The Price of a Green Conscience

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The Price of a Green Conscience

- Social impacts of carbon forestry projects

Author: Jasmine Brown

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Abstract

Scholars and civil society organizations have over the last decade referred to large-scale carbon sequestration TPPs as "carbon colonialism" (Carmody and Taylor, 2016) as well as a "development by dispossession" dressed in new clothing behind words such as climate change mitigation and development (Kröger, 2012). Concerns have been raised that the trade-offs from the implementation of industrial tree plantations (ITPs) may result in conflicting effects on countries' overall development (The Oakland Institute, 2019;

Osborne, 2015; Nel & Hill, 2013). Moreover, NGO's and think tanks, such as FIAN (2012) and the Oakland Institute (2017, 2019), have released reports in which such tree planting projects are accused of displacing people and

violating human rights (FIAN, 2012; The Oakland Institute, 2017, 2019;

Carmody & Taylor, 2016).

This thesis explores the impacts of carbon forestry projects, emphasizing the impacts of ITPs on local livelihoods and their subsequent effects on

development. Three dimensions have been chosen to limit the scope of this thesis: (1) food security; (2) access to land; and (3) employment & income.

The thesis is conducted using a qualitative desk study and secondary analysis of two multiple case studies of Uganda and Mozambique. The findings presented suggest carbon forestry projects may negatively affect all three dimensions, ultimately affecting communities' sustainable development. The author recommends further research to evaluate the complex effects of carbon forestry projects.

Key words

Carbon forestry; Industrial tree planting; Tree planting; Climate compensation; Food security; Community resilience; Sustainable development; Uganda; Mozambique

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Appendices

List of figures

Fig. 1. Disposition of paper

Fig. 2. Employment-to-population ratio, rural areas (FAOSTAT, 2020).

Fig. 3. Employment in agriculture, Uganda (FAOSTAT, 2020).

List of tables

Table 1. Local employment after implemented TPP, Uganda Table 2. Local income after implemented TPP, Uganda Table 3. Local land access after implemented TPP, Uganda Table 4. Local food security after implemented TPP, Uganda Table 5. Local employment after implemented TPP, Mozambique Table 6. Local income after implemented TPP, Mozambique Table 7. Local land access after implemented TPP, Mozambique Table 8. Local food security after implemented TPP, Mozambique

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List of abbreviations

GHGE - Greenhouse Gas Emissions ITP - Industrial Tree Plantation SDG - Sustainable Development Goals TPP - Tree Planting Project

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1. Introduction

Food insecurity and increased poverty are reported as potential consequences of climate change. Recent studies suggest climate change mitigation

strategies such as tree planting projects or carbon forestry projects also could cause food insecurity and increased poverty (Edstedt & Carton, 2018;

Corbera & Friedli, 2012; Ellingsen, 2017; Corbera & Jover, 2012; Corbera &

Brown, 2010; Corbera, 2012; Asiyanbi, 2016; Fischer & Hajdu, 2017; FIAN, 2012; The Oakland Institute, 2014, 2017, 2019).

This is reported due to the loss of access to natural resources such as land and water. Commonly for a number of these studies is the reported impacts on livelihoods and natural resource access for local communities. Carbon forestry projects are a form of climate compensation and are increasingly used as a climate change adaptation and mitigation strategy, usually

promoted as a means for sustainable development. The increasing number of reports with the contradicting evidence of causing more harm than good raises concerns on the concept's validity (Cavanagh & Benjaminsen, 2014;

Carmody & Taylor, 2016; Overbeek et al., 2012; Adler, 2018).

Climate compensation may take the form of carbon offsetting, often through carbon sequestration projects, a phenomenon that has become a popular marketing concept for entities in the developed world as a means for climate change mitigation (Bumpus and Liverman, 2010). Carbon offsetting is a concept in which developed nations offset their emissions by making up for it by supporting carbon sequestration initiatives, usually in tree planting projects in developing countries (Bumpus & Liverman, 2010). However, a global phenomenon, tree planting projects (TPPs), tends to occur in developing countries, primarily in Africa (Bumpus & Liverman, 2010).

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Large-scale carbon sequestration TPPs have been promoted as a climate change mitigation strategy, sometimes referred to as a means of achieving certain SDGs such as Goal 13, ”Climate Action” or Goal 15, ”Life on Land” (Shell, 2019; UN, 2020). However, although carbon sequestration TPPs such as industrial tree-planting projects (ITPs) may aid in reaching Goal 13, it could also have adverse impacts on other goals, such as Goal 1,

”End poverty in all its forms everywhere” (The Oakland Institute, 2019;

Kröger 2012; Garberg, 2012; Cavanagh & Benjaminsen, 2014; Bondevik, 2014; Corbera & Brown, 2010; Ellingsen, 2017). Reports on social

consequences of ITPs claim such projects have contributed to displacement, food insecurity, and poverty in affected areas (Ellingsen, 2017; The Oakland Institute, 2014, 2017, 2019; Kröger, 2012; Edstedt & Carton, 2018; Aabø &

Kring, 2012; Jindal et al., 2008; Jackson, 2005; Fairhead et al., 2012). It is therefore argued that the discussion on the level of sustainability of the phenomenon neglects to critically examine the full extensive meaning of sustainability behind environmentally sustainable projects, thus

recommending further research on TPPs (Blessing & Menne, 2009; The Oakland Institute, 2019; Kröger, 2012; Carmody & Taylor, 2016).

1.1. Research Problem and Relevance

There is a plethora of research on the sustainability of carbon offsetting.

However, this is often based on the ecological pillar of sustainability and, therefore, rarely mentions any potential social consequences these projects might have on the local communities in which the projects are taking place (Kröger, 2012; FIAN, 2012). The research that does exist with a focus on local social impacts is, although on the rise, at this point is relatively small.

Moreover, the literature on TPPs on the African continent tends to focus specifically on Uganda. There is, therefore, a consensus within the literature

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over the need for additional research (Blessing and Menne, 2009; Carmody and Taylor, 2016). This thesis will use existing research and complement these by using different theoretical and analytical tools to assess the sustainability of carbon forestry projects.

