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Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy

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Knowledge in the school subject of physical education: a Bernsteinian perspective

Jan-Eric Ekberg

To cite this article: Jan-Eric Ekberg (2020): Knowledge in the school subject of physical education: a Bernsteinian perspective, Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy, DOI:

10.1080/17408989.2020.1823954

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17408989.2020.1823954

© 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

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Knowledge in the school subject of physical education: a Bernsteinian perspective

Jan-Eric Ekberg

Department of Sport Science, Malmö University, Malmö, Sweden

ABSTRACT

Purpose: The purpose of this conceptual article is to explore how Bernstein ’s concepts can further our understanding of the internal structure of knowledge informing physical education (PE) and the transmission of knowledge from its site of production into the school subject. In the process of constructing a school subject, knowledge is chosen and decontextualised from where it is produced and then recontextualised into the pedagogic context. This process involves a subjective selection of what is valued as important knowledge. That which is stipulated in the curriculum is regarded as legitimate knowledge worth transmitting to the younger generation. This article o ffers a deepened understanding of the organising principles of knowledge and the transformation of knowledge into the recontextualised field of PE. Background: The subject of PE has been legitimised in various ways over time, yet in many parts of the world PE as a school subject remains under discussion. Competing ideas have appeared over the years about what constitutes PE, and these have been compared and contrasted with each other. Researchers in the field are concerned with a range of di fferent yet related issues regarding the aim of the subject, the relevance of the content knowledge, and the legitimacy of PE as a school subject. Key concepts: Bernstein ’s concepts of pedagogic device and knowledge structures will be applied as explanatory frameworks. The current PE syllabus and support documents in Sweden serve as examples to illustrate how the use of these two overarching concepts can help deepen the understanding of the internal structure of knowledge informing PE and the transmission of knowledge from its site of production into the school subject. Conclusion:

This article demonstrates how applying Bernstein ’s concepts as an explanatory framework helps identify the characteristics of the knowledge that informs PE and the origin and site of this knowledge. PE appears to be informed by a wide range of di fferent knowledge domains, with each one possessing its own knowledge structure with di fferent characteristics and ways of constructing knowledge. The article suggests that an understanding of the complexity of knowledge informing PE must be taken into consideration in the debate about the subject.

ARTICLE HISTORY

Received 27 March 2019 Accepted 30 August 2020

KEYWORDS

Bernstein; physical education;

pedagogic device;

knowledge structures;

explanatory framework

Introduction

The subject of physical education

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(PE) has been legitimised in various ways over the years. Kirk (2010a, 30) explains that ‘defining physical education has actually been a popular thing to do since the 1950s’, and Siedentop (2002, 368) argues that ‘the content knowledge domain for physical

© 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http://

creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.

CONTACT

Jan-Eric Ekberg jan-eric.ekberg@mau.se

This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

https://doi.org/10.1080/17408989.2020.1823954

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education is not so easily identi fied’. The discussion concerning PE as a school subject continues, both in Sweden (Larsson and Redelius 2008; Ekberg 2009; Larsson 2009; Londos 2010; Quennerstedt 2019) and in many other parts of the world (Siedentop 2002; Kirk 2010b; Penney 2013). Rival ideas about what constitutes PE have been put forth, and these ideas have been compared and contrasted (Kirk 2010b). In Sweden, Larsson and Karlefors (2015) have explained that the objectives of the sub- ject are di ffuse, highlighting the need to develop a language of knowledge and learning. Both teachers and students have di fficulty understanding what motivates both the subject and what the students are meant to learn (see e.g. Larsson and Redelius 2008; Swedish Schools Inspectorate 2012; Nyberg and Larsson 2014; Larsson and Nyberg 2017). As a subject, PE seems to be associated with highly segmented learning and pedagogy (Penney 2013), and many scholars have focused on its content knowledge and multi-activity curriculum (Metzler 2011; Penney 2013; Ward 2013), with its units of short duration. Petrie and lisahunter (2011) have pointed to the confusion teachers have experi- enced because of con flicting interests expressed in official texts, while Macdonald ( 2015) discusses what competencies, core knowledge, skills, and practices are required of a future teacher. The most valuable content for young people to learn in the subject needs to be made clearer (Dyson 2014), but this is unlikely to happen until there is a sound conceptual basis for the subject (Penney et al. 2009). Other aspects should also be taken into consideration when discussing PE in a changing world, such as privatisation tendencies, new governance (Evans and Davies 2014), and the outsour- cing of education (Williams and Macdonald 2015). Given that knowledge is becoming increasingly more accessible, knowledge brokering is on the increase (Macdonald 2015).

