Bachelor’s Thesis
“Would you like a side of democracy with that imperialism?”
Mill’s arguments applied to the colonies of the Gold Coast and Senegal.
Author: Carl Sameland Supervisor: Elvis Bisong Examiner: Emil Uddhammar Term: Autumn - 20
Subject: Political Science Level: Bachelor
Kurskod: 2SK31E
Abstract :
In this disciplined configurative case-study the effects of imperialistic rule on the democratization of the colonies Ghana (Gold Coast) and Senegal during their colonization. The positive effects of imperialism will be represented by the liberal thinker J.S. Mill. To measure the positive outcome have this study created a model of analysis in which the
operationalization of Mill’s arguments will be represented. The indicators will be applied to the history of Senegal and Ghana, from acquisition of the territory to their independence. What this study found was that both Senegal and Ghana had experienced a democratization process, but with the Ghahanian democratization being more inclusive and more
encompassing. This was due to the British allowing self-governance while the French only allowed democracy in the Four Communes.
Keywords: Mill, Imperialism, British Empire, French Empire, Ghana, Senegal
Table of content
1. Introduction 4
1.1 The matter of Imperialism 4
1.2 Purpose of the study 5
2. Method 6
2.1 Research Design 6
2.2 Comparative design, Definitions, and DCS 6
2.3 Material 7
2.4 Validity 8
2.5 Limitations 9
3. Theory 10
3.1 The ideology of Imperialism 10
3.2 Mill’s thoughts and supporters of imperialism 10
3.3 The critics of Imperialism 12
3.4 Democratization and Dahl’s polyarchy 14
3.5 Conclusion of theory 15
3.6 Model of analysis and indicators 17
4. Empirical Analysis 20
4.1.1 Pre-colonial Ghana 20
4.1.2 Economic indicators to the Gold Coast 21
4.1.3 Cultural indicator to the Gold Coast 22
4.1.4 Political indicator for the Gold Coast 25
4.2.1 Senegal before the conquest 27
4.2.2 Economic indicator for Senegal 28
4.2.3 Cultural indicator for Senegal 30
4.2.4 Political indicator for Senegal 32
5. Conclusions 34
5.1 Results of empirical analysis 34
5.2 Mill’s arguments, a discussion 36
5.3 Methodological discussion 37
5.4 The purpose of this study being answered 37
5.5 Further research 38
6. Literature 40
1. Introduction
1.1 The matter of Imperialism
Since the decolonization of West Africa, have the former colonies aggregated an anti-imperialist rhetoric which is strengthened further by the growing movement of postcolonial thinkers. Who brought the perspective of the colonized to attempt exemplifying the continued colonial hierarchies of race, class and gender (Sylvester, 2018, p: 175) despite the exodus of imperial control. In a speech 2017 exclaimed the Ghanian president Akafo-Addo:
“We can no longer pursue a policy for our countries and regions that is based on the support given by the West, France or the European Union.
This has not worked and it will not work.” -(Lorenz, 2017)
This was the response to the French aid presented by Emmanuel Macron.
Akafo-Addo did reject this aid, which is attributed to the president’s programme “Ghana Beyond Aid”, which is a call for the lessened
influence of the Europeans (Lorenz, 2017). A more profound perspective of this is that the rejection was also due to the colonial history of Ghana.
The question which is rarely posed is what were the benefits of being colonized? Ghana has developed into a democracy, the only one in the region. Considering French colonies, none of the former colonies developed into a democracy, the closest being Senegal according to Liberal Democracy Index. Did the British help the democratization
process of Ghana, did the French hindered it for Senegal? This is what this study will answer.
1.2 Purpose of the study
The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the consequences colonization has had in Westafrica by the two great empires of the British and the French, on the democratic development. For this, the imperialistic thoughts of the two empires are to be analyzed by providing examples of thinkers whose thoughts have influenced the two empires. What is also vital is the
definition of democracy to enable the analysis of the doings of the empires and how they correspond with the definition of democracy. The cases who are to be examined are the countries with the highest rated v-dem ratings under the control of the British Empire, being Ghana with a value of 0,61 in V-dem. For the French empire was Senegal with a value of 0,54. These cases ought to exemplify the greatest examples for the democratic
influence by the empires. However the differences between the empires are quite clear, Ghana, being under british colonial rule, has developed to a democracy and is currently the only one in the region. Due to that fact this thesis aims to answer these questions:
1. What consequences have imperialism had for the democratic development of the former colonies?
2. Why did the British rule prepare a democracy better than the rule of the French?
2. Method
2.1 Research Design
This study will examine the possible altruistic effects of imperialism for the colonies and their democratization in which it affected, namely Ghana and Senegal. To enable the possible examination and answering the questions asked, will this study utilize a disciplined configurative case-study with a comparative design. This study will utilize the
arguments presented by Mill to design an analytical model in which the analysis will follow. Furthermore, the conclusion will include an analysis of the empirical result, theoretical analysis, answering of the questions posed and lastly lay out possible future studies.
2.2 Comparative design, Definitions, and DCS
Firstly, in this section the description of a case study needs to be clarified, this study will adopt the description of a case-study presented by George
& Bennett. That is, a class of events which are of scientific interest, that includes governmental regimes, economic systems, or the study of
personality types in which the observer will use to develop a theory (2005, pp: 17-18). In this study the different outcomes of the most democratic former colonies are the interest and how the empires’ regimes affected them is a part to explain their potential success or failure. Secondly, the design of this study is comparative, which is the design that is often considered and recommended for theory centred studies. What it entails is the assessment of the utility of and/or validity of a theory which can also lead to an insight for the theory's application (George & Bennett, p: 75).
Since this study aims to explain the case of imperialism being beneficiary for democratization for Ghana and the disservice in Senegal using Mill this study will utilize the method of disciplined configurative case-study
(DCS). What DCS centres itself with is to explain a case by using existing theory to examine the potential causality of a case (Esaiasson et. al., 2017, p: 41). Methodologically this will start by choosing a suitable theory which posits between the independent and dependent variable, this will later be part of prediction or a generalization (George & Bennett, 2005, p:
181). In this study the author has chosen the arguments for imperialism made by Mill as theory to apply to the cases of Ghana and Senegal. A potential risk with this method is the similarity to the theory testing case study since the suitability of the theory is also being tested in the analysis of this study (George & Bennett, p: 75). This will indirectly become a part of the analysis; the author is aware of this and will focus on the theory’s application on the case.
2.3 Material
Firstly, the source of Mill’s arguments will derive from articles written by Eileen Sullivan and Duncan Bell. Most of Mill’s thoughts will be
extracted from Sullivan’s article, since she composed the thoughts of Mill to arguments. This study will use a mix of academic sources which includes articles, reports, books, and news outlets for the introduction.
