose and research questions

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the conditions for women and men as volunteers in a male dominated civil society organization with a gender perspective and make any eventual inequalities visible. The basis for the thesis is a study of female and male volunteers in a Swedish male

dominated civil society organization. The organization stems from the male dominated areas of rescue service and maritime operations. Consequently, the operation brings about strong masculine associations, which makes this case particularly interesting to study from a gender perspective. The focus on volunteer work in a male dominated context was a strategic choice to highlight the conditions for volunteering in such a context. Applying a gender perspective would enable the understanding of how the male dominance in such a setting is constructed and reconstructed and how it affects the conditions of female and male volunteers. The research questions of the study are formulated as follows:

(1) What conditions do women and men face in their volunteering and what gender differences can be found in a male dominated volunteer work setting?

(2) How can the male dominance in the organization be understood?

1.3. Delimitations of the study

This study was about exploring and discovering rather than proving. With this in mind the aim is not to formulate general rules, but to contribute to the research field by extending the understanding of volunteering by incorporating a gender perspective into the study of a specified case. Primarily internal aspects of the organization were investigated and the study was performed with a clear focus on the volunteer work. Included in the study were volunteers who engage in the organization without any formal commission of trust and perform the field work. Individuals that volunteer in the board of directors are not part of the scope for this study. The study is limited to internal

investigations and as such does not cover the opinions of external stakeholders.

1.4. Structure of the report

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2. The civil society organization and its volunteers

The object of this case study is a Swedish civil society organization within the naval search and rescue service – the Swedish Sea Rescue Society (hereafter referred to as the Society). The

organization operates without any governmental funding and was during 2013 involved in 73% of all rescue operations at sea in Sweden (Sjöräddningssällskapet 2014). The organization was founded in 1907 and stems from the male dominated areas of rescue service and maritime operations.

Consequently, the organization brings about strong masculine associations, which makes it particularly interesting to study from a gender perspective.

The organization is coordinated centrally from the head office in Gothenburg. It is managed by a small administration of approximately 40 employees while volunteers make up the majority of the organization with over 2,000 rescue volunteers (Sjöräddningssällskapet 2014). The rescue volunteers are stationed at 67 Rescue Stations (RSs) along the Swedish coastline and large lakes. The RSs has a number of volunteers varying from six to 91 with an average of 38.3 To each RS an intendant is designated by the head office; most intendants work as volunteers. The intendant has the overall responsibility at the RS which includes for example organizing and allocating the work and

recruitment, education and training of rescue volunteers. A rescue volunteer may have one or more additional positions, such as commander, mechanic or radio operator. The commanders are in command and have the overall responsibility on-board the vessels known as rescue units. Commanders are designated by the intendant at their RS.4

The rescue volunteers normally work in crews on call. In the event of an incoming emergency request the volunteers are set to depart aboard their vessel within 15 minutes. The ambition is to reach those in distress within one hour. There are also volunteers that work on patrol in areas heavy in traffic for reduced response time and those who are not active crew members, but engage in different support activities. The primary task for rescue volunteers is to save people in distress at sea. Medevac and preventive actions at sea, a service for members, are also conducted. The rescue volunteers also engage in environmental rescue to limit the spread of emissions such as those from an oil spill. Practice constitutes a significant part of what the volunteers do. They also participate in education both locally at the station and organized centrally by the organization and perform maintenance and other support activities. During 2013 the rescue volunteers departed on 8032 missions, including training. Half of these were rescue missions (Sjöräddningssällskapet 2014). On average each volunteer worked 1300 hours, corresponding to 54 full days, on call.

Today many of the rescue volunteers have a main occupation outside the marine domain, such as nurse, carpenter, engineer and many others. The minimum requirements for a rescue volunteer are to be at a minimum age of 18 years (16 years with parental permission), to be completely healthy and of average fitness, to be able to swim 200 meters without any flotation device and to have knowledge about the safety routines on-board the rescue unit. To qualify as an official crew member there are some additional requirements. These are to be able to swim 200 meters and directly climb onto a smaller boat while wearing a survival suit and a life jacket, to jump into the sea from a height of about 5 meters in survival suit and life jacket, to along with another person carry a crew member (ca 80 kg) on stretcher, to drag a crew member (ca 80 kg) 20 meters, to recover a companion from

3_{Numbers are based on data from internal documents.} 4

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the water and act as the one being recovered, to participate in a course, or attain corresponding knowledge, about personal safety for crew members and have relevant experience with the safety system of the station’s rescue units.5

Of all rescue volunteers in the organization 14 percent are women and 76 percent are men

(Sjöräddningssällskapet 2014). The proportion of women has increased gradually since 2006 but this trend has subsided as illustrated in Figure 1.6 Among the members of the board of directors women are also in minority (20 percent women compared to 80 percent men). Among the employees the proportion of women is about twice as large compared to the volunteers, though women are still a minority of 25 percent.

Figure 1. There has been a gradual increase in the proportion of female volunteers since 2006.

Source: The Swedish Sea Rescue Society. Yearbook 2008-2013.

The proportion of female volunteers varies greatly in between different RSs, but women are in minority in all of them. Only one station has over 40 percent female volunteers (out of 34 volunteers in total) and only two stations apart from that have over 30 percent female volunteers (out of 53 and 57 volunteers in total respectively). A total of 51 stations have less than 20 percent female volunteers and six stations, of up to 22 volunteers, have no women at all. The largest RS have 14 percent female volunteers.7 The underrepresentation of women in the organization is well known both internally and externally. In an article about being the first female volunteer at a RS it is stated that “The sea has since ancient times been the territory of men” (Sjöräddningssällskapet 2011). That the organization has always consisted almost entirely of male rescue volunteers during its 100 years of operations is stated in another article (Dahlmann 2014). The lack of female rescue volunteers has also been noted by corresponding organizations in other countries. The Åland Sea Rescue

Association stated in their annual report that time and efforts should be made to recruit more female volunteers (Ålands sjöräddningssällskap 2011).