The subject of PE has been legitimised in various ways over time, and in many parts of the world the discussion concerning PE as a school subject is ongoing. Competing ideas have been put forth over the years about what constitutes PE, and have been compared and contrasted. Researchers in the field are concerned with a range of various related issues regarding the aim of the subject, the relevance of the content knowledge, and the legitimacy of PE as a school subject (Kirk 2010b; Ekberg 2016). The purpose of this conceptual article is to explore how Bernstein ’s concepts can further our understanding of the internal structure of knowledge informing PE and the transmission of knowl- edge from its site of production into the school subject. By applying the work of Bernstein (1999, 2000) and using his concepts of pedagogic device and knowledge structures as explanatory frame- works, I aim to deepen the understanding of the organising principles of knowledge and the trans- formation of knowledge into a pedagogic context in the subject of PE. I argue that understanding the complexity and characteristics of the knowledge that informs PE and the origin and site of this knowledge must be taken into consideration in the debate about the subject.

The article begins by presenting Bernstein ’s concepts of pedagogic device and knowledge struc- tures, and the second part gives an overview of how Bernstein ’s concepts are applied within PE research. In the third part, the article provides an illustration of a number of these concepts as an explanatory framework, using the PE syllabus in Sweden and support documents as brief examples.

Finally, I discuss how the concepts can contribute to a deeper understanding of the subject of PE based on the complexity and characteristics of the knowledge that informs the subject and the origin and site of this knowledge.

Bernstein ’s theories as explanatory framework

The theoretical concepts applied in this article are grounded in Bernstein ’s rich pedagogical research.

He created comprehensive and multidimensional conceptual systems (McPhail 2016) and looked for

general principles within the school system and the pedagogic context (Bernstein 2000). One of

Bernstein ’s accomplishments was developing the pedagogic device, which refers to the transform-

ation of knowledge produced in the primary field into a pedagogic context (Bernstein 1999). In

his later work, he also developed a language of description, where he outlined a model of knowledge

structures, in which he refers to the internal structure and organising principles of the specialised

knowledge in the primary field (Bernstein 1999).

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The pedagogic device

The pedagogic device refers to how knowledge from the primary field is selected, becomes curricular subject content, and then is realised in the pedagogical practice through complex processes (Singh 2002). Three fields are directly or indirectly related to educational practice within school (Bernstein 2000). What there is to know within a field of knowledge is created in the primary field outside school (the production field) and is then recontextualised (in the recontextualising field) into the pedagogical setting in various steering documents where it is finally reproduced in the local school arena, which is referred to as the secondary field. The primary field is directed at disciplinary and non-pedagogical knowledge production, from which a selection is made on the recontextualising field in order to be subsequently manifested in various steering documents. In the secondary field, the chosen knowledge is reformulated on the local level and in local schools in the form of, for example, various local syllabi and teachers ’ planning, to be subsequently transmitted and acquired in the educational practice. The pedagogic device highlights the way knowledge is transferred between di fferent fields. As described, it goes from where the knowledge is produced in the field of production to the field of recontextualisation, where knowledge is transformed into the curricu- lum, and then to the field of reproduction, where knowledge is finally transmitted and acquired in the educational setting. In this article, I focus on the fields of production and recontextualisation.