These sources will stem from databanks, primarily Onesearch and Google Scholar. To ensure credibility will sources be chosen with search filters, for this study the usage of peer-reviewed and relevant topics for databanks have been applied. Criticism of sources are vital to ensure that the study deters false sources, since misinformation is more common due to the emergence of social media. To ensure that this study will provide sound analysis, the authenticity is controlled by closely reading and questioning if the article is correct, sources can be cross referenced if needed. The search of independent sources is needed to ensure that the actual content is truthful. To combat this the need to find a study which supports the source in question. The source’s distance to the event is needed to be examined, if a secondary source is being retold by another the risk of retelling wrong
aspects is high. Lastly, the source needs to be independent, the source may have external influences which inhibits truthful recollection of an event.
The author of an article needs to be examined, there may be a conflict of interest which may distort the truth (Esaiasson, et. al., 2017, pp: 287-296).
2.4 Validity
This is one of the central problems of a study, its validity. It exists several types of validity, there is conceptual validity which is the lack of
systematic and unsystematic errors and there is the performance validity which is the gauging of the operationalization of theoretical concepts (Esaiasson, et. al., 2017, p: 58). Because of the rare approach to Mill’s arguments in that this study will utilize Mill’s thoughts uniquely in an analysis model, there is a low chance to acquire validity of reasoning.
Which is to work cumulatively, use precedent operationalizations to ensure a secure study in a nuanced field (Esaiasson, et. al., p: 61). What this study is relying on is the performance validity, which is to research with no systemic error, this may be due to errors in the information gathering or a typo. This is already accounted for during the criticism of sources. The second criteria is bound to the operationalization of the indicators, this study will utilize Dahl’s polyarchy as the indicator for the cultural argument, which is utilized by V-dem and Freedom House Index.
This indicates that polyarchy is regularly used to describe the state of a democracy. Mill’s dependency is linked in that Mill describes the goal of a non-democratic state, which is democratization. This study will examine how Mill’s imperialism can explain the case of democratization in
colonial Ghana and Senegal. The generalizations that can be made is narrowed down to the cases of colonies and the possible reasons for them to develop. The byproduct of the comparative design is such that details
which will emerge in the research may be utilized further cumulatively but since the cases are few in this study the range is determined by cases involved (Esaiasson, et. al., p: p: 122).
2.5 Limitations
This study will limit the analytical period into a certain period. The period will cover the pre-colonial state of the colonies to the independence of the colonies. This will be 1679 – 1960 for Senegal and 1874 – 1958 for Ghana. Moreover, this study’s approach is qualitative, this study’s
qualitative approach requires insight of the historical, social and economic context to enable an agreeable outcome and analysis. This will limit the authors number of cases to two, this is to accentuate the strengths of case study methods. The case study design can explore and exemplify
theoretical indicators which are diffuse. The strengths of the case study lay in the conceptual validity, which is to identify what best represent
theoretical concepts, particularly diffuse concepts like democracy. The possibility to explore a new variable, the adaptability of the case-study is grander than the one of a statistical design. The case study can examine causal mechanisms in few samples, this enables theoretical explanations to cases. Lastly, the case study is accommodating in the complex situations of explaining interactions between causal relations, this may require that a researcher study the timeline of a certain case (George & Bennett, 2005, pp: 19-22).
3. Theory
In this segment Imperialism as an idea is to be presented but also the pillars of benevolent imperialism which is the foundation of solving the question posed. The thoughts of Mill will exemplify the idea of positive imperialism and will furthermore also be utilized to try to explain the effects of imperialism/colonialism on democratic development for the cases.
3.1 The ideology of Imperialism
For this study, the idea of imperialism as a benevolent force for
democracy is going to be presented, this is to examine Ghana and Senegal, and their success and failure to develop into a democracy after their
independence. Imperialism cannot be described as a theory, but as the practice, policy, and advocacy of extending a state’s economic and political power over foreign territory (Encyclopædia Britannica, 2020).
This definition is not sufficient due to the nuances between colonialism and imperialism, instead This study will utilize the definition which Horvath presented. Imperialism is according to Horvath an intergroup domination where the number of settlers are a small number of people.
Colonialism is the intergroup domination where the settler count is high, and the seizing of land is permanent. Horvath describes that the seizing of land in Africa was imperialistic, while colonies like Canada and New Zealand were colonized (Horvath, 1972, 47).
3.2 Mill’s thoughts and supporters of imperialism
The idea of expanding the great empires of the nineteenth century were not dismayed due to support from great thinkers of the time. There were positive aspects of imperialistic expansion during that time. This ought not to be ignored, combined with tension on the European continent led the empires to Africa. The qualitative method suggests that the study should
encompass the historical, economical and social context to enable a reliable analysis (Vromen, 2018, p: 245). This study found John Stuart Mill’s thoughts and support of the British imperialism, to best exemplify the strengths of its benevolence. He was an outspoken believer of
individualism and proponent of the individual’s right to acquire a higher quality of life (Heywood, 2017, p: 53) and a supporter of the British expansion until his death (Bell, 2009, 35). This controversial aspect of Mill may be traced to the founder of liberal thought, John Locke. Locke’s thoughts concerning management of property can act as a defence of European and American expansion and taking of agricultural land (Bishop, 1997, 313). What were the benefits which an empire could provide to a colony? In Sullivan’s article which concerns Mill’s
justification of imperialism, Mill thought that the expansion of the British empire would positively affect the colonies economy, culture, and grant political influence for the colonizer. Economically, Mill had a belief of that it existed a surplus of population and capital which Mill argued meant that the empire can afford to invest into foreign endeavours. This thought was linked to Edward Gibbon Wakefield who claimed that a surplus of capital and population would lead to a decrease of profit (Sullivan, 1983, 607). Wakefield was also in favour of a systemic colonization due to his idea of settlers (akin to the British and French in West Africa) as a propagator of European civilization (Harrington, 2015, 334). Both Wakefield and Mill tried to solve the issue of surplus of capital and population which can be deemed futuristic, Mill and Wakefield believed that expansion would counteract the increasement of wages and decreased productivity due to strained resources and urbanization (Sullivan, 607).
The cultural argument of Mill was bound to the spread of the British culture, akin to Wakefield’s thoughts, imperialism would serve a
civilizing purpose which would lead the more uncivilized nations to fold.