This study of the Swedish Sea Rescue Society was conducted with the incentive to support gender equality for rescue volunteers. To understand the situation of the rescue volunteers and the male dominance in the organization from a gender perspective can serve as a basis in their future work on gender equality.

5_{Internal documents (”Sjöräddningssällskapets handbok för frivilliga sjöräddare och säkerhetsorganisation”).} 6_{Data concerning years prior to 2006 was not available.}

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3. Background about volunteer work

This chapter provides with some definitions and background about volunteer work. First some descriptions and definitions are provided. The specific features of such civil society organizations and volunteering are described to clarify the specific context of this study. The state of knowledge regarding gender equality within civil society organizations is then outlined as a continuance on the research gap emphasized in the introduction.

3.1. Some words about volunteer work and related terms

Volunteer work usually refers to unpaid work employed at an organization which is of benefit not only to the individual herself (Stark and Hamrén 2000). Volunteer work further should be optional and self-elected. Volunteers are active members or other persons who contribute their time and commitment without any financial compensation and interest. Volunteers may be assigned with a commission of trust (being part of the board of directors) or contributing directly to the operations somehow else (Wijkström and Lundström 2002). The orientation of volunteer work can be of different scope and nature, for example education, leadership, board of directors’ assignments, administration, formation of opinion, fund raising and direct help efforts (SOU 1999:84). In the research area of volunteer work the meaning of the different terms and what is included therein have been debated and the ambiguity among the different terms and concepts has been prominent (Powell and Steinberg 2006, Salamon et al. 2004, Stark and Hamrén 2000, Wijkström and Lundström 2002). Volunteer work can be included in what is called civil society (Wijkström and Lundström 2002). Civil society, and likewise the research field therein, is an ambiguous and well debated term (Hedling 2013). Civil society can be understood as the societal sphere as separated from the public, private and household sphere and their associated organizations (as defined by Statistics Sweden 2012, Wijkström and Lundström 2002). Individuals can relate to civil society and the organizations therein in many different ways, for example as donors, members, volunteers and trustees.

Civil society includes a diverse group of organizations, including hobby, sports, motoring, civil defence and religious organizations, churches, labour unions and many more (Vogel et al. 2003). These different types of organizations are further classified and categorized in various ways

(according to e.g. legal status and purposes) (Salamon et al. 2004, Wijkström and Lundström 2002). The heterogeneity in civil society increases the reason for separate studies while common

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includes for example the contribution of time (volunteering) and donation of money to better humanity. (Wijkström and Lundström 2002)8

3.2. The volunteer commitment in Sweden

Civil society engages a large part of the Swedish population. In 2010 organizations in the Swedish civil society reported just over 65 thousands full time employees and 1.7 mn volunteers (Statistics Sweden 2012).9 Population surveys indicated that in 2008-2009 2.7 million individuals (of age 16 or over) actively participated in at least one civil society organization (Statistics Sweden 2011).

Volunteer work is the single most important source of resources for civil society in general as well as an invaluable resource for civil society organizations in Sweden (Stark and Hamrén 2000, Wijkström and Lundström 2002).

Volunteer commitment has been shown to vary according to various demographic traits, not to mention gender (Popielarz 1999, Stark and Hamrén 2000, Statistics Sweden 2012). In Sweden, men volunteer in at least one association to a greater extent than women do, even though an increase in voluntary efforts during the 90s largely resulted from an increased involvement of women (Stark and Hamrén 2000). Population surveys show that 32.2% of the women and 38.5% of the men were active in a civil society organization in 2008-2009 (Statistics Sweden 2011). Distinct is that those committed to volunteer work, to a great extent are women and men that have a good position in society in general (Jeppsson Grassman 2004, Svedberg et al. 2010). It has also been indicated that women volunteers typically have higher personal resources and qualifications, in terms of education, socio-economic status, civility and social capital, than men (Jeppsson Grassman 2004). The typical volunteer have been described as a man ”who already is active in other areas, in the middle of his career as highly educated and socio-economically stable, who has children and is born as Swedish and in a family with tradition of volunteer work” (Svedberg et al. 2010, 58).10

Volunteer commitment is associated with increased influence and resources. It enables for social capital and personal resources in form of social relations and networks (Jeppsson Grassman 2004, Stark and Hamrén 2000). Volunteers can participate in and build on their social networks. By relating back to the previous section, one can argue that volunteer work is a way for the already resource-strong groups to gain access to even more resources (see Jeppsson Grassman 2004 for a more comprehensive description). It has also been illustrated that volunteers in many cases have initiated their commitment after being proposed and asked by others (Stark and Hamrén 2000). A positive correlation between participation in civil society organizations and involvement in informal social networks has been demonstrated (Jeppsson Grassman 2004).

3.3. The state of knowledge – gender and volunteer work

Civil society is a major social and economic force in societies all over the world (Salamon et al. 2004). Despite its importance and widespread presence it has long been overlooked and the development of knowledge within this sector has been scarce (Wijkström and Lundström 2002, Salamon et al.

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The definition provided is in accordance with the definition used in a large international research project (The Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project) in which a common international definition was

elaborated. Similar definitions have also been provided by e.g. Stark and Hamrén (2000).

9_{Note that the numbers do not account for that same individual can be a member, volunteer and work in} more than one organization.

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2004). As a consequence, the role of this sector in finding solutions to societal problems has been seriously hampered (Salamon et al. 2004). Starting in the 80s civil society and its organizations has attracted increased attention, both in the public and academic debate (Wikjström and Lundström 2002, Salamon et al. 2004). Even though civil society has started to gain room in the scientific arena, as presented in the introduction, research and discussions with a gender perspective have been small in its proportion (Lindström fc., Stark and Hamrén 2000).Stark and Hamrén (2000) in a systematic review of the field volunteer work and gender conclude that there are severe gaps of knowledge and urge for volunteer work to be observed from a gender perspective (see also

Lindström fc., Jeppsson Grassman 2004). They mean that the absence of attention on this area could result in a setback for societal goals within gender equality.

