Stockholm University
Department of Political Science Political Science III
PSIII 379: Security and Strategy in IP (Fall Semester 2012)
Independent Research Project (15 ECTS)
Research Essay Title:
Understanding the failure of the peace initiative: “Plan Colombia” (“Plan for
Peace, Prosperity, and the Strengthening of the State” 1998-2002)Supervisor: Masako Ikegami Student: Isabel Wester Date: 13/01/2012
Key words: latifundium, initiative, incompatibility, transcendence, peace, recognition.
Table of Contents Introduction……….…3 Background Research Problem Research Question Literature Review ...6 Theoretical Framework………....11 Phase 1 : Agreement Phase 2: Implementation Negative & Positive peace
Method, Tools, & Research Material………..17 Methodology
Research Material
Empirical Analysis………19 Units: Plan Colombia - Common Agenda - Ten years of Plan Colombia.
- State/socio-economical reinforcement - Security reinforcement
Discussion………..28 State and socio-economical reinforcement
Security reinforcement
Conclusion……….34
Introduction Research Problem
Peace remains elusive in Colombia. After four decades of fighting and a multitude of failed attempts at negotiating peace, Colombia remains home to the largest conflict in the Western Hemisphere; a conflict that has killed hundreds of thousands of civilians, and displaced millions of people. Although disproportionately impacting the poorest and the most vulnerable Colombian citizens, all spheres of society have been affected by the violence that the conflict has entailed (Meltzer, 2005:1). The intensity of the conflict and its consequences has created strong domestic and international pressures inducing the Colombian government to find rapid solutions to this conflict.
Back in 1964, the Colombian National Army attempted to take control over a communist community which retaliated after the known period of La Violencia, where the liberal and conservative parties fought for power to death, strongly inducing the peasants originals of this community to join in an ideological cause in need for recognition and political participation. FARC1 was born within these motivations to resist the opposing ideological forces of the oligarchies that sought after their stability and convenient distribution of the
latifundium2. Since then, FARC has been driven by the ideal to overcome this doctrine wishing
to reform the agrarian policies into opportunities where peasants are capable to obtain either, the most of the benefits from the land or its control, for the socio- economical and physical well being of the communities. The struggle is claiming then to represent the interests of all Colombian Peoples; therefore, its voice is to be heard at any cost. Clearly, we are aware that a battle to overthrow a government during this long time is neither the simplest nor the low-priciest task; for that reason, FARC has relied on important economical boosts from kidnapping practices, illegal taxation and narcotics which have incited the endurance of the conflict, turning it into a blurred and more complex panoramic.
1 (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) 2
During this time, deprivation forces by the Colombian government have fueled the frustration of the thousands of rebels, resulting in a massive bloodshed of civilians and multiple violations of human rights on behalf of both commands. In the aftermath of these broken relations, a report by the government office estimates that “around 600.000 people have been assassinated by the different guerrillas and the public force” (Ministry, 2012). Another report published by the research team of the National University of Colombia on violence evidences that “there have been 602,364 homicides in the 33 years between 1975 and 2008. That is, 18,253 each year, 50 daily and one every half hour” (Páez, 2012). Respectively, “during 2010 and 2011, 15.856 and 14.374 assassinations were reported in the Col. Forensic Department” (INMLCF, 2010-2011).
As a matter of fact, the Colombian government has focused most of its activities in finding solutions to this conflict by peaceful and military strategies, this last one requiring large investments in armament and technology sacrificing around 3.5% of the GDP by 20123(Ministry, 2012). Certainly, this issue has been a stimulant to linger behind the coverage of social and educational demands provoking other groups of society to rise up in guns, seeking for daily sustenance or other ideological satisfactions; however, not being this directly the only cause of the risings and the violence.
Since 1984 until present, around 26 initiatives have been originated and designed within the government’s agenda with the purpose to resolve this conflict. At best, only 7 of them concluded with a provisional ‘peace’ that relied on the demobilization of different militia fronts, such as: M-19, EPL, and PRT among others. These agreements facilitated a temporary cease of fire between the parties as well as they implemented processes of reintegration to the civil society, processes of political participation and lately, policies offering benefits for militants, who were sentenced or absolved. Among the agreements we can include; ‘La Uribe’ (1984-1987) and ‘the final agreement PRT’ (1991).
Other initiatives pertained to natures of humanitarian actions consisting in the trade of kidnapped victims for imprisoned leaders of the guerrilla, in order to open options to the armed groups for a negotiated solution, a possible surrender or the beginning of a dialogue. The Humanitarian Agreements of; ‘Los Remolinos del Caguan’ (1997), ‘Santa Ana’ (1997) ‘Los
Pozos’ (2001) and others until the year of 2003, were part of this strategy and were designed
with special needs of time and space for these types of circumstances. Moreover, ‘The
dialogues in Caracas y Tlaxcala’ (1991-1992) and ‘Quintin Lame’ (1991), were initiatives that
included foreign participation involving roles of supervision and advice, or designating budgets for the implementation of military aid and counter-narcotics. Indeed, “since 1989 the U.S. has provided $322 million in military aid to Colombia, nearly all on a grant (give-away) basis” (HWR, 1996).