The treatment of the natives was dependent on their cultural standing and what grade the culture of the natives were. Uncivilized cultures were
situated in Asia and in Africa, these were deemed barbarous territories (Sullivan, 610). These thoughts were shared by Cecil Rhodes, they were not disgracing but virtuous for the British during this time-period
(Rotberg, 1988, 149). These civilizations were classified by Mill as being either “dependencies'', nations that were capable of representative rule and those who were “a great distance of the state” (Bell, 2009, 35-36). Mill supported rule over these types of occupied territory which were ongoing during his lifetime, he was not in favour of violent conquests, the culture was not the fault of the living but of history which an imperialistic rule could counteract (Sullivan, 1983, 610). Lastly the political argument was directed towards the prestige of the British empire would generate if expansion occurred. What Mill meant was that with territory came power which could aid the empire and its intervening international affairs, the British empire being the most developed country, would not act in only in its interest but also in the interest of humanity. Mill was adamant that the influence of the Empire could solve international conflicts and intervene in other nations' domestic affairs. He was also adamant in not disturbing revolutions since it showed that the people were ready to fight for their freedom, which shows an understanding of a more civilized culture (Sullivan, 612).
3.3 The critics of Imperialism
The imperialistic expansion was not an uncontested thought and practice, in modern times imperialism is used derogatory for expansive policies in international politics (Encyclopædia Britannica, 2020). As a practice, imperialism has been criticized for a plethora of reasons, by liberal thinkers, socialist thinkers, and former colonised people. In the subject of economic benefits, Karl Marx has outlaid the deficiency of the capitalist system and exploitation is one of them. He meant that the capitalist societies had changed the way of how production entered the market, it was only the surplus produced from the fields of feudalism that were sold,
ensuring the survival of the seller and even left the seller with the choice of what crop to further use. However, with the capitalist system the aim is to maximize profit which leads to owners of production competing against each other which leads to exploitation of the workforce (Kiely, 2018, pp:
112-113). This led to Marx thought of imperialism as the pinnacle of capitalism, the colonization of Ireland by the British empire, was a pyre fuelled led by the interests of English capitalists. Besides the economical aspect of exploitation, the social destruction that would follow was ensured due to the nature of capitalists (Magnusson, 2002, p: 48).
Although the criticism was present, Marx acknowledged the benefits of capitalism and its encompassing nature, he marked the system as a tragic necessity. Capitalism acted as an equalizer, advancing the economy of less developed nations, thereby ensuring that the less developed nations caught up (Kiely, 2018, p: 115; Magnusson, 2002, p: 47). Adam Smith, a liberal key-figure, argued against the expansion via economic arguments. The protection of territories would require resources for their defence and that the grand benefits of the ensued trade was an illusion of political leaders (Williams, 2014, 15), the monopoly of the European economies was a hindrance not the salvation to the empires’ economies. Culturally, the argument echoed the thoughts of Marx who believed in the social
devastation of the capitalists. The practitioners of imperialism were often described as individuals driven with a racist agenda, one prevalent being Cecil Rhodes, he was a strong believer of the British race being the superior (Rotberg, 1988, 100).
Political argument is intertwined with the social argument and its faults.
The prestige of the empires is a diffuse term, in that power can be relative.
The empire's ability to act within nations domestic affairs is a ground for criticism, the idea of Africa is according to the postcolonial thinker Mbembe. the political argument for the West to separate itself from.
Furthermore, the West established its identity within this separation from the perceived lesser Africa (2001, p: 2). Frantz Fanon questions the
imperialistic rule further and the willingness of the empires to behave benevolently, in accordance with Mill’s principle of not interrupt revolutions. He noted that the bourgeoisie were quick to adhere to the revolutionaries when violence threatened, only then would compromises arrive, which Fanon saw as their last resort (Fanon, 2002, pp: 61-62).
There is however the diffuse definition in which Mill himself has presented; he had several instances of uncertainty. The uprising of Hungarians and Poles against Austria was an unclear case since Austria was not a foreign power. The issue of intervening in revolution became an unruly area in the thoughts of Mill. While in cases akin to the case of the Irish uprising was easy to define, Ireland had, according to Mill, an inadequate idea of freedom (Sullivan, 1983, 613). This shows the nuances of the world and the difficulties of conflicts and for the empire, the
difficulty to act magnanimously in those conflicts.
3.4 Democratization and Dahl’s polyarchy
The issue of what constitutes a democracy and democratization need clarification to enable a proper analysis for this study. Democratization is the process of exchanging an autocratic system to a democratic system, thereby making the state more democratic (Bernhagen, 2019, p: 53).
Democracy can be defined in several ways, minimalist, maximalist or as a system of governance. To clarify, this study will use the definition of Dahl’s polyarchy. Przeworski defends the idea of the minimalist definition as equal, what Przeworski describes, to be the normative idea of the maximalist definition. He states that a legitimate democracy is where the rulers are elected by competitive elections (1999, 1). The maximalist definition does not adhere to the binary definition of the minimalist but to the idea of a more nuanced definition, which the Freedom House Index (FHI) is founded upon; Dahl’s polyarchy (Denk, 2013, 3458). Dahl’s polyarchy is meant to exist as a substitute of what Dahl considered the unattainable, actual democracy, and created seven criteria for a polyarchy
to exist i.e., institutional guarantees. These seven criteria are (Dahl, 1989, p: 221):
● Elected officials, governmental decisions are exercised by elected officials.
● Free and fair elections, the officials are chosen frequently and fairly with few/no cases of coercion.
● Inclusive suffrage, all adults who are able, have the right to vote in elections.
● The right to run for office, all adults have the right to campaign and obtain a position as an official.
● Freedom of expression, the right to freely comment about the regime and political matters without the threat of violence.
● Alternative information, the right and existence of alternative sources of information and data.
● Associational autonomy, the right to form independent associations or organizations, including political parties.
Furthermore, the economical aspect of a polyarchy needs to be discussed, or rather its exclusion. Economic development and democratization are considered interlinked by some (Huntington, 1993, p: 59), Dahl however, argues that the democratic society ought to allocate resources to optimize and to secure the freedom of self-determination, which is the primary benefit of democratic order. The freedom to act freely in the marketplace is the standard economic view, but the uneven resource allocation makes Dahl questions if an equal freedom in the marketplace can truly exist (Dahl, p: 326).
3.5 Conclusion of theory
What Mill argued was the benefits of imperialistic rule but in a benevolent manner, the role of the empire was to advance the society in three
categories, economy, cultural and political. The expected economical
benefits were the allocation of population and an increment of salaries, in accordance with Wakefield. This point is contested by Marx, who inferred that the exploitation of the capitalist will only secure the suffering of the lower classes, although capitalism might bring a higher quality of life.