Knowledge used in school is thus produced outside of school. In the process of constructing a school subject, knowledge is chosen and de-contextualised from ‘its site of production – whether this is a research publication, scienti fic laboratory, a newsroom, a design studio or a factory floor – and recon- textualised into a curriculum ’ (Shay 2013, 567). This relocation requires certain choices, such as what knowledge area should be regarded as the most important in a school subject. Di fferences of opinion about this exist between di fferent actors both inside and outside of school, which may generate confl- icts (Shay 2016). Bernstein (1975) states that education is a field like any other field, with struggles between interests and actors who compete not only to de fine the field but also to define what knowl- edge is to be considered legitimate. Whoever assumes power over the selection of the appropriate sub- ject knowledge also assumes a vital position for symbolic control (Bernstein 2000).

To understand a school subject is to understand the relationship between the field of knowledge production and the field of knowledge recontextualisation (Whatman and Singh 2015). When knowledge moves from one site to another – in our case, to the educational site of PE – a translation takes place which involves certain choices and contestation about what knowledge is important. This transformation also has other implications. When a discourse moves from its original site to a new one, it is no longer the same discourse, as it occupies a space in which ideology takes over (Bernstein 2000). This is the space where selective decisions are made: ‘From this point of view, pedagogic dis- course selectively creates imaginary subjects ’ (Bernstein 2000, 33). By recontextualisation from the primary field, the pedagogic discourse ‘selectively appropriates, relocates, refocuses and relates other discourses to constitute its own order. In this sense, pedagogic discourse can never be identi fied with any of the discourses it has recontextualised ’ (Bernstein 2000, 33) because it is abstracted from not only where it is produced but also its social base, position and power relations (Bernstein 2000).

For example, outside school, there is carpentry, but inside school it is called woodwork, which is a transformation from a real site of knowledge on the production field to an imaginary subject under a new name (Bernstein 2000). Popkewitz (2004) uses the concept of alchemy to describe the translation of knowledge from academic knowledge into school knowledge.

Because children are neither mathematicians nor historians, translation tools are needed for instruction. The alchemy of school subjects, however, is not one thing but many. It is achieved through an assemblage of inscrip- tion devices that translate and order school subjects. (Popkewitz 2004, 4)

Knowledge structures

According to Young (2013, 113 –114), school subjects are recontextualised from disciplines which are

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a society ’s primary source of new knowledge. The link between subjects and disciplines provides the best guar- antee that we have that the knowledge acquired by students at school does not rely solely on the authority of the individual teacher but on the teacher as a member of a specialist subject community.

If the pedagogical device helps clarify how specialised knowledge moves from its site of production on the primary field to where it is reproduced in education, the theorisation of knowledge structures (Figure 1) clarifies the internal structure of the specialised knowledge on the primary field.

Bernstein (1999) outlined a model where he made a distinction between two types of knowledge discourses – one horizontal discourse and one vertical discourse. The model was ‘designed to think about different knowledge forms and the relations between these knowledge forms’ (Ivinson and Singh 2018, 462). With the model, he further elaborates on how different forms of knowledge are realised in the two discourses. The distinction ‘refers to the way that different domains of knowledge embody different ideas of how knowledge progresses’ (Young 2008, 16).

Horizontal discourses refer to ‘common sense’ knowledge, which is highly contextualised and seg- mented and is obtained in everyday contexts as learning to dress, running errands (Bernstein 1999), or as myths, rumours and superstitions (Ivinson 2007). According to Bernstein (1999, 159), the characteristics of this discourse are that it is ‘oral, local, context dependent and specific, tacit, multi-layered, and contradictory across but not within contexts’, and it is segmentally organised.

What is required in a context or segment is not related to the requirements of another context or segment. Young and Gamble (2006) explain that a horizontal discourse has no way to extend knowl- edge structures vertically, and it rarely has systematic organising principles (Bernstein 1999).

In contrast, vertical discourses refer to more abstract knowledge that is context-independent, specialised, conceptual and organised. Bernstein explains that a vertical discourse takes the form of a

coherent, explicit and systematically principled structure, hierarchically organised, as in the sciences, or it takes the form of a series of specialised languages with specialised modes of interrogation and specialised criteria for the production and circulation of texts, as in the social sciences and humanities. (Bernstein 1999, 159)

Figure 1.