Including the social aspect of sustainability in environmental development, discussions provide a holistic understanding that is crucial to ensure the advancement of environmental development does not hinder social development. Strictly focusing on environmental development while excluding social dimensions such as poverty, access to education, or food security will result in lesser results, as one usually affects the other (UN, 2020). To incorporate social dimensions when examining environmental development projects is especially important given that some of these projects claim they are sustainable and have a positive impact on local communities, frequently referring to the Sustainable Development Goals (Shell, 2019; WeForest, 2020; Circle K, 2020; Green Resources, 2019;

Swedish Energy Agency, 2019), although this impact has not adequately been researched (The Oakland Institute, 2019; Kröger, 2012)

This subject is vital in the ever so relevant debate on sustainability and climate change mitigation. Not only will this thesis challenge popular beliefs on the sustainability of large-scale TPPs using concepts such as resilience and the policy of the SDGs, but it will also highlight local perspectives. This will be useful for driving the current debate on tree planting and climate change mitigation forward.

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1.2. Objective and Research Questions

This thesis's research objective is to assess the local socio-economic impacts of carbon forestry projects and determine whether the phenomenon could be considered sustainable or not.

This will be examined through two case studies of Uganda and Mozambique on the local impacts of carbon forestry on employment and income, access to land, and food security. The thesis will use secondary sources to answer the following three guiding questions:

1. What are the socio-economic impacts of carbon forestry projects for local communities?

2. In what ways may carbon forestry projects affect local, sustainable development?

3. How can carbon forestry projects affect communities' ability to achieve SDGs 1 and 2?

1.3. Limitations and Delimitations

To have a more focused and in-depth study, the scope of this research has been limited to focus specifically on the social impacts of one form of climate compensation, namely carbon sequestration tree planting projects.

This point of departure was chosen because carbon forestry projects are among the most well-known forms of climate compensation, thus ensuring a sufficient amount of secondary sources on carbon forestry projects to allow for a desk study. Furthermore, restricting the scope to focus and use Uganda and Mozambique in a multiple case study allows the thesis to go more into depth by providing a richer understanding of individual experiences and local perspectives while simultaneously providing more nuanced findings.

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To further limit the scope, the author narrowed down the broad meaning of

"social impacts” into three sub-divisions of which this thesis will focus on:

(1) employment and income; (2) access to land; and (3) food security.

Moreover, the relatively limited amount of up-to-date, existing research focused on these specific social impacts suggests a field study would have been preferable. However, because a field study would be impossible to conduct due to the current pandemic, this study will be conducted as a desk study triangulating secondary sources.

Limitations of entirely relying on secondary sources include relying on the validity and reliability of other sources. Basing the thesis and analysis of others' works requires a sufficient amount of accessible material and a careful selection of sources. Moreover, due to the general limitations in generalizing qualitative data (Bryman, 2016), outcomes and impacts reported by respondents in interviews can never entirely be attributed to one particular project. This means that while a respondent may experience increased food insecurity due to one specific project, this increase could also be attributed to other coinciding factors, e.g., climate change or the Covid-19 pandemic, and so there is a potential risk for ambiguity in terms of making conclusions.

Lastly, within the area of carbon forestry projects, there are many ways in which one can refer to a project. For example, various terms

include agroforestry projects, carbon sequestration projects, large-scale carbon sequestration projects, and industrial tree plantations. However, it is essential to distinguish between them as the name usually describes the project's purpose and methods. Agroforestry projects operate by planting trees in the same area as crops and seeds. These tend to be smaller in size, empower local communities while contributing to biodiversity and food security, thus benefitting both people and the planet (Carmody & Taylor,

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2016). Whereas carbon sequestration projects merely refer to the aim of sequestration, or capture, carbon. This could be done in several ways, including by solar power. Therefore such projects need not be limited to the forestry area. Large-scale carbon sequestration projects and industrial tree plantations (ITPs) refer to projects operating on a large-scale, usually driven by a corporation with a mission to earn profits. The difference between them is that much like the example before, the name ”large-scale carbon

sequestration projects” does not entail whether it operates by planting trees or, for example, by solar power (UNECE, 2020). ITPs, on the other hand, tend to operate with timber production and using carbon credits. In recent years, the latter form of TPP received critique over causing negative impacts on local socio-economic conditions. As such, to further limit the scope of this thesis, the focus will primarily be on ITPs.

1.4. Disposition of Thesis

This thesis will begin with identifying the impacts of ITPs in Uganda and Mozambique related to the three chosen impacts: food security, access to land, and employment & income. The following chapter will then begin to analyze these findings from the theoretical frameworks and analytical tools chosen. From there, the author will analyze the sustainability of ITPs, cross- referencing the information on hand to the SDGs. The thesis will conclude with a discussion on the paper's validity before a conclusion is made. The disposition over the chapters'”findings” and ”analysis” can be found below.

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2. Background and Literature Review

During the 1960s, when many colonized countries in Africa gained

independence, many states found themselves facing an uphill battle towards economic growth and development. Consequently, debt traps, corruption, and conflicts have plagued the continent over these last 60 years (Mabikke, 2014). The phrase ”development with no harm” or” do no harm” is a well- known term referencing the importance of development not having harmful consequences (UNHCR, 2020). Sustainability as a concept, in general, have

Fig. 1.1. Disposition of paper

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become increasingly important within the development sector, noticeable not the least in the creation of the SDGs (UN, 2020), which magnified the increasing awareness of the importance of including the various pillars of sustainability within development projects, especially those funded by international aid agencies and donors (UN, 2020).

Tree planting has been widely associated with climate change mitigation, particularly in developing countries around the equator. The relation between carbon sequestration and tree planting is well-established (UNECE, 2020).

However, when sustainability no longer strictly focuses on the environmental aspects and encompasses the economic and social aspects, merely evaluating the environmental impacts of TPP is no longer adequate to determine the sustainability of such projects (UN, 2020).

It is well established the largest contributors to climate change is the

developed world (Bumpus & Liverman, 2010; Kröger, 2012) and thus have the most considerable responsibility in the efforts to mitigate the adverse effects of climate change. Mabikke (2014) argues that the geographical location of many developing countries, namely closer to the equator, coincides with the most suitable and profitable places for tree planting to occur (Mabikke; 2014 155). Despite this, a letter signed by numerous

environmental organizations in Southern Africa raised concerns regarding the fact that TPP takes place in countries in the developing world rather than within their own countries (Justicia Ambiental, 2019). Scholars such as Bumpus & Liverman (2010) and Kröger (2012) have liked these forms of projects to a new form of colonialism (Bumpus & Liverman, 2010: Carmody

& Taylor, 2016; Kröger, 2012; Eberle et al., 2019). Across these studies, there is a consensus, although in varying degrees, regarding the need to

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adequately include and assess the social impacts by development work (Bumpus & Liverman, 2010; Kröger, 2012; and Carmody & Taylor, 2016).