Most of the research there is describes the proportion of different groups of women and men that are committed to volunteering and where female and male volunteers are found in terms of

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4. Theoretical framework

In the following chapter the theoretical framework for the study is provided. Theories, concepts and terms that can help identify, describe, interpret and problematize gender and understand male dominance in organizations are presented. The theoretical framework is of relatively broad basis since gender studies involving volunteer work specifically is limited. First the theoretical starting point is introduced. Theories about power relations, gender segregation and the process of gendering then follows. The last sections are focused on concepts to that can further help understand the situation of women and men in male dominated environments.

4.1. Gender as socially constructed

The theoretical starting point of this thesis is having the view of gender as a social construct. From a social constructivist perspective, which is based on the assumption that reality is constructed through everyday human interaction; gender is not static but constantly constructed and reconstructed in certain contexts (Wahl et al. 2011). This means that the meaning of gender is dependent on the specific context and can shift over different times and places and so within and in between organizations. Human interaction is enabled, affected and limited by the context in which the interaction takes place, as is the construction of gender. The term gender so encompasses what is perceived as, instead of what is, feminine and masculine in a specified setting. In use of terms such as feminine and masculine I refer to these terms as what is socially constructed as feminine and masculine in a certain context. The term gender thus refers to the socially and culturally constructed as separated from the biological sex. Having this perspective does not mean that I deny that there might be differences between women and men, but that these differences are essentially

(re)constructed and maintained through different processes. As stated by Fürst Hörte (2009), from this perspective, focus is on processes rather than the characteristics of groups or individuals (see also Hirdman 1988). The concept Doing Gender was introduced by West and Zimmermann (1987), which further press on gender as created in interactions, relations and processes – gender, and the differences it implies for women and men, is created by “doing”. It comes to a matter of

understanding how, in what context and through what processer, gender in constructed.

4.2. Gendered power on a structural level

In gender research it is mutually presupposed that gender forms a basis for power structures (cf. Hirdman 1988, Lindgren 1985, Linghag 2009, Wahl 1992/2003). Ordering of the genders is of systematic character and can be understood as a dynamic structure (Wahl et al. 2011). The power relation between women and men is typically characterized by male domination and female subordination (Linghag 2009). Different terms have been developed to describe these power

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allocation of work between women and men and in what is perceived as feminine and masculine. The logic of hierarchy refers to the man seen as the norm and as the normal and universal. Hirdman (1988) mean that the segregation of the genders is part of what legalizes the norm and as such allows for the unequal power relations between women and men to persist (Hirdman 1988 see Wahl et al. 2011). To understand how the gender system is reproduced it is therefore interesting to study how the genders are kept separated in an organization and how it is legitimized. Linghag (2009) adds that the male norm may also generate segregation.

4.3. Gender segregation and gender structure

The term gender segregation denotes how women and men are separated, which relate back to the perceptions of what is feminine and masculine and to the principles of the gender system. Gender segregation illustrates that women and men typically are given access to different areas of sectors and organizations as well as different professions, work tasks and positions (Wahl et al. 2011). Exclusion of women has been a central element in the emergence of the labour market in the early 20th century and segregation has come to be embedded in working life’s structures (Löfström 2004), in accordance with the gender system theory. Gender segregation can be identified at different dimensions in an organization as well as at the market as a whole. Gender segregation typically is described in terms of horizontal segregation, vertical segregation and internal segregation (Wahl et al. 2011) which will be explained and exemplified in the following sections. The statistical definition of segregation varies. A common classification is that professions or areas of work with more than 60 percent of women or men are termed gender segregated (Löfström 2004).

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and influence (Stark and Hamrén 2000). Men on the other hand dominate in the types of volunteering that allows for power, impact and influence and allows for resources in the form of networks and experience (Jeppsson Grassman 2004). Despite having the same profession women and men may have different work tasks or different orientation of their work, which is defined as internal segregation (Wahl et al. 2011). The more qualified work tasks are generally assigned to men. This means that the actual work performed can differ for women and men being at the same level and in the same field of work.

To facilitate for the study of gender in organizations Wahl (1992/2003) developed the term gender structure to describe three expressions for the separation of the genders within organizations. The first is the numerical distribution of women and men in an organization. The second is the degree of segregation in tasks, occupations and positions between women and men. The third is the

hierarchical distribution of women and men, which incorporates the degree of influence and power (Wahl 1992/2003).

4.4. Minority, opportunity and power structures

Gender segregation and numerical distributions has consequences in organizations in terms of minority and majority situations (Kanter 1977). Belonging to a minority or a majority in an

organization, or a certain context in the organization, has implications for the conditions one faces and for the individual behaviour. Women as minorities in male dominated environments become tokens and are seen as representatives of the category of women rather than individuals. In the well quoted study Men and Women of the Corporation Kanter (1977) identified three perceptual

tendencies for women in minority situations; namely visibility, contrast and assimilation. These concepts are outlined below based on the interpretation made by Anna Wahl (see Wahl 1992/2003, 2011).

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loyalty is to expose the woman for offending jokes on which she should not react negatively. It is also typical that differences between men in the majority and women in the minority become emphasised and exaggerated.

Assimilation of women means that women are expected to conform to prevailing prejudices based on stereotypical notions of women and results in role encapsulation. Women as minorities in management positions are for example taken for secretaries or mistresses. Stereotypes are easier to accept than to fight, which in turn hinders women from being individuals of different character and to show their full potential. As women confirm to the dominant stereotypes they also proves them right.

The minority situation for women in male dominated environments explains how typical feminine behaviour is related to explanations of structural character. To explain differences in women’s and men’s behaviour in organizations Kanter (1977) further refer to structures of opportunities and power. Opportunities can be about opportunities for development and advancements, opportunities for benefits and rewards or to build on one’s skills. Opportunities can be built into certain positions that enable for networking and visibility. Kanter (1977) describe that those with little opportunities behave in a way that further reduces their opportunities. In a position of little opportunities they tend to underestimate their capacities and have small expectations and ambitions for advancement. Positions with little opportunities may further lead to individuals having less commitment to their work. This in contrast to those in positions of great opportunities who instead overestimate their competence and have high expectation and ambitions for advancement, which in turn generates even greater opportunities. It is the situation that induces the behaviour and not the opposite. Kanter (1977) further means that power, in terms of getting things done, mobilize resources and use resources effectively to meet ones goals, affect the behaviour. To attain power it is important to be in positions in which one can form stable social connections. In management positions women’s lack of power can lead to that they act controlling and authoritarian. Observed differences in the

behaviour of women and men in the organization so can be explained by structures of opportunities and power.