Knowledge structures. Developed from Bernstein ’s discourses and knowledge structures (

1999, 168).

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One distinction is the mode of development of knowledge (Maton 2014). In the vertical discourse, strong distributive rules and procedures govern the knowledge circulation, thus ‘regulating access, regulating transmission and regulating [the] evaluation ’ of knowledge (Bernstein 1999, 159). In addition, another characteristic of vertical discourses are principles for the ordering of meaning in specialised knowledge that is more context- and time-independent and therefore requires sequen- cing and coherence (Gamble 2014). All the forms of vertical discourse contain knowledge structures (Muller 2006). They are either hierarchical or horizontal and are termed hierarchical knowledge structures or horizontal knowledge structures.

Hierarchical and horizontal knowledge structures

In hierarchical knowledge structures, new knowledge is integrated into existing knowledge and this is how a field progresses, for example, the field of natural science (Bernstein 1999). A more speci fic example is with physics, which is hierarchically structured. The progression runs through the sys- tematic integration of knowledge at lower levels leading to the creation of general propositions and theories (Bernstein 1999, 2000). According to Maton (2010, 154), hierarchical knowledge struc- tures are ‘explicit, coherent, systematically principled and hierarchical organizations of knowledge which develop through the integration and subsumption of knowledge ’. They possess a higher capacity for ‘verticality’, or cumulative knowledge-building (Muller 2007). In knowledge dimensions with hierarchical knowledge structures, comparing competing explanations is central (Maton 2014).

In contrast, horizontal knowledge structures use di fferent languages for the same kind of knowl- edge (Wol ff and Hoffman 2014). According to Bernstein (2000, 165), mathematics is an example of a horizontal knowledge structure because it ‘consists of a set of discrete languages for particular pro- blems ’. New perspectives are introduced that do not need to be integrated with existing knowledge.

During this development, either new approaches are established or old ones are transformed in new ways. The ‘set of languages which constitute any one horizontal knowledge structure are not trans- latable, since they make di fferent and often opposing assumptions, with each language having its own criteria for legitimate texts, what counts as evidence and what counts as legitimate questions or a legitimate problematic ’ (Bernstein 1999, 163). Horizontal knowledge structures are numerous and consist of many parallel and incommensurable languages (Muller 2007). They are segmented and strongly bounded approaches that develop by adding segments or approaches horizontally (Maton 2010). Within the horizontal knowledge structures, development occurs to a high extent through a new language, new questions and relations, and new problematics and authors.

Hierarchical knowledge structures have long chains and relatively high pyramids of abstraction compared to horizontal knowledge structures, which expand laterally, largely into multiple, alterna- tive languages (Muller 2006). Bernstein (1999, 165) explains that ‘the recognition and construction of legitimate texts in a hierarchical knowledge structure is much less problematic, much less a tacit pro- cess than is the case of a horizontal knowledge structure, particularly those with weak grammars ’.

Moreover, according to Bernstein, an acquirer will not have any di fficulty understanding whether they are dealing with physics or not because the strong hierarchical knowledge structure visibly announces what it is. If the horizontal knowledge structure (like that of social science) is considered, especially if the grammar is weak, an acquirer ‘may well be anxious whether he/she is really speaking or writing sociology ’ (Bernstein 1999, 164).

Another characteristic of horizontal knowledge structures involves their grammars, meaning their

‘capacity for generating unambiguous referents’ (Maton 2014, 86). Within horizontal knowledge

structures, Bernstein makes a distinction between languages with strong grammars and those with

weak grammars. The di fferences between those languages imply ‘an explicit conceptual syntax

capable of “relatively” precise empirical descriptions and/or of generating formal modelling of

empirical relations, from those languages where these powers are much weaker ’ (Bernstein 1999,

164). Mathematics has a strong grammar because it contains a number of discrete languages for par-

ticular problems, which leaves no doubt about what it is (Bernstein 2000). In contrast, languages with

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a weak grammar, as in the arts and humanities, do not have the same possibility for cumulative knowledge-building and for comparing competing explanations (Maton 2010). Knowledge struc- tures with weak grammars tend to absorb elements from each other. They are sensitive to needs or trends and can become redundant quickly. Language and philosophy are examples of these types of knowledge structures (Wol ff and Hoffman 2014). Knowledge domains with a weak gram- mar, like the arts and humanities, have di fficulties defining the referents of their knowledge claims (Maton 2014).