Smith argued instead that the cost would greatly succeed the expected profit, due to the need to defend the colonies to be. Mill’s cultural argument is bound to the advancement of the civilization, which was a virtue believed by other imperialists. The barbarian societies would be developed to “dependencies'' and brought to the fold of the modern world;
this would counter the disadvantage which was caused by history. The cultural argument was criticised due to the colonizers having racist tendencies. Furthermore, Marx argued that the capitalists will exploit, but as the material standard increased the exploited will not notice their lived exploitation. The political argument was bound to the influence in the international arena, the more land an empire possesses, the more power it can exert upon others. This power was not oppressive, for Mill it was humanitarian because of the empires being developed civilization, it would be acting like a guide for the rest. However, the political argument is diffuse since Mill himself had difficulties to implement the idea of the benevolent intervention in foreign affairs, the nuances of conflicts during his lifetime proved a challenge for an empire to act altruistically.
Furthermore, the critique of imperialists is that the West has a loathing of Africa, the idea of Africa is indeed the opposite of what is to be yearned for. Moreover, Fanon argued that the imperialists may act peacefully if the threat of and/or violence is imminent.
The definition of democracy is bi-faceted, minimalist and maximalist. The minimalist definition is described by Przeworski, as democracy as a state which chooses its officials via competitive elections with the voters having an equal number of votes. The maximalist definition is defined by Dahl and the criteria of a polyarchy, which is the closest to realise the ideal democracy. A stable economy or its status in the country is not
included despite its potential connection, Dahl claims that the standard economic view and its perception of equality is flawed since the allocation of resources is differently spread, hence unequal. Przeworski argued against the maximalist definition and it being superior by implying that the definition is normative, akin to Dahl’s idea of democracy as an ideal and polyarchy our reality.
3.6 Model of analysis and indicators
The economic argument is based in the dispersion of the population and in the equilibrium of wages (Sullivan, 1983, 607). To measure population is to utilize the demographics of a country. This is to represent Mill’s idea of the spreading of population. However, it exists a fault in the process in which Mill prescribes, the definition of imperialism is not the spread of a grand number of permanent settlers but the overseeing of a colony; fewer individuals included in the settling (Horvath, 1972, 47). The second part of Mill’s economic argument is to find a new equilibrium for the wages in England. To measure this this study will track the timeline for the wages in France and in the British Empire and their colonies. Since the
economical aspect of Mills’ arguments does not have a democratic foundation (Dahl, 1989, p: 326) this indicator will be centred on the claims of Mill and if they are supported.
The cultural argument of Mill is bound to the increase of the grade of civilization, to measure this, the study will use the definitions of democracy previously described to determine if/when the empires promoted the minimalist or the maximalist idea of democracy. Since the aim of imperialism and colonization was to transform states that were “in a great distance of the state” to “dependencies” (Bell, 2009, 35-36). The indicators of the cultural argument are hence, bound to the transforming of the colonized to the democracy definition that it correlates to. The first indicator of democratic transformation is what is the most similar to Mills’
“dependencies” which is the minimalist definition of democracy.
However, since Dahl’s polyarchy already includes it; the polyarchy and its criteria will act as indicators measuring the cultural effect the empires had.
The distinctions made by Mill are to act indicators. Domestic affairs are to be intervened if the aggressor was a foreign power but not in a domestic uprising because it is considered an act of independence (Sullivan, 1983, 612). He argued further that the British may create an alliance against foreign powers if they threatened freedom (Sullivan, 613). Hence, the indicators of the political argument are the intervention in domestic uprisings in the colonies and the response to external threat to the threats of freedom.
Table 3.6 Model of analysis
Independent Variables
Mill’s imperialism Indicators, Dependent Variables
The Economical Argument
● A dispersion of the population
● A new
equilibrium for wages
● Dispersion of the population
● Wages stabilizing
The Cultural Argument
● Transforming the uncivilized culture to a
“Dependency”
● Dahl’s criteria for the
polyarchy The Political
Argument
● A grander influence upon
● Not
intervening in uprisings
the world order.
● Responding to external threats on freedom.
1 May be based on oral traditions, this has made certain knowledge of historical events
4. Empirical Analysis
Here the cases of Ghana and Senegal will be presented and explained by using the model of analysis presented in the precedent part of the study.
Firstly, the countries’ pre-colonial status will be explored and presented.
Secondly, the analysis model will be applied to the countries during the colonized period. Lastly, the economic, cultural, and political status at the decolonization by the empires, will be presented to conclude this study’s analysis.
4.1.1 Pre-colonial Ghana
The pre-colonial Ghana was not a full-fledged nation but an assortment of kingdoms controlling certain regions that were the foundation of empire of the Ashanti (Amaaldi, 2015, 26, 28; Gareth, 2007, 97-98; Khapoya, 2010, p: 96). Whose economy depended on fundamental mining operations which could be performed by basic means (Amaldi, 2015, 26; Hilson, 2002, 16) and by an increasing slave-trade which overtook the mining and the traditional agricultural economy (Perbi, 2001, 2). The political
structure was thereby based on kingdoms and chiefs acting as the directors of labour (Fynn, 1987, 108). Despite the apparent low grade of
civilization, with a non-existing industrialization, there were traces of highly sophisticated feats of political understanding, specifically in maintaining peace in ambiguous parts of kingdoms (Fynn, 110). The culture of the pre-colonial kingdoms placed kings above the law with no 1 potential scrutiny against his position, whatever the atrocity. This was due to the king’s position being divinely blessed, this made the kings’
authority unopposable (Igboin, 2015, 149). The chiefs had the possibility
of being a part of a kingdom, paying tribute to kings or acting independent (Gareth, 2007, 97). They acted also as heads of the legislative, executive and judicial part of society, this made them vital for the traditional rural work and the community (Asamoah, 2018, 11). The colonization of the area began by the British lead coalition, which included local powers, in 1874 which led to the establishment of a colonial administration (Gareth, 2007, 98).
4.1.2 Economic indicators to the Gold Coast
Due to the takeover of the regions of the former Ashanti-province, the British started to control, and changed the name of the newly controlled province to Gold Coast (Hilson, 2002, 20). The economical overtake did show positive effects for the colonies’ economy, the wage level on the British West Africa was double its eastern counterparts for an unskilled labourer. That situation remained unchanged during the entirety of the colonization in the Gold Coast. (Frankema & Waijenburg, 2012, 901). The wage of the British worker was similar in nature, they remained higher on the continent. The wage outpaced the German wage for agricultural work, industrial work, and service work (Broadberry & Burhop, 2010, 401-402).