2.1. Carbon Offsetting or Carbon Credits: what is the difference?

Across the climate change mitigation field, it is common to come across the terms ”carbon offsetting” and ”carbon credits.” Although being very similar, these tend to get used interchangeably. The two are different from one and another (Carbon Offset Guide 2020). A carbon-offsetting project is a project for individuals or corporations unable to reduce their carbon emissions (Carbon Offset Guide , 2020). Therefore, the project aims to pay or

compensate for one's greenhouse gas emissions (GHGE) by planting trees to have one's emissions reduced elsewhere (Carbon Offset Guide , 2020). The project would typically occur outside of one's company and would not exist without the specific funding to compensate for GHGE (Carbon Offset Guide , 2020). In other words, in terms of TPPs, the trees would not be planted had it not been for the project to be considered an offsetting project (Carbon Offset Guide , 2020; Bondevik, 2014).

On the other hand, a carbon credit is a form of market directed to governments or companies that regulates how much carbon dioxide

companies may emit (Carbon Offset Guide , 2020). The carbon credit, or the

”right to emit,” may be bought, sold, or traded, depending on the company's needs (Bondevik, 2014; Carbon Offset Guide , 2020). The buyer of a carbon credit has already- or will emit above their cap and pays for its excessive carbon emission by buying more credits (Carbon Offset Guide , 2020). For example, when Sweden's government buys carbon credit from a company having a TPP in Uganda in practice, the Swedish government is paying for its excessive carbon emissions.

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Because this thesis focuses on the impacts of tree planting projects, it matters less if the projects use offsets or credits, as the physical existence of such a project affects communities similarly. Although, an essential factor to note is the potential difference in, for example, employment opportunities that may differ depending on the kind of system. Because both systems of carbon offsetting and carbon credit uses the same kind of measurement, namely that one tonne of GHGE equals one credit, making the overall environmental impact theoretically the same (Carbon Offset Guide , 2020). However, there is little research comparing the social impacts on local communities between carbon credit projects and carbon offsetting projects.

2.2. Tree planting projects in the literature

A report by Kröger (2012), a table from the FAO suggests planted forests have increased by 48% between 1990-2010, although this number has been contested by NGO’s who claim the data is misrepresented (Kröger, 2012).

Tree planting projects may be part of reforestation or afforestation schemes, planted for rubber or timber, as a part of carbon sequestration projects, or it could be a mixture of it all. This thesis will focus on cases of the latter.

Today, carbon sequestration TPPs are heavily marketed by corporations in the developed world as a critical step in mitigating the effects and hinder the development of climate change (Green Resources, 2019; UN, 2020; Circle K, 2020; Shell, 2019). Moreover, they are used against the backdrop of the SDG’S, claimed to aid nations in achieving the SDGs (WeForest, 2020;

Shell, 2019; Circle K, 2020).

The literature on tree planting as a means of climate compensation ranges between the various approaches to sustainability. Current research on TPPs as a sustainable climate change mitigation strategy tends to focus on the

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environmental aspect of sustainability, with some scholars and NGOs having questioned the ecological impact and sustainability of using non-native tree species and monoculture forest plantations (Overbeek, 2010; FIAN, 2012).

2.3. Social impacts of tree planting projects

A significant portion of existing literature on the social consequences of carbon forestry projects in Africa are focused primarily on the case of the Norwegian company Green Resources two plantations in Uganda (Cavanagh and Benjaminsen, 2014; Eraker, 2000; Garberg, 2012; Edstedt & Carton, 2018; Vangen, 2009; The Oakland Institute, 2017; The Oakland Institute, 2019). A study conducted by Vangen (2009) studied the implementations process of a carbon forestry project at Mount Elgon (Vangen, 2009), whereas a qualitative field study conducted by Edstedt & Carton (2018) focused on researching whether the promised local development in communities bordering the carbon credit project, the Kachung Forest Project, in Uganda was fulfilled or not (Edstedt & Carton, 2018). Fischer and Hajdu (2013) covered the topic of paying for ecosystem services (Fischer & Hajdu, 2013).

Moreover, studies of large-scale land acquisitions have likened the carbon forestry business to the ”global rush for land” (Locher, 2015; Overbeek et al., 2012).

Furthermore, studies on similar projects in Asia (Wittman & Caron, 2009) and South America (Corbera & Jover, 2012) also note potential social impacts. Some studies on TPPs have primarily focused on the

implementations process or governance of projects (Reynolds, 2012; Peskett et al., 2011; Griscom et al., 2017; Vangen, 2009), whereas others have focused more on evaluating the projects (Edstedt & Carton, 2018; Corbera &

Friedli, 2012; Corbera & Jover, 2012; Corbera & Brown, 2010; Corbera, 2012; Asiyanbi, 2016; Fischer & Hajdu, 2017).

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Although some research and reports exist, the author suggests the existing research lacks sufficient and updated focus on the social impacts of large- scale TPPs on communities and especially in regards to community

resilience and on how TPPs might affect the local, sustainable development in the communities in which they are implemented. This research gap is especially true in countries in Africa. Which further strengthens the need for this thesis.

3. Theoretical and Analytical framework

This thesis will be conducted using an abductive approach, as this allows the analytical framework to be comprised of several theories and approaches.

The analytical part of this thesis will therefore be conducted using a Rights Based Approach (RBA), Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework (SRL) and the concept of Community Resilience in order to analyze and understand how the impacts of ITPs on communities may affect local sustainable

development. The theories and approaches in this thesis will therefore be used as a theoretical lens when analyzing the findings which then will be used against the backdrop of two Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in order to determine whether the phenomenon of TPPs is sustainable or not. In the following sections the theoretical and analytical frameworks to be used will be described in greater detail.

3.1. Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework

The Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework (SRL) views a livelihood as sustainable when both environmental and social sustainability is maintained or enhanced (Bebbington, 1999; Scoones, 1998). This requires livelihoods to be able to ”cope with and recover from stress and shocks, and provide for future generations” (Scoones, 1998:2; Bebbington, 1999; Chambers &

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Conway, 1992). Using this framework allows the author to review the findings based on both environmental and social sustainability.

According to Scoones (1998) there are four types of capital that communities are required to have immediate and long-term access to, in order to be able to pursue sustainable livelihoods (Scoones, 1998; Tapping, 2020). These assets are: natural capital; human capital; financial capital; and social capital (Scoones, 1998:8).

Financial capital includes the stock and access to ”cash, equipment,

infrastructure and other economic assets” (Scoones, 1998:8; Tapping, 2020).