In her study Kanter (1977) do not problematize the significance of gender or sets it in relation to power structures. As stated by Wahl “Kanter fails to see that constructions of gender are integrated in organizational structures and in power relations” (2011, 198). The conditions for women in male-dominated environments are not only due to structural effects of the minority situation itself, but have to do with the power relations between women and men making up the minority and majority (Acker 1990, Lindgren 1985). Studies on men in female dominated environments illustrate that men in minority are not attributed to the same negative effects and are attributed to advantages rather than disadvantages (Ott 1989, Williams 1992, Yoder 1991). This means that minorities are not subordinated by definition and the minority situation for women is based on women as subordinate to men.

4.5. Discrimination as part of structures

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structures in the organization, rather than isolated events. Since discrimination is integrated in the structures, the normal, it can be hard to detect, but ultimately leads to women and men working on different conditions. Discrimination comes in different forms and can be perceived and interpreted in different ways (Wahl et al. 2011).

The degree to which women perceive discrimination can be related to the gender distribution and the ambitions of advancements in an organization, as discussed by Wahl (1992/2003). Women that challenge the principles of the gender system, aspiring for higher positions and career

advancements, experience a higher degree of discrimination than those who do not. The more power and influence, or the more qualified tasks, a woman strives for, the higher the experienced degree of direct discrimination. Wahl (1992/2003) connects this to that these women go against the norm, i.e. what is accepted as appropriate for women. Wahl (1992/2003) in her study showed that gender and position matters for who discriminates. Gender matters most and men were typically the gender experienced as discriminating. For men a higher position in the hierarchy was positively correlated with discriminatory behaviour. The opposite correlation was indicated for women. The patterns reflected the numerical gender distribution for organizations (Wahl 1992/2003). The discrimination that arises from the minority situation has been proposed to decrease as the organization reached a critical number of 30% women in areas which are typically dominated by men (Loden 1986 see Wahl 1992/2003).

Discrimination has been classified in terms of direct and indirect discrimination (Wahl 1992/2003). Direct discrimination generally can be related to a specific situation and in many cases to a certain individual. Even so, it is an expression of the structure of the organization rather than an individual issue or personal standpoint, as it is perceived as normal. Direct discrimination can be of both formal and informal character. Situations of formal character include appointment of positions, promotions, allocation of resources and recognition of performed work in assessments, while the experience of alienation or of being made invisible form examples of discrimination of informal character. Not being nominated, cited or asked to participate, and other so called “non-events”, are common forms of discrimination. Indirect discrimination relate to special treatment and unequal conditions in general, as for example working hours and possibilities to make career breaks. It has to do with the issue that, in a male dominated environment, structures are created for, and from the conditions of, men. What separates this from direct discrimination is the lack of any specific situation to relate the discrimination to (Wahl 1992/2003). A certain type of discrimination can be classified as sexual harassment. Sexual harassment consists of unwelcome verbal or physical behaviour of sexual nature. This includes the whole spectra from glances and comments to direct blackmailing (Wahl et al. 2011). The continuity of the unwelcome behaviour is regarded important for the classification into sexual harassments (Wahl et al. 2011). Rather than individual events it is about the

normalization of unwelcome sexual behaviour that happens over time. As for other discrimination, harassments can be a natural part of the interactions in an organization but also occur in the shadows. Sexual harassments and its spread in the organization are related to the prevailing culture and ordering of the genders. It works to clarify which gender is the subject and which is the object. Typically it is the depending party in the relation that is being harassed (Wahl et al. 2011).

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possibilities to get help or assistance when needed. Women also experienced that they could be used as symbols for gender equality by representing a sign of change toward more women in the organization. The positive treatment generally could be explained by the underlying structures: the minority situation and subordination of women. The perceived benefits for the individual women in this aspect were based upon disadvantages for women as a group (Wahl 1992/2003).

4.6. Gender symbolism and gendering

The segregation between women and men in organizations often lead to a certain gender

symbolism, where the masculine and feminine is kept apart (Linghag 2009). Professions, positions and work tasks typically are associated with a certain gender and linked to perceptions of

masculinity and femininity. This also applies to for example attributes and skills. This phenomenon can be described as if factors are gendered (Wahl et al. 2011). Objectivity, outgoing, action-oriented, analytical, rationalist are some of the things typically associated with masculinities. Femininities instead are associated to emotionally oriented, dependency, cooperation, responsiveness and intuition (Fogelberg Eriksson 2005). Gendering results in perceptions about certain factors, including professions, positions and work tasks, being attributed to certain expectations and being more accepted and appropriate for either women or men (Alvesson and Billing 1999). As thus it works to confirm segregation based on gender.

Firefighter is an example of a profession within the rescue service with strong associations to masculinities (Alvesson and Billing 1999, Olofsson 2012). Studies have shown that competent operational personnel are linked to firefighters or technicians while healthcare professionals and their competence is not rewarded and utilized in the same way (Ivarsson and Edmark 2005). Other male gendered professions are found within areas such as construction and engineering,

transportation, military and technology. Feminine professions include for example care occupations, such as nurses, office jobs, cleaning jobs and repetitive occupations within the industry (Westberg-Wohlgemuth 1996). When gender distributions shift, e.g. within a certain profession, the gendering of the profession typically shifts, but so also does the status. The status is so it determined based on gender, rather than the profession itself (Wahl et al. 2011). What is gendered as masculine typically is attributed to a higher status and value than what is gendered as feminine. Technology also has a strong link to masculinity and therefore is often attributed to a positive male image in organizations (Wahl et al. 2011).

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to the organization and total dedication to the work. Individuals in leadership positions should always be available for work and taking on parenting responsibilities can be perceived as disloyal.