Even if the wage was higher than its German counterpart, the British wage worker had a stagnating nature. Moreover, despite the increased output of the worker in the British Empire, the wage remained. This was factored by the industrial revolutions’ different technological developments which increased the productivity of the workers, at the same time the profit developed in a direction which benefited the owner, in lieu of the workers (Allen, 2009, 433, 434). This expansion of the Gold Coast’s economy was the change to cash-crop agriculture which expanded the production in areas with fertile lands, near the coast and urban areas. This change was necessary due to the British having abolished slavery which staggered the economy, hence the expansion of cash-crops became the substitute
(Valsecchi, 2014, 226-227). The improvements to agriculture also affected the most coveted aspect of the Gold Coast, it’s gold mining. The need for this resource resulted in an expansion of the colony’s infrastructure from the mines to the coast, this new infrastructure also transported cocoa.
Although these improvements brought new levels of revenue, it did not affect the unemployment (Kilingray, 1987, 153). One of the byproducts of the seemingly, ever expanding nature of the British Empire, was the increase of the total population. Which is self-explanatory, more land generates more people under control. During the colonization of the Gold Coast, had the British Empire 393 colonial holdings under its control, but also the largest empire (Magnusson, 2002, p: 21; Frankema, 2010, 446).
The emigration to the Gold Coast was in accordance with the definition of Horvath’s concerning imperialistic control; few settlers chose to inhabit the newly formed colony. This resulted in small colonial governments, this was in the disfavour of the colonizer since the collection of taxes was still a priority to gain economic benefits. The anticipation of revolts became paramount since the cost of moving imperial armies is costly, thus taxes and their equilibrium, became a controlling means to counteract revolts (Frankema, 2010, 451).
4.1.3 Cultural indicator to the Gold Coast
Due to the small size of colonizers, the imposed rule which both the British and the French utilized was indirect. The alternative was the costly colonization and moving of imperial armies to secure the colonies.
Indirect rule consisted of maintaining the traditional hierarchy of power by keeping chiefs at their pre-colonial position, this thought was typical British who wanted to preserve the positive aspects of the native culture;
this promoted autonomy (Crowder, 1964, 197-198). This did also provide chiefs with judicial power to create a “chiefly order”, which was to preserve traditional rule, to gain efficiency (Gocking, 1997, 63). One of these aspects was the activism of elite women, who were educated and
wealthy. These acted as aggregators of support for the colonial rule which included the gathering of resources in the Anglo-Asante war 1873-1874, these women successfully called to European elites and their support (Akurang-Parry, 2004, 468). The society was not an equal society,
tradition centred the power around male-dominance which meant arranged marriages with the women’s worth being dictated by the tradition and its praxis (Ahanotu, 2000, p: 44). The traditional aspect of the native culture included witchcraft, which was condemned by the British (Olsen, 2003, 224), it was characterized also having an economy which based itself around slave trading. Despite the abolition made by the British, slavery was not erased, it existed illegally and through bonded labourers. The circumvention of the abolition was enabled due to weak and ineffectual regulation from the 1820’s, this also led to a different terminology when referring to bonded labourers on the farms (Valsecchi, 2014, 226-227).
The cultural development started with the exclusion of unwanted cultural elements like the aforementioned witchcraft. These cultural traditions were considered fetishes, these traditions did contain violent acts, such as murder, which forced action from the administration. Furthermore, the churches deemed these altars/practices of the old religion detrimental to the society and would convince the population of what was savagery and barbarism. When the colonial administration acted against this, the following of the old religion was considered primitive and degenerative.
This meant that Christianity became a symbol of progress and it was expected by the natives to conform and denounce their traditions (Olsen, 2003, 224).
The abolition of slavery was part of a reformation within the British Empire that occurred 1832, the abolition was a part of a period of change for the British parliament. The system pre-reform was inefficient,
complex, and inconsistent in praxis (Ertman, 2010, 1005). This change was a response to the demands of public, who demanded that the end to discrimination of religious minorities (ibid.). This reform was but a
highlight of an empire whose “democratic” system was filled with vice and deficiencies. Gender, property, residential qualifications in
employment, education and racial criteria were imposed throughout the political system. What some may consider the most important task for the political system was one of the empire’s greatest failures, Responsibility.
Before the reformation, the parliament had no judicial tools to combat the other branches and vice versa (Owen, 2019, 975). These points were addressed in the reform in 1832, not completely, however the reform solidified the parliament's role as the check to the other branches of government. This also laid the foundation for the future two-party system and the political landscape (Ertman, 2010, 1009-1010). The explanation of why the empire had a democratic reform can be explained by Huntington.
He argued that the empire was under the influence of what Huntington called the first wave of democratization. With the French and American revolution having taken place a generation before the reforms made in the British Empire where according to Huntington, influenced by the
revolutions. However, the term and definition of democracy was still unlike the definitions which are utilized in modern political science and this study. What constituted a democracy was based on two criteria, firstly, 50 % of adult males were able to vote and secondly, the elected officials must have majority support in an agreed upon institution. Before 1832, only the United States qualified but as mentioned before, the British followed suit and qualified (Huntington, 1993, pp: 16-17). The Gold Coast did receive educational development for its population, teachers from the mainland embarked to the colony. With them they brought thoughts of emancipation for the native women from traditional bonds (Constantine, 2018, 474). These schools were established primarily by missionaries, this was an attempt to evangelize the natives (Coe, 2002, 24), moreover, the European education was used by the natives in political, economic, and socio-psychological reasons (Berman, 1974, 528). The investment in which Britain had also meant an approval of the educational level in the
colony. The region of Achimota became a symbol of the colonizers’
aspirations for the colony however, the idea of mass education had only periodical support (Coe, 2002, 25-26). What the centralization of education did was to enable uneven educational level in the colony, the northern areas of the Gold Coast had less commitment from the British, which resulted in less productivity and lower levels of education for its inhabitants (Thomas, 1974, 427-428).
4.1.4 Political indicator for the Gold Coast
Political change arrived with the first and second world war. During the first world war, the Gold Coast had entered as a part of the British effort against the German-controlled Togoland, which resulted in success.
Despite only existing in the peripheral of the war, the economy suffered due to the worldwide conflict that had impaired the international trade.