In order to tailor the focus areas to fit the scope of this paper, financial capital will be limited to the access and stability of income and employment (Scoones, 1998:8). Given the relevance of livelihoods in this thesis, it serves useful to include aspects such as ”employment” and ”income” in order to understand the local impacts on livelihoods. Moreover, because livelihoods not only entail direct financial aspects, natural capital will be included as well. This include the stocks and access to natural resources and

environmental services, which in this case will be limited to ”access to land”

and ”food security”.

When using the framework in the analysis, this thesis will focus specifically on financial and natural capital as these include having assets of- and access to natural resources (natural capital) which in this thesis would be translated into access to land. Moreover, being as employment and income is one of the dimensions in the thesis it seems fitting to also focus on financial capital which entail the assets of- and access to financial means. Financial and natural capital are therefore related to the specific dimensions of impacts that is the focus of this thesis, thus making for a deeper analysis rather than including all four types of capitals. To summarize, through focusing on

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financial and natural capital, the SRL framework will be used as an analytical tool for analyzing the impact of ITPs on the local levels of access to

sustainable development

3.2. Community Resilience

The broad concept of resilience refers to the ability to bounce back from outer disturbances (Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, 2020), a concept gaining increasing attention as the world battles climate change (Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, 2020).

Within the field of development, it has been recognized that the concepts of sustainable development and resilience are interlinked (UN, 2018). The SENDAI Framework, created to enhance the disaster resilience of nations is closely related to the SDGs (UN, 2018) and the SDGs include the concept in some of the goals i.e., goal number 11 which refers to ”building resilient cities” (UN, 2020). Resilience exist in various types and have been used both in the sense of individual capacity as well as community, regional and

national capacity (UN, 2018). This thesis will focus on community

resilience. A resilient community in terms of development can be defined as one that have the capacity and ability to withstands shocks and disturbances (UN, 2018; Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, 2020) and to achieve this, emphasis is put on reducing levels of vulnerability (UN, 2018).

Community resilience will therefore be used as an analytical tool to analyze the impacts of ITPs and how these relate to what resilience deems important for achieving development, namely the focus on reducing high levels of vulnerability, which is defined as follows:

”empowering people and reducing vulnerability through: (i) economic and productive diversification, including livelihoods; (ii) inclusive growth; (iii)

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expansion of social protection and basic services delivery; and (v) climate adaptation” (UN, 2018) and then determine whether ITPs are sustainable or not from this perspective.

3.3. Human Rights Based Approach

A human rights based approach (HRBA) means that no one goal or project objective may be pursued if it entails the detriment of other rights

(Offenheiser, 2003). To suit the scope of this thesis, the focus of the HRBA will primarily be on the idea that all human beings are deserving of human rights and that the lack thereof may hinder development (Offenheiser, 2003;

OHCHR, 2020).

Access to land , can be found in the right to housing, which is a human right that according to OHCHR (2020) entails the following criterion:

”Security of tenure: housing is not adequate if its occupants do not have a degree of tenure security which guarantees legal protection against forced evictions, harassment and other threats; Availability of services, materials, facilities and infrastructure: housing is not adequate if its occupants do not have safe drinking water, adequate sanitation, energy for cooking, heating, lighting, food storage or refuse disposal; Affordability: housing is not adequate if its cost threatens or compromises the occupants’ enjoyment of other human rights; Habitability: housing is not adequate if it does not guarantee physical safety or provide adequate space, as well as protection against the cold, damp, heat, rain, wind, other threats to health and structural hazards; Accessibility:

housing is not adequate if the specific needs of disadvantaged and marginalized groups are not taken into account; Location: housing is not adequate if it is cut off from employment opportunities, health-care services, schools, childcare centres and other social facilities, or if located in polluted or dangerous areas; and Cultural adequacy: housing is not adequate if it does not respect and take into account the expression of cultural identity” (OHCHR, 2020 :4).

This thesis will focus on ”Security of tenure” and ”Location”, given the reports of the many cases of dispossession of tenants affected by TPPs, this study will look into how this affects the rights to employment and other services. This kind of information will be found using information provided

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from interviews in existing research. This include reports by civil society information, peer reviewed papers and documents i.e. annual reports released by the plantation company.

Like the other theoretical and analytical frameworks in this thesis, the use of an HRBA offers an opportunity to uncover the local levels of access to sustainable development in the chosen case studies. This will be done through analyzing the impacts from the perspective of a HRBA, meaning,

”security of tenure” and ”location” which according to the approach are required for development, in order to be able to assess the level of

sustainability of each case study. The findings will then be analyzed against two specific Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) before a final summary is made based on the analysis of all the theoretical frameworks and tools on the sustainability of carbon forestry projects.

3.4. Sustainable Development Goals

The unfolding of climate change induced disasters such as droughts, flooding and the consequential food insecurity that has been dominating the

development scene for the last decade (Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, 2020) has resulted in a desperate search for viable climate change mitigation strategies alongside capacity strengthening strategies to increase the resilience of populations around the world (Center for Climate and

Energy Solutions, 2020). A result of this was the creation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the subsequent 17 Sustainable

Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015. The SDGs is an overarching framework and call for action by all countries to recognize development is required to be conducted in a sustainable way (UN, 2020). All goals are therefore to some degree interrelated (UN, 2020).

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To answer my third research question I will apply the information I get from analyzing the impacts of ITPs from the different theoretical frameworks and concepts to two chosen SDGs. Although the SDGs is part of a policy rather than a theory, they provide a solid foundation for determining sustainability and as such justify the use of the policy in my analysis.

The chosen SDGs are goals one and two. Goal one is called ”No poverty”

which aims at eradicating all forms of poverty in the world. This goal has 17 targets in which this thesis will focus specifically on 1.4.2., which entails having secure tenure rights to land including legally recognized

documentation as well as the perception of secure land rights (UN, 2020).

Goal two is focused on food security and called ”Zero Hunger” (UN, 2020).

Here, I will see whether ITPs, according to my theoretical frameworks and concepts, contribute to the achievement of targets 1.4.2; 2.1; 2.3; and 2.4 and could be considered to be a sustainable climate change mitigation strategy.

3.5. Defining Social Impacts

In order to specify the focus of this research, the author decided to narrow it down to four commonly noted socio-economic impacts within carbon forestry namely: (1) income; (2) employment; (3) access to land; and (4) food security (The Oakland Institute, 2014, 2017, 2019; Edstedt & Carton, 2018; FIAN, 2012). These four dimensions are all previously mentioned in research, thus ensuring sufficient amount of available secondary sources. In addition, these specific dimensions were chosen because of their connection to the SRL framework, a HRBA, community resilience as well as the SDGs.