Another concern about horizontal knowledge structures with weak grammars is with trans- mission and acquisition (Bernstein 1999). Given that a horizontal knowledge structure consists of an array of languages, ‘any one transmission necessarily entails some selection, and some privileging within the set recontextualised for the transmission ’ (Bernstein 1999, 164). In explicit transmission, principles, procedures, and texts are made to be acquired, which, according to Bernstein, is normally the case within the social sciences. However, in the humanities, the transmission tends to be more implicit or tacit, and within some knowledge areas, like craft, ‘showing or modelling precedes

“doing”’ (Bernstein 1999, 168). Bernstein suggests that craft is a knowledge area within the vertical discourse, as it has a horizontal knowledge structure with a weak grammar and tacit transmission. He also points out that this knowledge structure is that which is closest to a horizontal discourse (Bern- stein 1999).

Physical education and Bernstein

In a paper from 2005, Macdonald and Hunter applied Bernstein ’s concepts of pedagogic device and the construction and reproduction of knowledge in the health and physical education (H/PE) curri- cula. They also outlined a framework based on the relationship between production, recontextuali- sation, and the reproduction of knowledge. Furthermore, they highlighted the di fficulty that occurs in the translation of knowledge from the primary field into curriculum documents, acknowledging that what is known about a field of knowledge is ‘most frequently generated through the production of knowledge in universities and international policy organizations ’ (Macdonald and Hunter 2005, 112). The knowledge basis in H/PE most likely derives from a range of academic disciplines and from the field of association sport (MacPhail 2007). Accordingly, knowledge categories informing H/PE cover widely disparate areas such as anatomy and exercise physiology, nutrition, biomechanics and motor learning, psychology, health and public health, sociology, history, philosophy, physical activity and sport (Macdonald and Hunter 2005). The key point of this article is that the tensions and problems of legitimacy found in H/PE are a result of the breadth of knowledge of the subject and the complexity of the knowledge that constitutes H/PE.

The pedagogic device has also been used to study teachers ’ possibilities to exert influence on the development of the curriculum (MacPhail 2007), on educational texts in physical education teacher education (Svendsen and Svendsen 2016), on PE teachers ’ use of printed curriculum materials (Peiró-Velert et al. 2015) and when examining the curriculum, pedagogy, and assessment practices (Penney 2013). In addition, studies have also shown how big brands in fluence PE (Robinson, Gled- die, and Schaefer 2016), including the policies and strategies of PE and school sport in England between 2003 –2010 (Jung, Pope, and Kirk 2016).

Likewise, in Sweden, Bernstein ’s concept of pedagogic device has been used in research to high-

light how knowledge is implemented in PE on di fferent levels (Ekberg 2016) and transferred into

curricula and the realisation of content (Lundvall and Meckbach 2008). Studies have been conducted

about the struggle for friluftsliv (in English, ‘outdoor life’) to find a place in PE (Backman 2010, 2011)

and dance is also in a similar position (Mattsson and Lundvall 2015). Other studies have been con-

ducted regarding the requirement for PE teachers to collaborate with colleagues in PE and other sub-

jects (Karlefors 2002) and regarding PE trainee teachers ’ opinions of their future profession

(Karlefors 2010). In addition, PE teachers ’ grading practices and cultural and political influences

have been the subject of study (Svennberg 2017). The concepts of pedagogic device and code are

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also used in studies of the conditions for teachers in PE in Greece and Sweden (Kougioumtzis 2006) and in a review of research on PE teachers ’ professionalisation (Kougioumtzis, Patriksson, and Stråhlman 2011).