4.7. Gendering processes in organizations

Gendering processes create meaning of the genders. Acker (1990, 1992) shows that gender in many ways is an integral part of the daily activities of organizations and describe four sets of processes that can serve as inputs to study how gender is constructed in organizations. The first process is gender division created in the daily practices. Patterns of femininities and masculinities can be seen in for example work tasks, hierarchy and power. These patterns are created in the daily practices of the organization such as recruitment, allocation of work tasks, in introduction of new technology and rules and routines for work hours, breaks and time off. Employees and managers make decisions that affect these daily practices and so (unconsciously) create gender divisions. It is the things that people do in the daily activities. The second process is the construction of symbols and images that explain, legitimizes and sometimes oppose the division of the genders. Symbols and images can make gendered power relations appear gender neutral. The organization, employees and managers in the organization can be defined by masculine metaphors and images that evoke preconceptions of how the employee or manager should be. The third process is about interactions between the individuals in the organization. Interactions happen between women and men, women and women, and men and men; between individuals of equal and unequal power positions. In these interactions individuals experience and create power relations, alliances and exclusion. The fourth process is about the individual identity, the internal mental process of the individual and how it is expressed in individual actions. The individual take in the organizational culture and interprets what is

appropriate behaviour and more or less consciously designs his or her actions accordingly. In this way masculinities and femininities are further confirmed (Acker 1990, Wahl et al. 2011).

The power relations between women and men are (re)constructed through a range of gendering processes. Organizations are places where power relations between women and men become materialized and concrete. In organizations the meaning of the context, including place, group constellation and interaction, becomes apparent and enables a wide-ranging understanding of gendering processes (Wahl et al. 2011). To any context there are certain conditions attached, which determines the framework for the interaction and incorporates acceptable ways of acting and being (Regnö 2013). These conditions both come of and set the terms for human interaction in the

organization. Based on Acker (1990, 1992) Regnö (2013) categorizes the context of organizations into cultural and material conditions. Material conditions are set in form of organization,

coordination and allocation of work, allocation of responsibilities and authorities, organizational structure including gender distributions, value attached to the work performed is in terms of wages and benefits, and design of the physical workplace. Power is depicted through positions and gender distributions, in form of for example authorities, advancement opportunities and access to

resources. Cultural conditions are set in form of perceptions and organizational cultures and symbols in form of for example norms, expectations of women and men, masculinities and femininities, gendering of positions and work tasks, and stories and jokes that have excluding and including effects. Power from this aspect is depicted as power over the thought (Regnö 2013).

The conditions that are constructed in the organization also partly depend on conditions that are set outside of the organization. Wahl (1992/2003) describe that the family situation and family

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examining how work and family life go together. Both the family and work situation can be assumed to interact with and influence the conditions for women and men in their volunteering. Women traditionally are expected to take on greater responsibilities for home and family while men career. In Wahl’s (1992/2003) study about female economists’ and civil engineers’ career development over half of the women experienced difficulties in combining work and family life. The problem could be related to a lack of time and its consequences in the form of fatigue, anxiety, stress and feeling lost. It was also considered by many as if work and family take up all of their time, so that everything else in life has to be set aside (Wahl 1992/2003). This means that the family situation could be of even greater importance for the conditions in volunteering than paid work.

4.8. Homosociality as a gender ordering process

A concept that can be used to understand male dominance and explain segregation in organizations is homosociality, which has to do with that men preferably select and recruit other men. Male homosociality in short means that men turn to and prefer the company of other men, as similar to themselves and as dominant to women. The concept has been well applied to study and describe the relations of men in male dominated environments (see for example Lindgren 1985, 1996, Holgersson 2003, 2006, Hamrén 2007). The concept stems from Lipman-Bulmen (1976). These homosocial relations between men build on male domination and further reconstruct the power relation between women and men, allocating more power to the already dominating group of men. Homosocial processes lead to circles that include men and exclude women and so maintain gender segregation and hierarchies within organizations (Holgersson 2003, 2006). It is the male domination that enables for the reconstruction of male domination through homosocial behaviour. Domination of the members of the homosocial group thus is a prerequisite for the homosocial behaviour (Holgersson 2003). The unequal power relations also lead to that women as a group align with men, which has been described as a heterosociality (Lindgren 1985). Male domination and female

subordination as such is a necessity for male homosociality and female heterosociality.

Homosocial groups appear to be important nodes of power (see Lindgren 1996, Holgersson 2003). For men to be accepted in a homosocial group it is important to have something that can serve to increase the group’s power and status (cf. Hamrén 2007). Men that do not conform to certain expectation, the male ideal that the homosocial group have collectively created, can be excluded from the community. Homosocial groups commonly define a social space in which the man can exist according perceptions of the real masculine man. Ideal conceptions of masculinity which men are compared upon are constructed. Men who do not conform to the male ideal that the homosocial group have collectively created, who Holgersson (2003) calls peripheral men, are excluded. One issue in male dominated environments is that homosociality may lead to that recruitment is limited to individuals that originate from the same social context as the recruiters themselves (Holgersson 2003). The homosociality that dominate recruitment processes in male dominated environments has been described as an expression for care of the members of the homosocial group, which Holgersson (2003) calls homosocial care. Men help each other to attain new positions and keep their reputations intact (Holgersson 2003). Signs of homosociality are found in the rescue service for which the significance of personal contact for being selected in the recruitment process has been urged (Ericsson 2009). Ivarsson and Edmark (2005) describe that contacts and

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the members are not necessarily aware of the fact that they prefer these same gender relations is a constitutive feature of their group. They take the positions of men as dominant in the power

relations between women and men for granted and Lindgren (1996) describe that the subordination of women also can be seen as a result of men’s internal fight for positions and power.