Within the SRL framework much weight is put on ”access to” certain

resources, or assets, both directly and long-term (Scoones, 1998:7). Because the SRL framework is the main form theory in this thesis, the author have

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chosen to measure each dimension based on the access to the resource in question as well as the stability of that access. The findings of each subsection will then be presented in a table to facilitate the readers

understanding. To realize the research questions, the author will analyze the collected information through the lens of the chosen theoretical and

analytical frameworks.

Income & Employment

Due to the similar nature of income and employment, these two dimensions they will both be put under the same category rather than divided up between two. Income is an evident aspect to take into consideration when evaluating a country's level of development as this affects individual and household living standards. To measure income would therefore make sense in terms of

evaluating the effects of a project on poverty reduction.

The objective is thus to see examine the impact of ITPs on communities access to employment and income. This will be measured through comparing individuals own perceptions on before and after implementation of the project using secondary sources including data such as interviews.

Access to land

Access to land was chosen because of the number of reports and papers noting the importance of community access to land for sustainable

development and the reports arguing that ITPs may have an adverse impact on this (FIAN, 2012; Lemos, 2011; Bumpus & Liverman, 2010).

Food security

Existing literature on impacts of TPPs have raised the concern of possible food insecurity, thus making this sub-section important to further examine.

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Although one could argue that food (in)security is a result of access to land, I have chosen to separate the two so as to ensure one does not disappear behind the other.

The FAO has operationalized food security into four pillars: Availability, Access, Utilization and Stability (FAO, 2020). Much like the other

dimensions, the focus on access and stability in this thesis makes the other three pillars excessive to include. Food security, just like the other

dimensions in this thesis, will be presented in a table with the categories access and stability for clarity. However, given the nature of the analysis and variety of findings, the four pillars by the FAO may be included in the text without explicitly referencing to the four pillars.

This kind of information will be found in statistical databases (e.g.,

FAOSTAT, 2020) and through examining the information on websites and in reports of ITPs operating in Mozambique and Uganda as well as peer

reviewed papers and reports published by civil society organizations.

3.6. Use of frameworks

The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of ITPs on local sustainable development of the cases presented. The chosen analytical frameworks and tools all define requirements for attaining sustainable development on

community and individual level: the financial and natural capital of the SRL;

reducing levels of vulnerability of community resilience; and ”security of tenure” and ”location” of a HRBA. These different frameworks and tools have thus been used in my analysis to understand local levels of access to sustainable development by identifying the impact of ITPs on local (1) employment and income; (2) access to land; and (3) food security of the case studies presented. Because the frameworks and tools focus on different

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requirements for achieving sustainable development they complement each other and allows for a more well-rounded analysis, hence justifying the use of these chosen frameworks.

4. Methodological framework

4.1. Research Approach and Reasoning

This thesis will conduct a qualitative desk study to identify the social impacts of implemented TPPs using two case studies. Bryman (2016) presents

several options for conducting a desk study within the social sciences (Bryman, 2016). A qualitative study is valuable when there is a desire to delve deeper into a subject, and the data requires a contextual understanding (Bryman, 2016). Furthermore, case studies are useful when an author wants to focus specifically on a region or project. This can be done by choosing between various forms of case studies (Bryman, 2016).

Critics of multiple case studies argue the benefits of a single case study is the author's ability to delve even deeper into a specific case than what is possible when examining more than one case. However, the validity level is regarded as a limit to single case studies (Bryman, 2016:65,68). The benefits of using a multiple case study approach with more than one case, on the other hand, is that it allows for a better understanding of the issue at hand while it is

simultaneously argued to increase the validity of a thesis (Bryman, 2016:65).

Given that this study is conducted as a desk study and does not aim to give definitive answers or present everything about a case, it supports the use of two case studies, thus a multiple case study approach.

Structured focused comparison

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A structured, focused comparison may be applied when comparability between cases is important (George & Bennett, 2004:67). This requires a focus that is relevant to the research objective and specific indicators

detailing what within the cases will be examined. It improves comparability by having the same specific focus and indicators when examining both cases (George & Bennett, 2004:67). The structured, focused comparison will structure the findings and further guide the text analysis. The ’indicators’ in this thesis are referred to as ”dimensions of impacts” and can be found in chapter 3.5.

Text analysis

The qualitative data in this thesis is analyzed using a secondary analysis (Bryman, 2016:586-88). This entails the analysis to be based on secondary sources (Bryman, 2016:586-588). This study's scope and nature could have benefitted from a field study as collecting data from primary sources would complement existing data and thus further benefit future research on the topic. However, due to the ongoing pandemic, a desk study is deemed the most appropriate while still allowing for a research contribution. Thus, the author deemed it fitting for this thesis to be conducted as a qualitative desk study using secondary text analysis and a multiple case study approach.

4.2. Sources

As previously mentioned, the thesis relies on secondary sources. This include triangulating material from civil society organizations, peer reviewed papers and journals and material from tree planting companies which in turn include annual and sustainability reports. The secondary sources will consist of data such as peer reviewed papers, reports released from local environmental justice NGO’s and civil society organizations in specific countries (e.g.,

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”Friends of the Earth” and ”FIAN”), FAO statistics (FAOSTAT, 2020), independent evaluations on ITP (Åkesson et al, 2009) as well as information on the websites of tree planting organizations (e.g., We-Forest).

In order to locate relevant peer reviewed material the following search terms on Google Scholar and Linnaeus University Library search engine were used: carbon sequestration; large-scale industrial tree planting; social impact;

sustainability; climate compensation; industrial tree plantation; and carbon forestry project. These were then complemented with search terms relevant to further limit the scope, such as geographical location (Mozambique and Uganda).

Reports and papers on carbon forestry projects in Mozambique have been released from several civil society organizations such as (UNAC), Justicia Ambiental (local version of Friends of the Earth, Mozambique), Africa Groups (Afrikagrupperna) and FIAN. Industrial tree planting projects and companies were found either in reports released by NGOs, mentioned in peer reviewed papers by scholars, or by searching for companies who climate compensate or offset their emissions.