And with the Gold Coast being a country dominated by exporting wares, predominantly gold (Kilingray, 1987, 158). Domestically, the war had meant the sending of men and resources, although the amount of them were limited due to the lack of conscription posed by the British. This was caused by the lack of colonial troops and police which numbered around 3,000. Forced conscription was also a method to prevent unrest, they had support from like minded in the population, but they were not a majority (Kilingray, 1978, 39-40). The consequence of a higher education, fraternizing with the Europeans during the Great War, had led to the disbelief of the European superiority (Akurang-Parry, 2002, p: 66). With this disbelief combined with the education provided by the British, the population of the Gold Coast started to create unions formed by native elites. These elites made up the new growing civil society, these were tested during several strikes and boycotts against unfair trade agreements concerning prices of cocoa in the 1920’s and in the 1930’s (Boahen, 1987,
p: 80, 81). These unions could grow because of the falling of empires and the idea of a global world order posed by the British, and by accentuating negotiation above weaponized conflict (Holmila & Ihalainen, 2018, 25-26). The second world war brought more freedom and thoughts of nationalism to the Gold Coast. The colony would experience the biggest propaganda initiative in West Africa concerning imperial needs for the coming war versus Germany (Holbrook, 1985, 348). News were possible to spread due to the growing native newspapers, these establishments could propagate the upcoming ideas of nationalism and pan-africanism.
Although, only literate individuals were able to successfully express ideas, even it only existed in a few native papers (Newell, 2009, 2). With new technology came new thinkers who would challenge colonial rule, for the Gold Coast was Kwame Nkrumah the primary challenger of the British rule. He had grand aspirations for the Gold Coast, being educated in the Gold Coast and the United States, he had dreams of the colony’s uprising akin to the American revolution (Tunteng, 1973, 234). He was the reason for several uprisings, in connection to one of his arrests he would create the Convention People’s Party (CPP). The party combined with strikes from unions would lay the foundation of the Coussey constitution, which allowed elections which Nkrumah and the CPP would win in 1951 (Adekunle, 2002, 391), this meant that the colony was autonomous with Nkrumah as leader (Tsikata, 1997, 9). Eradicating the old chiefdoms and their influence in the political arena with the ever-expanding civil society.
These changes from an indirect rule with strict control to the process of self-governance were enabled by the aftermath of the Second World War.
The war had left the British Empire in a compromised position with the goal of its rule to the hindrance and/or control the speed of decolonization (Owen, 2019, 986). The process of independence began between
1951-1957, with the end of that time-period being the year in which the Gold Coast proclaimed itself as the nation of Ghana. With the
independence being given 1958, the colony had good prerequisites to
develop into a liberal democracy with a constitution and a multi-party system with basic protection of rights (Gyimah-Boadi, 1994, 76).
4.2.1 Senegal before the conquest
The French expansion to Senegal occurred in the late nineteenth-century, the reason being the need to recover from what the French considered being an embarrassment, which was the loss to the Germans in the war between 1870-1871. The war had resulted in the loss of the productive region of Alsace-Lothringen and with the quelling of the uprising in Paris.
The domestic issues overtaken the focus from the former
imperialistic-minded regime of Napoleon III. The demand grew via the civil society for a new polity for Africa, Algeria and Senegal was to be connected via train-tracks. This would be possible with the election of Charles de Freycinet in 1879, who publicly shared this growing trend (Magnusson, 2002, pp: 18-19). The situation in which the French were to take over was complicated, the political situation of what is considered the modern Senegal, was dependent on the region (Riley, 2012, p: 4). The French presence in the region was not unfamiliar, the French had direct control over the northwest coastline and Saint-Louis from 1659, with interruptions in the aftermath of the Napoleonic War, but regained it in 1817 (Diouf, 1998, 672). The pre-colonial era was marked by trade between the French (and Europeans) and the surrounding regions
controlled by the Kaabu of the Mandinka Kingdom and Futa Jallon. The Kaabu ruled federally, elite-families controlled certain sub-regions, while the Futa Jallon were an Islamic federation controlling the south-east (Riley, 2012, p: 4). However, the French were occasionally in contact with local Muslim hermits called, marabouts. These hermits acted as a liaison between the French and the countryside to gain support. This need was exploited by the marabouts, they would gain political fervour and autonomy, this was to ensure their position as religious mystics and not political elites (Ratton, 1986, 65-66). This trade was led by administrators
like Louis Faidherbe, who saw the potential in the surrounding the
French-controlled Senegal, particularly the Futa Jallon (McGowan, 1981, 245). The expansion started earnestly after 1876, the native resistance was organized by religious groups but lacked coordination. The uncoordinated resistance was beaten by 1891 and that started what the Senegalese call
“temps de gouverneurs” or “the time of governors”, signifying the start of the colonization (Gouvernement de Sénégal, 2000). The control of what is known as the French West Africa did not solidify until 1904, then the French rule applied. But even when the Europeans were able to effectively govern, resistance and traditional rule were present (Huillery, 2009, 179, 180).
4.2.2 Economic indicator for Senegal
Economically was Senegal, akin to the Gold Coast, a recipient of unusual high investments due to the economic potential of the region and the already existing trade agreements. Nuts, palm-oil, and groundnuts were examples of riches in which the market was enamoured with, to the point of disturbing the selling of slaves (Getz, 2004, p: xvii). Peanuts accounted for 85 % of the export from the Senegalese territory, which led to the French wanting to increase its production. To expand the export, several ameliorations were put in place. These aimed to improve the
administrative structures, the infrastructure and construction of railways, which distinguished the French economic development in the region (Bonneuil, 1999, 274). This did have positive effects for the French
economy, by 1914, which is less than ten years of rule, had the cumulative domestic production exceeded 3,2 billion francs. With an annual cost of 0,29 % of the public expenditure, this did not carry over to the French West-Africans. The revenue from the French provided 2 % of the colony’s revenue, the rest derived from taxes. Since the civil servants of the French were under French law, their salary adapted to the metropolitan way of life. Which meant that there were full benefits, due to French law, that
also included additional allowances because the civil servants worked abroad. That meant that the majority of the investments made in Senegal by the French, were mostly paid by Senegalese (Huillery, 2014, 5,6).
What was also the consequence of the growing economic power was the deterioration of nature in some regions; the physical health of the workers declined and with several wars looming for the French. Meant for the natives a reason to migrate, with the French supporting the status-quo.
This thought led to erosion of soils and other natural side-effects (Clark, 1995, 198, 199). A mark of the French (and the British) was the
anti-slavery rhetoric, which existed even before the conquest of the Senegalese region. In 1848 had the French introduced the
emancipation-act to the Senegalese, this reflected a shifting paradigm in the nineteenth century (Getz, 2004, p: xviii). What is to be considered is that compared to the British, had the French a reputation of being more considerate to their slaves, which was dependent on the “code noir”. The
“code noir” acted as a legal hindrance to obscene behaviour,
contemporary political thinkers like Adam Smith found the law amiable and the reason for the success of the French sugar colonies
(Wyman-McCarthy, 2018, 33, 34). This initiative of emancipation was implemented; however, the result was the opposite. The regions that continued practice slavery, particularly the coastal regions, were more profitable. This were due to the profit of the slavery, the desolation, and the slave raids performed by the slavers. Which put the surrounding regions in a disadvantage, in size of population and production (Cappelli
& Baten, 2017, 945). The effects for the wage for the French worker are inconclusive, since the real wage, has historically had an irregular path.