Within homosocial groups there are rituals of confirmation, such as a certain type of jargon, that are based on women as subordinated to a dominant group of men (Holgersson 2003). Holgersson (2003) describe that any such homosocial rituals of confirmation can be understood as tests of loyalty that lead to adaptation and complaisance. In homosocial groups jargon, men in-between, is a way to confirm the group’s superiority and male domination by distancing themselves from women (and peripheral men) (Holgersson 2006, Lindgren 1996). An ideal image is created by the use of a

homosocial jargon to which men must behave and adapt. Male jargon further can be problematic for women who may interprets this jargon as personal insults and associate it with that she is not welcome in the group (Glans and Rother 2007, Hoglersson 2003, Wahl et al. 2011). The rescue service is one area which typically has been associated with a certain type of jargon, “crude but hearty”, which may be sexist (Glans and Rother 2007). In a study of Swedish firefighters Glans and Rother (2007) illustrate that it is important to be able to spar to be accepted in the group of colleagues. They mean that the harsh jargon and attitude is hard to question since it has become a natural part of the everyday social interactions. To become part of the group one must learn to master this male culture. In the study of homosocial relations between men it has also been illustrated how informal contexts give room for homosociality and homosocial jargon (Holgersson 2003).

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5. Methodology

The study was conducted using a case study approach with a survey as the source of data. In this chapter the methodology and methods that was used to conduct the study are described in more detail. First the overall approach is presented. The method for data collection, including design and distribution of the survey, are described. Included is also a discussion of the non-respondents. A presentation of the way in which the collected data was analysed is also included.

5.1. Knowledge claim

The thesis is based on the view that knowledge is dependent on the context in which it is created. This means that other findings or patterns might have come forth if the study was performed in another way. The thesis further builds on empirical findings that are interpreted. The respondents interpret and experience their situation in different ways and their responses are then interpreted in the analysis. There are different ways in which the data can be interpreted and the interpretations are dependent on interpreter, how that person chooses to look at the data and for what purpose. This further means that there are also other ways to interpret the data in. I make no claim for an objective truth but instead aim to be transparent in how the study was conducted and how the findings are analysed and interpreted.

5.2. The case study

To study the conditions of female and male volunteers a case study approach was used. Case studies have the methodological benefit of opening the way for discoveries (Berg 2009). It is a research approach useful for understanding factors such as relationships, behaviours and attitudes in a defined organizational setting and can provide a deep understanding of a phenomenon. Case studies are frequently used to obtain profound insights about a particular situation and how the people involved interpret it (Merriam 1994), which was also the case for this study. A case study approach was chosen with the incentive of getting inclusive information of the situation for the volunteers. Using this approach enabled me to investigate whether women and men that volunteer in the same organization have different experiences and what conditions that lie behind any such differences. A profound understanding of a particular case was favoured before broader orientation. My own experience from volunteering in the organization used for this study further provided valuable insight both in the collection and interpretation of data. The study is not designed to be a reflection of my own experience however. To reduce any bias resulting from my involvement in the

organization the findings and the analysis of the findings are clearly separated in this report. This chapter further intend to give transparency in how the data was collected. For details about the case study organization see Chapter 2.

5.3. Overall survey design

The data were collected through a self-administrated questionnaire distributed by email. The questionnaire was to cover both quantitative and qualitative aspects and to let the respondents describe their volunteer situation and still enable for comparison between female and male

respondents. A self-administrated survey method was selected with the incentive of reaching many respondents. Questionnaires enable the collection of relatively large amount of data (Fowler 2009, Sapsford 2007), which was important in this study as existing data on the volunteers in the

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questionnaire also made it possible to cover in structural aspects of the organization that could not have been made visible through a limited amount of interviews. The decentralization of the

organization and wide dispersion of the sample further supported this choice of method enabling for widespread data collection, as the conditions and experienced work situation could vary a lot from site to site.

Another advantage with questionnaires in comparison to interview administrated surveys is the reduction of interviewer effects, which were of concern in this study since the questions are related to interviewer traits, i.e. gender issues (Flores-Macias and Lawson 2008). Questionnaires as a survey method, especially when providing total anonymity, is further less subjected to social desirability bias (Fowler 2009), which was of concern due to the sensitive topics included in the survey. Sensitive data is reported more frequently and collected more validly in self-administrated surveys (Fowler 2009).

The questionnaire was distributed by email using a computerized administration-software to facilitate the administration. The questionnaire was open during a four week period (26 days). For dealing with non-responses and increase the response rate two reminders were sent out by email to all the respondents that had not yet completed the questionnaire. Repeated contact with

nonrespondents has been stated a characteristic of good mail surveys (Fowler 2009). The reminders were sent out with one week apart and the first reminder was sent out one week after the launch.

5.4. Sampling procedure

The population of interest in this study consisted of all active rescue volunteers, women and men, in the case study organization. The respondents were to represent volunteers at different stations and with different positions to get an aggregate picture of the situation for women and men throughout the organization. The internal registers did not allow for any reliable sorting of individuals according to gender in the sampling process. In combination with the low ratio of women in the population, this limitation made sampling that would generate a representative sample of women hard to perform. The decentralization of the organization further added to this concern. Hence, a census was used to cover as close as every individual in the population. A census study was also deemed appropriate due to the aspiration that as great a part of the volunteers as possible would have the opportunity to share their experiences and that no one would feel disregarded.

The census sample was taken using an internal register on active volunteers.11 Additions and

deletions to this list are done by the individual RSs and the volunteers themselves are responsible for updating any contact details; thus requiring for some modification of the list before usage in the survey. The list contained a total of 1817 items of individuals. After refining the list by eliminating items with missing or invalid data (134 items) and duplicates (27 items) 1656 individuals remained. Missing data resulted from missing or invalid email addresses. Duplicates resulted from volunteers active at more than one rescue station and from individuals registered with shared email addresses. The list was then further refined by excluding myself, the human resource manager and a volunteer who participated in the questionnaire evaluation, because of our close involvement in the project. In total the questionnaire was sent to 1653 volunteers.

11

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Despite the refinement of the list some email addresses may not be of use and thus affect the response rate. There is also a risk that all volunteers that are no longer active in the organization are not deleted from the list and that new volunteers yet have not been added. This was considered during the design of the questionnaire. Bias resulting from missing, inaccurate or outdated email addresses was not considered a larger issue of concern, since no certain category of responses could be expected from this specific group of volunteers.