4.3. Case studies

The cases chosen in this thesis are Uganda and Mozambique. These were determined on the basis of being in sub-saharan Africa with sufficient existing relevant information on each case, as well as being structured similarly. Both countries have seen an increase in large-scale foreign land acquisitions over the last couple of years, of which emerging carbon markets are argued to be a driver behind (Mabikke, 2014:155). According to Mabikke (2014) there are a few common characteristic of target countries for large- scale land acquisitions, with one example being suitable weather (Mabikke,

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2014:155). Given that a large portion of existing literature on carbon sequestration projects are focused on Uganda, it serves useful to use that information and complement that to the new information the author will come across on Mozambique.

4.3.1. Kachung Forest Project, Uganda

In Uganda, employment, agricultural subsistence, production and wellbeing are determined by access to land, as 80 % of the population derives their livelihoods directly from subsistence agriculture (Edstedt & Carton, 2018).

The aim of the Kachung Forest Project, funded by Green Resources and the Swedish Energy Agency, was therefore to plant trees from which the projects actors then could purchase carbon credits. This was motivated as a win-win- win situation, where the carbon credits would contribute to (1) climate change mitigation, (2) aid the Swedish Energy Agency in reaching their sustainability goals as these allowed the agency to compensate for their emissions, (3) while at the same time contributing to community

development and poverty alleviation in the local communities surrounding the project (Edstedt & Carton, 2018; Swedish Energy Agency, 2019).

The study conducted by Edstedt & Carton (2018) found the predicted poverty alleviation and community development in question that was said to be caused by increased employment opportunities and increased income to crumble (Edstedt & Carton, 2018). Green Resources faced significant backlash following reports of human rights violations on several of their plantations (WRM, 2011; FIAN, 2012; Edstedt & Carton, 2018; The Oakland Institute, 2014, 2017, 2019; Preesman, 2011; Bondevik, 2014; Tapping, 2020).

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4.3.2. Chikweti Forests of Niassa, Mozambique

Mozambique, much like Uganda, is a country situated in eastern Africa with livelihoods predominantly depending on smallholder farmers and agriculture (Åkesson et al, 2009; FIAN, 2012). Chikweti forests of Niassa is part of the Malonda Programme, developed by the Malonda Foundation (Åkesson et al, 2009). Malonda foundation is a Mozambican NGO foundation created by a joint cooperation between the government in Mozambique and Swedish government funded SIDA with the aim to support private sector development in the province of Niassa (FCG Sweden, 2020; Åkesson et al, 2009).

The Chikweti forests of Niassa consists of a number of plantations owned by various companies such as Malonda Tree Farms and Chikweti (FCG Sweden, 2020). Because of the interlinkages between the plantations, this thesis will use information from different plantations. Mozambique is known for their progressive land law passed in 1997 to ensure communities right to- and use of land (Åkesson et al, 2009). This is referred to as DUATs. This law is important especially for rural and peasant communities as DUATs may be awarded based on customary practices and use (Åkesson et al, 2009).

4.4. Ethical Considerations

In terms of ethical considerations, the author may come across sensitive information in other studies and will thus handle that with care. This will be done through the use of respectful language in regards to the portrayal of individuals story, name, location or other sensitive information. If details of sensitive information is included in other research, the author will anonymize the respondents.

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4.5. Discussion on validity

This next chapter will provide a discussion on the validity of the thesis, including discussing the authors potential biases, the choice of scope, theories and analytical tools, methods and results.

The author is currently actively engaged in the civil society organization Afrikagrupperna to which UNAC and Justicia Ambiental are partner organizations. Although this has natural causes because of shared similar interests and limited relevant and similar reports exists, it should be known as a potential conflict of interest. In order to counteract any potential biases such as this one, the author has adamantly triangulated the information presented to the best of their ability. The triangulation allows for the lifting of different perspectives from various sources.

The results or findings of a thesis are directly related to the kind of methods and theories used. Given that the methods used in this thesis include a qualitative desk study using multiple case studies we know certain kinds of information will be impossible to present and this will most likely have shaped the findings in general. On the one hand, relying on secondary sources consisting of mostly peer reviewed papers and reports by civil society organizations may limit the possibility of contributing with

groundbreaking information to the academic field due to the lack of primary sources. On the other hand, using secondary sources allows for existing research to be analyzed and interpreted in a different way thus enabling further development in the field.

Could it have been more beneficial to use a different set of case studies?

Given that the case studies used in this thesis are both large-scale industrial projects, could including a small-scale project operated by an NGO as a case study present different findings, and if so - could or should both types then

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be merged together as forms of ”climate compensation”? We can see from information on smaller projects such as the ones from WeForest that there tends to be a clear difference in terms of project time frames. Industrial projects tend to last (or at least be planned to last) around some 50 years whereas smaller, non-industrial projects predicts a time frame of around eight years. Perhaps a comparative study between the socio-economic impacts of industrial and small-scale projects would serve useful in this respect.

Could we really draw conclusions on the sustainability of the practice that is carbon forestry based on two cases from sub-saharan Africa? Because carbon forestry projects as a means of climate change adaptation and mitigation is a relatively new concept, there are only a limited amount of research on the socio-economic impacts of such projects conducted thus far. From this perspective, one could argue the relatively limited data per se equals

insufficient evidence and so at this early point in time it would be impossible to speak on the sustainability of the projects. However, the number of studies conducted in both South-America and Asia supporting the socio-economic impacts presented in the findings speaks rather on the systemic challenges of such projects than of project-specific challenges. Moreover, the vast

similarities between industrial tree planting projects and foreign large-scale land acquisitions that have received backlash for undermining local

communities and contributing to the creation of dependent nations (Carbon Market Watch, 2020) further strengthens this concern. Which is, again, why future research is required of both industrial and non-industrial tree planting projects.

Finally, is it reasonable to assume that the impacts caused by the projects would not have occurred otherwise? Could it be so that the impacts on livelihoods indeed are a result of the implemented projects but that they were

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bound to happen at one point or another anyway and that it was merely fast forwarding an unavoidable consequence of climate change while

simultaneously diversifying local employment opportunities? These are questions that requires future research. Future research should aim at

answering these questions as it is only then we can evaluate the sustainability of carbon forestry projects and other forms of climate compensation and thereafter make the necessary changes to ensure the sustainability and as such improve the capacity, resilience and quality of rural livelihoods.

5. Findings

Reviewing project descriptions of and information on websites of industrial TPPs, the alleged relation between carbon sequestration projects and sustainable development are evident.

”Green Resources facilitates socio-economic development and poverty alleviation in rural areas through provision of employment, infrastructure development, schools, health and other community development. In the remote and less developed areas where we operate, social development and support such as job creation and skills development are particularly important and valuable” (Green Resources, 2020).