The sensitivity of rise and booms were high in the rural areas of France, this combined with the fact that the French were not considered a high wage country made the economic success not present for the average Frenchman (Ridolfi, 2019, 622). The French had left Senegal with a GDP which was average, compared to the region (Andersson & Andersson,
2019, 211) and high public expenditure ratio for civil servants due to the high salaries (Andersson & Andersson, 227).
4.2.3 Cultural indicator for Senegal
Culturally, the application of the indirect rule was the logical thing to do, similar to the British in the Gold Coast. The structure of the colonial administration was analogous to a pyramid, at the top ruled a general governor for the federation or in this case the region of West Africa. Next was the lieutenants who acted as the head of a colony and below them were administrators who handled subdivisions and subregions. The administrators were the local power, and had direct influence over their regions (Huillery, 2009, 181). Officially were these systems meant to uphold the values of France which included the idea of equality between all walks of life, this was true only for the inhabitants of the Four
Communes (Bruschi, 2005, 503). The Four Communes were situated on the Senegalese coast (Hassett, 2019, 762), which were under the direct rule of France (Capelli & Baten, 2017, 921). The Four Communes had the rights of the “real” French, in that political rights, participation, and influence in the l'Assemblee Nationale were extended to its inhabitants (Diouf, 1998, 673, Klein, 2009, 912). The Four Communes can be perceived as the French attempt to transform the colonies and their population to French citizens (Bruschi, 2005, 503). This attempt was tested early in the election of a representative in 1848 in the cities of Saint-Louis and Gorée. The qualifying aspect of the vote was proven residence of five years in the region, this was part of a growing trend in the region with established municipal offices some years before. This election was also the first time the general public voted (Diouf, 1998, 673). After the First World War the appreciation of the troops from the colonies was overwhelming for the minister of the colony, Henri Simon.
He proclaimed that France owed a debt to the troops from the colonies, which would be repaid. But the cultural differences between the mainland
and the colonies were great, the victory for the mainland was to the empire and for the native troops the victory was a celebration of the empire’s superiority. However, the unequal treatment in which the indigenous people experienced, based on racism, did confuse the message of unity and showed appreciation by the Europeans (Hassett, 2019, 763). One attempt to show appreciation was to grant the soldiers of the First World War rights akin to the Europeans, but that reform did not succeed due to the fear of the political ramifications of granting the soldiers political rights. Instead, the soldiers returned to the traditional role, which the French indirect rule upheld (Thomas, 2005, p: 24). These attempts were later a part of a reformation attempt made by Martin Assaut to change the administration of the colonies in line with Max Weber. (Thomas, 2009, 994). The new direction of the federal government was a part of the
“colonial humanists” who argued for the association of the natives, since a direct rule with a more assertive politique would lead to greater local resistance (Thomas, 2005, p: 78). Thus, the need to an economic and political support was expressed by Assaut, but he was weary of the needs of the indigenous and French in the colonies (Thomas, 2009, 996). This is exemplified by the abolition of forced mobilization in 1947, of workers which had occurred during the colonization of West Africa (Tiquet, 2018, 136). This signified the growing resentment of the mistreatment of
slavery, even under pseudonyms akin to “forced mobilization”, whose function was to satisfy the imperial expansion of France during the early stages of West African dominance (Tiquet, 137). The balance in which Assaut sought after had mixed results, as mentioned before was the Four Communes on the coast of Senegal the only region with extended
European rights. Elections were held only in the region, which meant that political rights were honoured but that was not an actuality for the
majority of Senegalese (Gouvernment de Sénégal, 2000). Concerning civil society, had the French been more agreeable in the later stages of the colonization. During the 1930’s, before the Second World War, had the
colonial administration approved the creations of trade unions and other types of associations which concerned collective bartering (Thomas, 2005, p: 293). The Dakar government, the ruling body in Senegal, had been recognized as an exemplary role-model for the other colonies (Thomas, p:
294).
The educational aspect of Senegal was similar to the British, the development of the education started with religious movements,
missionaries had established eight schools. The churches had monopoly on education, despite the large influence of Islam in Senegal (Thomas, 2005, p: 168). The education provided by the French did grant a full education, the combined educational path of first attending missionary school to complete the education at a state-founded lycée. The number of natives who were able to complete an education were few, but the
opportunity was present for the inhabitants of the coast (Duke Bryant, 2015, p: 5). Senegal was privileged because of the possibility of a full education, in other French colonies like Niger and Mauritania the creation of native schools was forbidden. According to Thomas, the goal of the French education was to supply the administration with workers who could mediate between the Europeans and the indigenous. This, combined with the French missionary schools, spread the French language, and made it the majority language (2005, p: 171).
4.2.4 Political indicator for Senegal
What Senegal gave to the French empire was the ability to protect itself in the world wars, the dependence of colonial troops which France needed.
The French colonial administration described the war effort from the native, a debt which was obligated to be repaid even if the celebration and what it stood for was uncertain in nature (Hassett, 2019, 763). There was no need for interventions in Senegal since the French were willing to work
with the Senegalese as part of the association process (Thomas, 2005, p:
78). Even with limited political rights, the major conflicts were part of the conquests of the late nineteenth century (Gouvernement de Sénégal, 2000). The wars had led to several sexual relationships between colonial troops and metropolitan French women. It also seemed that these
relationships also provoked anti-imperialistic and anti-racist thought which could have political ramifications (Fogarty, 2008, 67). This was not that the French army was unwilling or incompetent, but the region of Senegal was more mellow than other countries. The French are known to posit a culture of counterinsurgency, that is acting preventative to nullify a possible uprising (DeVore, 2018, 164).
5. Conclusions
In this segment the conclusions of the empirical analysis will be presented, an analysis of the methodology, a theoretical discussion concerning the arguments of Mill. Lastly answering the questions and suggestions of further research.
5.1 Results of empirical analysis
Economically, the empires posited the same plan, expanding upon the riches of the colony which developed infrastructure in the colonies. The Gold Coast had a more profitable setting in comparison to Senegal, gold mining and cocoa were more lucrative than the Senegalese groundnut.