5.5. Question design and presentation

In the question design, literature on volunteer work and gender in organizations was used as a base of knowledge and inspiration for identifying areas of focus and designing questions within each area. Further guidance and inspiration were taken from other surveys examining gender and working conditions (e.g. Jämställdhetsombudsmannen 2007, Wahl 1992/2003) and from Sweden’s gender equality policies. For organization specific questions information was acquired from an internal portal (for information, news, discussion, etc.), a handbook for rescue volunteers, personal

experiences (from volunteering in the organization) and employees at the organization. During the design of the questionnaire the target population, research questions and specific context of volunteer work were ever-present. The questions were designed with the incentive of reducing effects of social desirability and embarrassment in the answers respondents may provide. In the design of questions the fact that not all RSs have any female volunteers needed to be considered. After the questions were created Charlotte Holgersson12 was consulted to further ensure the relevance of the questions to be able to explore the conditions of women and men from a gender perspective. The questionnaire was designed entirely in Swedish.

Questions were created with the incentive of mapping what women and men do in their

volunteering as well as bringing in their experiences from and opinions about volunteering in the organization. Questions were formulated to be short and simple when possible and descriptive instructions were added when deemed necessary. Both closed and open questions were included. The closed questions made up the major part of the questionnaire and were all compulsory to answer. This type of question enabled for ease of response and relatively easy analysis of responses (Fowler 2009, Schuman and Presser 1979). Open questions were used as follow-ups to get deeper insight and understanding and to obtain unanticipated answers that otherwise would have been lost (Schuman and Presser 1979). However, this type of questions was kept to a minimum because of the resources needed to analyse and interpret the responses (Fowler 2009).

A consideration between the content and the length of the questionnaire was done to reduce nonrespondents and respondent fatigue leading to poor data quality and dropouts (Galesic and Bosnjak 2009). The resulting questionnaire included approximately 50 standard questions divided into six general themes. Follow-ups were given dependent of which answers the respondent provided. The themes and the questions were arranged according to logical flow and sensitivity (placing more sensitive questions later in the form). Two questions (question 44 and 45 in Appendix 1) were added for the purposes outside the scope of this study and as such are not presented in the findings in this report.

12

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All respondents were given information about voluntary participation and confidentiality and a short description of the purpose of the survey and how the collected material was going to be used. The respondents were also provided with instructions on how to fill in the form. Instructions for non-active volunteers were added to manage any inaccuracy in the list of non-active volunteers. For being able to collect additional data if needed, the respondents were asked if they would like to

participate in an interview. The whole design of the questionnaire is available in its original form (in Swedish) in Appendix 1. The accompanying letter was signed by the human resources

representative, in addition to me, to convey that the survey was of importance for the organization.

5.6. Questionnaire evaluation

To evaluate the questionnaire two pilot studies were conducted. The questionnaire was tested to ensure that it was easy and clear to perform and that the questions were understood and answered as planned. The questionnaire length and time required to conduct the survey was also evaluated. The pilot studies further were considered necessary since the strict focus on gender easily could be provoking. The pilot studies also enabled for testing analysis of responses, to further ensure that the responses made up good measures to what they was supposed to measure.

Participants of the pilot studies were initially planned to be former volunteers of the organization (not included in the sample). Difficulties in finding such individuals (partly due to inaccuracy of the internal register used for sampling) lead to a first group of participants who made up of five of my relatives, whereof one with experience from the case study organization. A second group of

participants were created to further validate the questionnaire in more of its real context. The group consisted of one former volunteer and one active volunteer, who both reported interest on an announcement made. An active volunteer participated though I had not come in contact with a former volunteer (not included in the sample) of each gender. It was considered important to, in the test group, have at least one woman and one man with experience from the volunteer work in the organization, because of the focus on gender. In total three women and four men spread across different age categories, as presented in Table 1, participated in the pilot research.

Table 1. Age and gender of participants in the pilot research.

Pilot study 1 Pilot study 2

Age/Gender Women Men Women Men

16-24 X X X

25-34 X

35-44

45-54 X

55 years or older X X

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5.7. Rate of response and nonrespondents

Out of the 1653 questionnaires that were sent out 635 were completed, which gives a response rate of 38 percent. I consider this response rate acceptable as it is comparable with and even exceeds the number of respondents in other studies of similar character that have been conducted in the

organization.13 Out of the respondents 13 percent were women and 87 percent were men. The absolute and relative numbers of respondents are displayed in Table 2. In terms of gender distribution, the sample of respondents was considered a good representation of the population, differing by simply one percentage point.

Table 2. Population, sample and respondents categorised by gender.

Data about the population is from the Annual Report (Sjöräddningssällskapet 2014).

Population (P) Sample (S) Respondents (R) R relative to P R relative to S

Women 275 14% n/a 85 13% 31% n/a

Men 1727 86% n/a 550 87% 32% n/a

Total 2002 100% 1653 635 100% 32% 38%

Contact was received with a couple of nonrespondents explaining that the reason for not

participating was that they just had started volunteering in the organization and did not have any experience of the actual work situation. Others explained that they did not answer because they were leaving their positions as volunteers. The limited data available on the population made nonrespondents hard to further categorize and analyse. Individuals that have particular interest in the research issue in general are the most likely to respond (Fowler 2009). In view of that, the ones who would have been most likely to respond to the survey are female and male volunteers that have experienced an issue regarding their (or fellow volunteers’) volunteer work situation. This potentially could have led to an underrepresentation of the group of volunteers that have not experience any such problems. In the end though it is the individuals that have experienced issues regarding their work situation as volunteers, and responses indicating a problem, that would be of certain interest to find and discuss from a gender perspective. One could also consider survivor bias, i.e. the possibility that individuals who have experienced major issues may already have left the organization and accordingly their opinions may not show.