Such projects are often also described as contributing to the achievement of the SDGs (Shell, 2019; Green Resources, 2020; WeForest, 2020). On Shell’s website information regarding the sustainability of their work can be found.

A report from 2019 (Shell, 2019) claims the organization supports the achievement of several goals, by providing employment opportunities and therefore ultimately function as a poverty reduction tool (Shell, 2019).

FSC (Forest Stewardship Council) Certified and claim to contribute to local community development, although reports later emerged in which such projects are accused of human rights abuses (Overbeek et al, 2012; Eklöf, ;

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Oxfam, 2011; Kröger, 2012).WeForest, an NGO dedicated to the plantation of trees as a means of eradicating poverty reiterates the notion of TPPs as a means of supporting and achieving social, economic and environmental development in developing countries (WeForest, 2020). This is supported by arguments similar to those of oil giants Circle K and Shell, i.e., that their projects provide job opportunities (WeForest, 2020; Shell, 2019; Circle K, 2019). On WeForests international website, the following can be found:

”Our livelihoods programmes support forest-friendly, alternative value chains that benefit both people and forests and which have the potential to alleviate poverty, increase resilience and reduce the pressure on forests” (WeForest, 2020).

In addition, the estimated project time is said to be a minimum of 8 years, although the aim is to in the future ensure all their projects are self-sustaining (WeForest, 2020), In contrast to Green Resources project in Kachunga with a contract of around 50 years (Green Resources, 2020). ITPs have therefore been referred to as ”Development by dispossession” (Carmody & Taylor, 2016), as the implementation often occurs on occupied land, consequently resulting in the eviction of existing households occupying the area (FIAN, 2012; Mousseau & Teare, 2019; Kröger, 2012).

5.1. Local impacts in Uganda

Several reports published by the Oakland Institute contained research on how climate mitigation strategies ultimately were a form of greenwashing,

including a few specifically aimed at Uganda (The Oakland Institute, 2019;

The Oakland Institute, 2017; The Oakland Institute, 2014). The report specifically focused on the company Green Resources and the impacts of their tree planting project on rural communities in Uganda (Mousseau, &

Teare, 2019). Community development efforts made by Green Resources

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include the implementation of a health clinic (Green Resources, 2018 ; The Oakland Institute, 2017, 2019; Edstedt & Carton, 2018).

5.1.1. Employment and Income

In Green Resources project description, the TPP was said to, in addition to producing timber, be contributing to climate change mitigation while at the same time contribute to community development through providing

employment for locals (Green Resources, 2020; The Oakland Institute, 2019). This notion was supported in a study by Edstedt & Carton(2018) in which interviews with local residents stated Green Resources promised to support development in the area, higher income and secure employment for all who were affected by the project (Edstedt & Carton, 2018).

Green Resources claims to be the largest formal employer in these communities (Green Resources, 2020; The Oakland Institute, 2017) , a statement according to The Oakland Institute (2017) that is misrepresented given that before the introduction of the company a majority of the

community had been self-reliant, growing their own food and making a living from what they were able to sell. Therefore, not many had required an official employment before the project was implemented (The Oakland Institute, 2017). In addition, Green Resources document 266-295 workers in 2017 making up only 0,16% of the population within the district (The

Oakland Institute, 2017). Especially important to note is the decline from 494 people from 2015 (The Oakland Institute, 2017).

With the implementation of the project the access to formal employment (as employees at the plantation) for the local community increased. However, although a number of people were offered employment at the tree plantation, these employments tends to be seasonal and often in the midst of the rainy

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season, regarded among locals as the the most crucial one as it occurs during the same time which farmers have to tend to their own plot of lands in their new assigned homes (Edstedt & Carton, 2018; Vangen, 2009). The access of employment could therefore simultaneously be perceived as lower after the implementation of the project due to the amount of farmers that were unable to commit to or fulfill employment duties at the plantation for this very reason (Edstedt & Carton, 2018). Because of the decline of employments between 2015 to 2017, the stability of employment in the community is deemed lower.

According to the statistics provided below by FAO the employment to population ratio in rural areas in Uganda decreased by roughly 50% between 2012 and 2017 whereas employment in agriculture in general declined by around 30% during the same period (FAOSTAT, 2020). In countries

experiencing economic development, a rise in urbanization and a decrease in number of people employed within agriculture is typical (Malik & Ali, 2015, Sharma, 2003). Despite this, the information presented by the Oakland Institute (2019) suggests a company of that magnitude that is Green Resources, may, if adhering to their project goals and statements influence these graphics (The Oakland Institute, 2019). Despite the company’s official statements of ”wanting to employ locals, but just having a hard time dealing Table 1. Local employment after implemented TPP, Uganda

Employment

^Access ^Stability

Higher

x*

Same

Lower

x

* Access is deemed higher as the amount of formal employment increased.

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with them” (Green Resources, 2019; The Oakland Institute, 2019) a report by the Oakland Institute included statement by the company in which they

”wished they (local workers) would finish their term and then never come back” (The Oakland Institute, 2019). A similar sense of contempt against local people can be found from Global-Woods, the German forest plantation manager behind a similar project, Kikonda Forest Reserve in Uganda (Eklöf, 2011). Eklöf (2011) who released the following statement:

”Since cattle grazing, charcoal burning or firewood collection in the forest reserve are not allowed according to NFA regulations, community members who were engaged in such activities before the project “will have to stop their illegal activities within the reserve and find other work outside” (Eklöf, 2011).

Fig. 1. Employment-to-population ratio, rural areas (FAOSTAT, 2020).

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According to interviews conducted by Edstedt & Carton (2018) households relying on farming perceived a decrease in income as a result of the ITP. This was especially true for the farmers reliant on their own plot of land for their income, as the decreased amount of available arable land to provide both for the household and for selling, resulted in a decrease of household income (Edstedt & Carton, 2018). Respondents further expressed experiencing having to choose between work at the plantation or relying on their own small farming, with both options resulting in less access to income. In addition, some farmers (Edstedt & Carton, 2018) expressed concern over the degradation of the soil of their allotted lands, leading to further increased worry over the decrease in stability of income (Edstedt & Carton, 2018).

Fig. 2. Employment in agriculture, Uganda (FAOSTAT, 2020).

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Furthermore, there have been reports of workers not receiving their salaries on time and salaries being far too low (The Oakland Institute, 2017).