Both the colonies gained considerably with the new infrastructure, the Gold Coast had a higher salary compared to Senegal, who had only average salary (which was half of the Gold Coast). The salary of the British was like the salary of the Gold Coast, double the amount of their regional counterparts and they stagnated. The wages of Senegalese are interesting in that the civil workers of France had equal wages throughout the empire, which the Senegalese paid for.
Culturally, both empires managed to establish a dependency, in different extensions. The Ghanaian election was sanctioned after the strikes organized by Nkrumah and the CPP, only after these strikes was the Coussey constitution available for the Ghanaian, the self-governance was granted 1951 after an election. This means that the Gold Coast qualified for Prezworski’s minimalist democracy, in the context of polyarchy. The Gold Coast had the right to run for office and were able to create unions and associations who were evident with the election of Nkrumah in the election of 1951. The newspapers granted the Gold Coast alternative
information but was limited because of the lack of means and educated.
The inclusive suffrage increased in prevalence with self-governance. This meant Ghana with a superficial polyarchy at independence with an
economy stronger than the average West African colony. The treatment of the indigenous by the British meant during the majority of the
colonization, that women were devalued, and the traditional power hierarchies were maintained. It was until that educational development was developed enough that the traditional power structure was let go. The French built up a democracy before the British, however the Dakar government for the Four Communes was the only democratic area of Senegal. The Dakar Government has qualified for minimalist democracy since 1848, with the election of a local representative. Furthermore, the political rights for the inhabitants were equal of the French, to the extent that the Four Communes were represented in the French parliament.
However, outside the Four Communes the rights were constantly under threat. Slavers that performed slave raids in the countryside, the French disregard the environmental effects which caused erosions, while
providing improvements to the infrastructure, although they were built for commercial purposes.
Politically, the notable events for this indicator were the strikes in the Gold Coast, Nkrumah’s revolutionary tactics brought change to the Gold Coast that would decrease the influence of the British, who were already dismantling due to the cost of the wars. Nkrumah’s uprise was allowed by circumstance of the wars in which Britain protected her colonies, since the colony provided with a limited number of troops to the war efforts since the British had little possibility to enforce conscription. The French had officially declared that the French people were indebted to the troops of the colony, however, was the debt insufficient to bring justice to a chosen few. Senegal had been sublime as a colony, the Four Communes being praised as an inspiration to all colonies, but also in the fact that no major conflict had arisen to challenge the French resolve. This prevention was
made by political cooperation, which was a part of the French plan to deter revolutions.
5.2 Mill’s arguments, a discussion
The relevance of Mill’s theory to democratization was most relevant when this study controlled for the indicators of the cultural argument. Since Mill’s inclusion of dependencies were already in place, and the
democratization a goal for the empire to strive to create for its colonies.
The economical argument had little relevance to a democratization process and more to the economic side of a nation's potential to erase its deficits and surplus population. Expansion invites the increase of
population under an empires control, this question of how imperialism can solve the spreading of the English population is a question which will be posed by the observant. What this may be is a misinterpreting made by Sullivan in her article, because Mill may have been promoting colonialism under the British, not imperialism in which she describes. The argument of surplus population is more fitting to the definition of colonialism rather than imperialism. The political argument is diffuse (See Theory) since Mill's description of it is relative. There is also the question of relevance to democratization, what is the relevance of intervention or the
laissez-faire in certain domestic disputes? Mill’s thoughts were centred about the benevolent empire’s devotion to aid in these situations, but in the case of Ghana, the uprisings were allowed but opposed by the ruling British, what would Mill do? According to this study were the Ghanaians qualified as democratic and deemed freedom fighters by Mill’s definition, this diffuse definition could have been further explained or replaced with a more concrete. Because by Mill’s definition was the responsibility of the British to laissez-faire and decolonize. Furthermore, the strength of Mill’s definition is his already explained dependency, this study would have benefitted to utilize only the cultural argument.
5.3 Methodological discussion
The analysis model and its indicators were vital for this study however it did exist issues. The economic arguments of Mill’s had little relevance to the democratic development, that point is contested with partial support (Huntington, 1993, p: 59). The process of finding research on British and French emigration and wages, the sources suggested a more generalized state and were difficult to verify. The relevance of the democratization in the political argument is questionable, the field appears more suited to International Relations however, surprising revelations concerning the enlightening of colonial troops and them developing thoughts of independence or freedom after fighting in the wars (Fogarty, 2008, 67;
Akurang-Parry, 2002, p: 66). This study would have benefitted to focus on the cultural argument, since Mill had already developed thoughts of how to democratize less civilized nations (Bell, 2009, 35-36).
5.4 The purpose of this study being answered
Concerning question 1:
What consequences have imperialism had for the democratic development of the former colonies?
This study found that both Ghana and Senegal had benefited from the rule of their colonizer respectively. For Ghana had the colonization and the cultural change enforced by the British led to a developed civil society, a constitution and become a superficial democracy at independence. For Senegal, the polyarchal aspect was only extended to the Dakar
government, who had full political rights and political representation in the French parliament, a feat in which Ghana did not share. The difference for the Senegalese when it gained its independence was that only the Four Communes had had political rights, while Ghana had been autonomous
during a period before its independence. This left Senegal with an uneven knowledge of governance and autonomy.
Concerning question 2:
Why did the British rule prepare a democracy better than the rule of the French?
The answer lay in the behaviour of the empires. The British had limited possibilities to enforce regulation and conscription due to the lack of imperial resistance. Nkrumah’s uprisings were put down, but due to circumstance, were the British unable to face the new educated elite which led to the self-governance of the Gold Coast. The French were more potent in its controlling measures, the political rights were exclusive for the Four Communes, that would be true throughout the colonization. The French changed their politics for the colonies, it began with assimilation but ended with association which may have withdrawn potential political development for the whole of Senegal. Nevertheless, was the British lack of enforcement which allowed the biggest difference, Ghana’s
self-governance.
5.5 Further research
What this study has uncovered is the importance of self-governance to a colony’s democratization, but what is interesting is that with the lack of British enforcement, Ghana underwent democratization on a grander scale than the controlled approach of the French who implemented democracy in the Four Communes. The lack of enforcement in colonies by an empire and its potential democratic development, should be looked into further.
Moreover, had the empirical results spotlighted a similarity which may be an overlooked part of research, thoughts of emancipation and
independence being developed by colonial troops in the world wars. The question if an empire can generate is in this study is inconclusive, both the
French and the British had successfully developed a democratic rule, in different extent, but what this shows is that the idea of imperialism being a detriment to a colony is inconclusive as well, this debate ought to
continue.
6. Literature
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