5.8. Comments from respondents

Respondents were provided the opportunity to leave comments on questions and the questionnaire in general. This was done to be able to capture reactions on the study and other aspects that could have affected the responses provided, such as missing appropriate response alternatives or the opportunity to explain ones answers. The comments from the respondents were overall positive reactions on the questionnaire and questions. It was listed that the questionnaire was easy to understand, was of good length, that the questions felt relevant and important and that the response alternatives were fair. Respondents also wrote that it was fun to fill in the survey, stated the importance of the subject and expressed gratitude for addressing the topic. Some criticism was also given. Many of these comments were from those not having the experience of women at their

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RS, indicating that they would have liked to answer “I don’t know” to more of the questions. This aspect was considered in the question design, but the respondents seemed to have understood the question slightly different than me in this context since they felt it was hard to provide an answer. I wanted to reduce the alternative “I don’t know” when possible to make the respondents think instead of not take a stand concerning the issue. A couple of respondents also wanted to further explain some of their answers since the gradation on closed alternatives of answers can be limiting. There were also some reactions on the focus on gender, questioning its relevance to the

organization. Some reaction was also given to term usage of for example work and superior as they did not want to use these terms in their volunteer commitment.

5.9. Other sources of information

Other sources of information were used to better understand the organization. Those included internal record and documents, articles, conversations with volunteers and employees in the organization and participation in different occasions (e.g. meeting, education) for volunteers. The articles, conversations and active participation primarily provided with an understanding of the organizational culture. These sources of information are not discussed explicitly in the analysis, but rather contribute to the study by giving a better understanding of the organization and culture that helped in the interpretation of the findings.

5.10. Methods for analysis

The collected data have been analysed using both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The responses were first described and analysed one question at a time. Any patterns that could be distinguished, i.e. any reappearing themes in the responses of the different questions, were then analysed and discussed with basis in gender theories. The theory on gender was used as a basis for interpretation of patterns that could be distinguished from the survey findings. The situation and experienced situation for female and male volunteers was described, interpreted and

problematized. The meaning of the findings and alternative explanations were reflected upon. The analysis was done on a structural rather than individual level. Since all the material was originally created and collected in Swedish the presented material is a translated version. This means that all response alternatives, citations, etc. have been translated from their original language.

Gender was used a base for statistical separation to report and be able to highlight any similarities and dissimilarities for women and men (as proposed by Stark and Hamrén 2000). Note, however, that some questions may be interesting to analyse also beyond this comparison. Other factors such as age and years of volunteering in the organization may also be used as a base for statistical

separation. Any such factors were not used for separation since they may have detracted focus from gender differences, which is the essential in this study.

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in order to identify any reappearing themes. The answers were interpreted; similar answers were grouped together and finally structured according to inductively occurring themes. When needed the themes were revised until all the answers could be categorised satisfactory. The answers from women and men were first red separately. The created themes were then compared between the two groups to look for similarities and differences. The number of responses categorized under each theme was counted for women and men respectively. For some subgroups of answers the answers were few, highly diverse or hard to separate into separate themes, which made thematic analysis hard to perform. For those cases the answers were instead summarized in text. The answers to open questions were treated as anecdotal material rather than complete measures, since answers to open questions in self-administrated surveys are generally not comparable across respondents (Fowler 2009). In the presentation of the created themes citations from the respondents help to separate the responses from my interpretation of the responses.

Volunteering, Gender and Power

Volunteering, Gender and Power

Making conditions visible and understanding

male dominance in a volunteer context

with a gender perspective

REBECKA SÖDERHIELM

Volunteering, Gender and Power

Making conditions visible and understanding

male dominance in a volunteer context

with a gender perspective

Rebecka Söderhielm

Master of Science Thesis INDEK 2014:87

KTH Industrial Engineering and Management

Master of Science Thesis INDEK 2014:87

Volunteering, Gender and Power

Making conditions visible and understanding

male dominance in a volunteer context

with a gender perspective

Rebecka Söderhielm

Johann Packendorff

Charlotte Holgersson

The Swedish Sea Rescue

Society

Thore Hagman

Abstract

The background for this thesis is found in the patterns of gender inequality in civil

society organizations. Existing research provide little comprehensive knowledge of

the conditions for women and men in civil society organizations. To help fill this gap

in knowledge the purpose of this thesis is to explore the conditions for women and

men as volunteers in a male dominated civil society organization with a gender

perspective and make any eventual inequalities visible. The thesis explores the

conditions women and men face in their volunteering, what gender differences can

be found and how the male dominance can be understood. The study is based on

data from a self-administrated survey conducted among volunteers in a Swedish

male dominated civil society organization. Questions concerned their volunteer work

and their experience of the situation as female and male volunteers in the

organization. Empirical patterns were identified and gender theories were used as a

basis for the interpretation of the results. The findings from this case illustrate that

women and men do not face equal conditions in their volunteer work. Most

volunteers were happy with their work as volunteers. However, male volunteers

typically held positions of more power, influence and higher status than women.

Female volunteers were in a token position and in many ways had to prove

themselves as well as adapt to conditions formed to suit men, by men, as

representatives of the norm. The male dominance could be related to perceptions of

the ideal volunteer; a competent man loyal to the organization and without

inconvenient responsibilities elsewhere. Another aspect which could be related to the

male dominance was patterns of social interactions that favour male volunteers, in

this case homosocial relations, which are created in the interaction between the

ambiguities of unstructured processes and gendered expectations.

Table of Contents

1. Introduction

1.1. Background and research issue

1.2. Purpose and research questions

1.3. Delimitations of the study

1.4. Structure of the report

2. The civil society organization and its volunteers

3. Background about volunteer work

3.1. Some words about volunteer work and related terms

3.2. The volunteer commitment in Sweden

3.3. The state of knowledge – gender and volunteer work

4. Theoretical framework

4.1. Gender as socially constructed

4.2. Gendered power on a structural level

4.3. Gender segregation and gender structure

4.4. Minority, opportunity and power structures

4.5. Discrimination as part of structures

4.6. Gender symbolism and gendering

4.7. Gendering processes in organizations

4.8. Homosociality as a gender ordering process

5. Methodology

5.1. Knowledge claim

5.2. The case study

5.3. Overall survey design

5.4. Sampling procedure

5.5. Question design and presentation

5.6. Questionnaire evaluation

5.7. Rate of response and nonrespondents

5.8. Comments from respondents

5.9. Other sources of information

5.10. Methods for analysis