Green Resources on the other hand notes that the project complies with all national regulations and therefore denouncing the criticism against the project (Green Resources, 2018; Swedish Energy Agency; 2019). Although supporting these statements at first, the Swedish Energy Agency later retracted their support of the project in Kachung, Uganda after additional evaluations were conducted (Development Today, 2020).

Little to no compensation for the evictions and the detrimental impacts on livelihoods had at the time of publishing of secondary sources been made (Edstedt & Carton, 2018; The Oakland Institute, 2019; Oxfam, 2011).

However, the following outtake from a report on a different TPP published by Oxfam notes the following:

”NFC accepts that the failure to provide compensation ‘is of great concern to NFC for both risk mitigation and ethical reasons’, and says that it pressured the government to compensate eligible evictees with the ‘value of their crops and lost land or alternative’” (Oxfam, 2011).

The information presented in this chapter therefore supports the conclusion that access to and stability of income have decreased after the ITP was implemented.

Table 2. Local income after implemented ITP, Uganda

Income

^Access ^Stability

Higher Same

Lower

x x

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5.1.2. Access to land

In Uganda, one particular significant impact of TPPs include the decreased access to land for the local community (The Oakland Institute, 2019; Vangen, 2009; Nel & Hill, 2013; Osborne, 2015; Peskett et al., 2011). In terms of the Green Resources project in Kachung Forest, various sources indicate

different numbers, but according to Kalla Fakta (2015), it is estimated that around 6000 people were forcibly evicted or denied access to their homes in Kachung Forest (Kalla Fakta, 2015). This number has been contested by Fischer & Hajdu (2015), who notes the lack of transparency regarding the number of refugees and IDPs (internally displaced persons) included in that number (Fischer & Hajdu, 2015).

Several people were physically chased out of their homes, having their crops slashed and destroyed (The Oakland Institute, 2019; Edstedt & Carton, 2018). According to Green Resources (2018) response to the Oakland Institutes report (2019), this is a matter for the Ugandan state, considering the company leased the state's land. Therefore, it should not be international companies responsibility to ensure (Green Resources, 2018). After several run-ins between locals and the company staff, it became illegal for locals to enter Green Resources premises, meaning it was strictly prohibited to graze or otherwise use the lands on which they have lived for generations (The Oakland Institute, 2019). Similar experiences were found in Mount Elgon, Uganda, where tensions between park rangers and community members arose (Vangen, 2009). According to The Oakland Institute (2019), this would force individuals, mostly women, to walk excessive detours to retrieve water and find wood to gather for cooking (The Oakland Institute, 2019).

Individuals also note limited access to sacred locations and thus ”have

nowhere to pray to our gods” (EJ Atlas, 2020b; The Oakland Institute, 2019).

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On a different site, a similar carbon credit project took place. The UK- registered company New Forests Company (NFC) were in 2011 accused of displacing approximately 22,500 people by Oxfam, a number NFC and Oxfam disagree on (Oxfam, 2011; EJ Atlas, 2020b). NFC argue the number of evictees do not rise over 15,191 people, whereas Oxfam means that it instead could be ”substantially higher” (Oxfam, 2011). Including another paragraph from the report by Oxfam (2011) which states:

”NFC says that an audit of its Mubende plantation by the IFC found that the company had discharged its obligations by acting ‘in accordance with laws prohibiting their direct compensation of encroachers while still applying pressure on District and National government’” (Oxfam, 2011)

Further supports the other findings claiming that the companies behind ITPs believe the pressure should be on the local and national governments rather than their companies. There seems to be no insecurity whether the actual access to land have decreased or not after the implementation of the ITP in Uganda. What the various sources disagree on are the exact number of displaced people and whether this is the responsibility of the government or Green Resources.

5.1.3. Food Security

Before the implementation of the project, members from the community used traditional agricultural practices which included moving around and shifting spots for where they grazed and tilled the soil, which according to several Table 3. Local land access after implemented TPP, Uganda

Land access

^Access ^Stability

Higher Same

Lower

X X

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respondents lead to the well-being of the land, thus never causing it to become degraded or destroyed (Edstedt & Carton, 2018). After the

implementation of the project, households were only able to till the soil on their much smaller plots of land which concerned the farmers of land degradation and thus imminent food insecurity (Edstedt & Carton, 2018).

In communities where monocrop plantations occur, it is not uncommon for non-native tree species such as eucalyptus to be used (FIAN, 2012). In addition to the many negative impacts of monocrop plantations on

biodiversity in general, it may also lead to water scarcity, directly affecting the survival of local communities. In such areas locals have witnessed of decreasing water supplies, a common result in areas surrounding such trees (especially eucalyptus trees) as these require huge amounts of water (Edstedt

& Carton, 2018; FIAN, 2012).

5.1.4. Summarizing the social impacts related to ITPs in Uganda

ITPs in Uganda have impacted the livelihoods of communities adjacent to the project in a number ways. Evictions and displacements have directly affected income through the decreased and restricted access to arable land.

This has resulted in decreased agricultural production on which many rely, both on the food itself as well as the income from selling crops. Impacted Table 4. Local food security after implemented ITP, Uganda

Food Security

Access Stability

Higher Same

Lower

X X

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communities express worry over existing and/or pending food security as a result (Edstedt & Carton, 2018; The Oakland Institute, 2019).

5.2. Local impacts in Mozambique

5.2.1. Employment and Income

The Chikweti Forests of Niassa have since its inception created and provided employment for a number of community members (Åkesson et al, 2009).

However, workers of the Chikweti Forests have complained about insecure working conditions with labor absenteeism and/or getting fired quickly after being hired, not receiving a salary and discrimination (EJ atlas, 2020a;

Lemos, 2011). In terms of employment, complaints include promises of employment that have not been kept (Åkesson et al, 2009:50) and concerns over working conditions have been raised in the plantation of Lipapa (Lichinga district) and Maniamba (Lago) regarding long working hours, difficulty to attend cultural and personal ceremonies, late paychecks not in line with Mozambican law as well as impossible requirements to be granted sick leave and ability to get paid (FIAN, 2012; Swedish FAO Committee, 2014). Although the company have refuted this, claiming it fully comply with national labor laws, civil society organization maintain this position (FIAN, 2012; Lemos, 2011). Nonetheless, the formal access to employment should be considered increased.

Another aspect regarding employment is that of the stability, as a large portion of the jobs created are seasonal (Åkesson et al, 2009:53). At the time of Åkesson et al study (2009) the Malonda Foundation had 203 employees of which 22 people had permanent contracts whereas the remainder amounting to approximately 88%, were seasonal workers. Malonda Tree Farm had 250

The Price of a Green Conscience