Accordingly, several studies of PE draw from Bernstein ’s concepts. However, it is mainly the con- cept of pedagogic device that has been elaborated on in studies that have ‘usefully directed attention to the di fferential positions and authority of various agencies and individuals amidst the development and/or implementation of new o fficial curriculum texts’ (Penney, Petrie, and Fellows 2015, 46).

None of the studies focus on knowledge structures in PE, not in Sweden or internationally. Neverthe- less, studies applying knowledge structures have been conducted in other school subjects, for example, English (Macken-Horarik 2011), history (Bertram 2012), craft (Gamble 2014) and music (McPhail 2016). In the next section, I give some brief and tentative examples of knowledge domains informing PE using Bernstein ’s concept of knowledge structures as the explanatory framework.

Knowledge areas in a PE curriculum

In this section, I brie fly use the secondary school (compulsory school, years 7–9) syllabus

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(SNAE 2018) and support documents for PE (SNAE 2011, 2012) in Sweden as examples of steering docu- ments produced in the recontextualising field. This should not be understood as an empirical analy- sis but rather as an illustration of the utility of Bernstein ’s concepts in PE via these documents. As described, according to Bernstein, hierarchical knowledge structures are oriented towards verticality, cumulative knowledge-building, and the integration of prior knowledge into present knowledge, as in natural science. In the syllabus for PE, ‘weight training, fitness training, mobility and mental train- ing ’ (SNAE 2018, 50) and ‘relationships between movement, diet and health, and the relationship between addictive substances and ill-health ’ (SNAE 2018, 50) are mentioned. These can be seen not only as examples of natural science being present in the syllabus for PE but also as di fferent knowledge areas within natural science informing the subject as physiology, biomechanics, and diet and nutrition.

In Bernstein ’s language, knowledge domains that have horizontal knowledge structures also have di fferent languages for the same kind of knowledge within the same domain, as in social science and the humanities. The grammars of horizontal knowledge structures can be stronger or weaker, and the transmission can be either explicit or tacit. In the syllabus, ‘mental training’ is mentioned (SNAE 2018, 50) and psychology (at least in parts) has, according to Bernstein, a horizontal knowl- edge structure with strong grammar. The PE syllabus also includes content related to sociology, such as ‘physical body models in sports and society as a whole’ (SNAE 2018, 50). Sociology is referred to by Bernstein (1999) as a knowledge domain with weak grammar.

Furthermore, within horizontal knowledge structures characterised by weak grammars there are

domains in which transmission is tacit. The syllabus mentions humanities that involve historical and

cultural aspects, for example, ‘cultural traditions in connection with outdoor life and recreational

activity ’ (SNAE 2018, 51). Moreover, movement and outdoor life ( friluftsliv) are two out of three

overall knowledge areas (health and lifestyle being the third) explicitly mentioned in the PE syllabus

(SNAE 2018). Bernstein (1999, 168) suggests that, in some knowledge areas, showing or modelling

precedes doing, and craft is used as one example. In the syllabus for PE, one possible interpretation

when applying Bernstein ’s example of craft is that, like craft, movement and outdoor life (friluftsliv)

can be de fined as knowledge domains with tacit transmission. The knowledge area of movement

described in the assessment support document for PE contains moving with ‘versatility in different

physical contexts ’ (SNAE 2012, 6) and the area of outdoor life ( friluftsliv) is about ‘nature and the

environment as a place of physical activity, rest and recreation ’ (SNAE 2012, 13). These knowledge

domains appear prominently in the syllabus, where they are described as involving ‘complex move-

ment in games and sports, indoors and outdoors, and also dance and movement to music ’ (SNAE

2018, 50) and ‘how different outdoor activities can be planned, organised and carried out’ (SNAE

2018, 51).

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As mentioned, the third knowledge area in the syllabus is health and lifestyle (SNAE 2018).

Health, which forms part of the name of the subject in Sweden, seems (along with lifestyle) to have a prominent position in the documents. It is stated that ‘different definitions of health, relation- ships between movement, diet and health, and the relationship between addictive substances and ill- health ’ are part of the core content (SNAE 2018, 50). Di fferent definitions of health can be found in the syllabus, and the teaching in the knowledge area of health and lifestyle should ‘give students the opportunity to critically approach di fferent views on health’ (SNAE 2011, 10).

On the basis of these brief and tentative examples from the Swedish PE syllabus and the support documents, firstly, it could be claimed that the subject seems to correspond to a wide range of differ- ent knowledge domains from the primary field (see also Henry 1978; Siedentop 2002; Macdonald and Hunter 2005; Ekberg 2009, 2016) such as physiology and biomechanics, nutrition and diet, psy- chology and mental training, sociology and cultural studies, movement (sport) and outdoor life ( fri- luftsliv), and health and lifestyle. Secondly, in line with Bernstein, these domains contain di fferent knowledge structures. Some domains informing PE can be associated with what Bernstein (1999) calls hierarchical knowledge structures (e.g. natural science) as well as horizontal knowledge struc- tures (e.g. social science and humanities), with the latter being characterised by strong or weak gram- mars and explicit or tacit transmission. Hierarchical knowledge structures are oriented at verticality or cumulative knowledge-building (Muller 2007) that integrate prior knowledge into present knowl- edge. In contrast, horizontal knowledge structures uses di fferent languages for the same types of knowledge. Thirdly, it may also be the case that although there is apparently a wide range of knowl- edge domains with di fferent knowledge structures informing PE, the syllabus seems diffuse in this matter. To a reader of the documents, it may not be obvious when they have left one domain and entered another, as they are not made explicit in the syllabus.

Discussion

The purpose of this conceptual article is to explore how Bernstein ’s concepts can further our under- standing of the internal structure of knowledge informing PE and the transmission of knowledge from its site of production into the school subject. The current PE syllabus in Sweden and the sup- port documents serve as illustrations of how the utility of Bernstein ’s ( 1999, 2000) concepts of ped- agogic device and knowledge structures as an explanatory framework can deepen the understanding of the complexity of the school subject of PE.

The overall starting point is that knowledge used in school is a recontextualisation of knowledge produced elsewhere – in the primary field outside of school and in different knowledge domains. The primary field is directed at non-pedagogical knowledge production, from which a selection is made on the recontextualising field and subsequently manifested in various steering documents. In gen- eral, a school subject contains one or more knowledge domains and types of knowledge structures (Bernstein 1999, 2000; Muller 2006).

PE seems to be informed by a wide range of di fferent knowledge domains (situated on the pro- duction field), with each one possessing its own knowledge structure with different characteristics and ways of constructing knowledge. At one end, we have hierarchical knowledge structures with a clear and obvious language and long chains of knowledge, while at the other end, horizontal knowl- edge structures contain domains with multiple, sometimes con flicting languages, where each language has its own speci fic ‘truth’. PE appears to comprise more traditional academic subjects with hierarchical and horizontal knowledge structures and also knowledge domains such as move- ment and outdoor life ( friluftsliv). One possible interpretation, if we make it analogous with Bern- stein ’s example of craft, is that those domains have horizontal knowledge structures with weak grammar and tacit transmission.

In Carlgren ’s ( 2015) view, it is important for school subjects to introduce pupils to the speci fic

knowledge culture(s) that are recontextualised in a school subject and to help them understand

the origin and traditions of this specialised knowledge. If we draw from Carlgren (2015), the acquirer

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needs not only to understand the speci fic logics and knowledge structures of the domains that inform a subject, in our case PE, but also discover the source of knowledge on the primary field – a source that is disconnected from the school subject. This means, if the source(s) of knowledge described in the curriculum is not obvious for acquirers in the secondary field, as indicated in the example from the the steering documents of PE in Sweden, then it might be a challenge to gain an understanding of the bases, traditions and languages of all the di fferent knowledge domains included in the subject.

Bernstein (2000) used the concept of imaginary subjects to describe school subjects after being recontextualised, transformed and selectively created from the real site of knowledge production in its di fferent domains outside of school. In addition, Popkewitz ( 2004) used the concept of alchemy to describe this process when knowledge is translated into the world of schooling. It is no longer the same knowledge, as it has been disconnected from its original site of knowledge production and transformed into a form that suits the school and the subjects. Additionally, Singh (2002) highlighted the exponential growth of knowledge and its implications for education. Specialised knowledge is encoded in complex symbolic forms and must be decoded when used in pedagogical settings. As these symbols are not easy to uncover and understand for actors outside the knowledge area, they have to be translated in an accessible language when used in school. The various actors on the recon- textualisation field mainly do this, as the knowledge producers have no time for or interest in making this accessible. In PE, the acquirer seems to have to handle a number of di fferent knowledge domains with various knowledge structures and diverse organising principles encoded in complex symbolic forms. This likely contributes to the complexity of the subject of PE, and struggles may arise

‘about “what” knowledge is available to be converted into pedagogic communication, “who” (social division of agencies and agents) will undertake the work of pedagogising knowledge, and “how” this knowledge is transformed into pedagogic forms ’ (Singh 2002, 575).

Macdonald and Hunter (2005) have pointed out that among the reasons for the tensions and pro- blems of legitimacy in H/PE is the breadth of knowledge related to the subject and the complexity of knowledge that constitutes H/PE. In addition, Siedentop (2002) asserted that it is di fficult to identify the content knowledge domain for PE. Rival ideas have been put forth over the years about what constitutes the subject, with di fferent ideas being compared and contrasted with each other (Kirk 2010b). Some also suggest that the PE curriculum is a multi-activity curriculum, which appears to be common in many countries (Penney 2013; Ward 2013) with highly segmented learning and pedagogy.

Drawing from Bernstein, I suggest that the subject faces challenges due to the existence of multiple knowledge domains with di fferent knowledge structures informing the imaginary subject of PE.

Given that there are many knowledge domains informing PE – some of which are more visible, while others are more di ffuse – it is important to clarify which domain or domains constitute the school subject. Also, if the knowledge domains informing PE are di fferent between countries and among actors, then this raises the question of whether there is a universal content knowledge base for PE, that is, knowledge that is unique to the subject throughout the world (see also Ekberg 2016), or if the knowledge base is in some way culture-speci fic, which would then be the reason why it di ffers around the world.

The article demonstrates how the use of Bernstein ’s concepts as an explanatory framework helps

in understanding the characteristics of the knowledge that informs PE as well as the origin and site of

this knowledge, which has to be taken into consideration in the debate about the subject. In the con-

struction of a school subject, di fferent actors and interests influence the selection processes when

deciding what knowledge is legitimate and worth transmitting (Kirk 2010b). In school subjects

that have a knowledge base with weaker grammar, relevant knowledge is not always obvious (Bern-

stein 2000). In addition to other actors and interests in fluencing the formulation of steering docu-

ments, the conceptions of teachers in fluence what content is selected and used in PE. The

teachers ’ personal background, experience and repertoire then become decisive in the selection pro-

cess on the secondary field (Linde 2006).

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Bernstein ’s concepts can be used to understand how dominant perspectives may be a function of power relations. These concepts can also help determine why and how some content becomes repeatedly selected and privileged over others. Di fferences of opinion about what constitutes ‘legit- imate knowledge ’ can be found between different actors inside as well as outside school, which may generate con flict (Shay 2016). Whoever assumes power over the selection of the appropriate subject knowledge also assumes a vital position for symbolic control (Bernstein 2000).

The use of Bernstein ’s concepts have also been beneficial for understanding and opening new per- spectives on the complexity of the school subject of PE. PE teachers and others involved in the ped- agogical setting can use these concepts to identify the knowledge domains that dominate the curriculum and the knowledge structure within each domain to make well-informed curricular decisions.

Notes

1. I use ‘physical education’ (PE) as the name of the subject in the article. However, in Sweden, the name of the subject translates as ‘physical education and health’.

2. A revised syllabus for PE will be implemented in autumn 2021 (SNAE 2019). The proposed syllabus contains minor changes in relation to the examples used in this article. For instance, diet and mental training are not as prominent in the proposed revised syllabus as they are in the current syllabus.

Disclosure statement

No potential con flict of interest was reported by the author(s).

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