Unfortunately, neither of these initiatives has achieved to resolve the conflict nor a sustainable peace regardless its different natures. Evidently, the dissatisfaction of the parties and the endured violence display the crisis of the state’s integrity without accounts of a legitimate government or a guerrilla of the people. As a result, after 50 years of a civil war and frequent failures, Colombia continues suffering. Sponsors come and go over the years but no victory or agreement seems to impede the 9200 combatants joined by the guerrillas to put down the guns4 (Ministry, 2012).
Research Question
Inevitably, we are urged to search for explanations that justify the failure of these events in order to explore other alternative solutions to this conflict. Hence, that a question still remains concerning why these initiatives have failed and the conflict still endures. This study will focus then on the understanding of the failure of one of the largest initiatives proposed to resolve the conflict by the Colombian government during the period of presidential mandate (1998-2002). The initiative used during this time frame is crucial for this analysis due to the extensive studies realized upon its strategies, its controversial agenda, and that several of its main objectives continue in the current presidential agenda.
Furthermore, their significance is well contributed to their reliance upon powerful military strategies, international support and significant monetary investment under the name of a peace initiative.
Within the theoretical framework of conflict resolution, the inquiry will pertain to two specific topics; State/socio-economical reinforcement and security reinforcement. The topics comprise the unit of analysis covering this study under the name of; ‘Plan Colombia’, “Plan for Peace, Prosperity, and the Strengthening of the State”. This unit is a policy initiative directed to resolve the conflict and guarantee peace, democracy and security. The theoretical model of
conflict resolution and what it entails will be fundamental for the understanding of this inquiry.
Therefore, it is necessary to make a brief recognition of the agencies facilitator in this field along with their contributions before presenting the framework in detail that will later enclose this study.
Literature Review
Conflict analysis made its first steps in becoming a field of studies after the World War I’s experience. However, with the tensions raised during the Cold War, world scholars put great interest to disentangle this situation from different points of view that supplied with significant contributions the spectrum of conflict analysis and resolution. As a result, we can identify “three major headings that yield perspectives in which conflict can be analyzed; Conflict dynamics, basic needs, and rational strategic calculations. Each of them carry different understandings of why conflicts emerge, have a particular dynamic and thus find a distinct resolution” (Wallensteen, 2012:50)
other might follow, thus the dynamic created in the conflict can change direction, suggesting that credible de-escalating steps could lead to positive responses.”
A second instrument supports on the idea of a conflict triangle by Johan Galtung to explain three corners of conflict dynamics; (A) conflict attitudes, (B) conflict behavior, (C) conflict contradiction (Galtung, 1996:72). The observations advocate that a conflict’s starting point could be motivated at any stand of the conflict’s triangle, however; the conflict contradiction’s corner represented a more logical approach for a first stand in conflict understanding. Contradiction alludes to a type of discrepancy between conflicting parties, also named as incompatibility. “Five mediating options examine the different conflict’s outcomes in which two actors A and B might encounter in regards this contradiction; (I) where A wins and B loses, (II) B wins A loses, (III) A and B loses and perhaps a C party wins, (IV) A and B compromise but none wins, and (V) where A and B agree and wins” (Galtung, 1996: 72, 81-90, 96). So that, option (V) stresses Galtung’s contribution in inviting parties to arrive at a meeting point or a mutual negotiation where the discrepancies can be settled and both parties are satisfied with the arrangements.
handle these difficulties is central for the solution of a conflict because they permit the transformation of violent expressions into communication via dialogue and participation.
Moreover, this perspective depicts a version of conflict behavior expressed in terms of frustration-aggression. The premise is provided by the theorist John Dollard and his work
Frustration and aggression (1939) arguing that, “not only basic needs are met in a particular
society; but instead they could also be out of reach for a group, which thus becomes frustrated.” It is possible to notice that the rise of violent behavior refers not only to the lack of access to political participation but also to the denial of representation. In the same manner, this perspective discloses a distinct approach to the resolution of a conflict which would be of interest for our theoretical framework.
Within the last heading, conflict is illustrated by a course of rational calculations that actors make to pursue specific interests in which violent behavior is only understood by pointing at them. At best, outcomes with rational actions involved are suited into two categories: victory and defeat. In this sense, a rational perspective assumes that “parties initiate wars to win them. At least the initiator makes internal calculations showing that benefits outweigh the losses when escalating a conflict to violent confrontation. The potential benefits of victory are reduced as the cost of the resources increases, therefore; the energy invested – destructed- makes it difficult not to continue until victory is reached” (Wallensteen, 2012:45).
This condition is the result of a closed decision-making that positions the parties in a situation where de-escalating is not regarded as an option and what Zartman (1989) denominates a ‘hurting stalement’. A conflict outcome with these characteristics can contribute positively to resolution practices if parties enter into a state of strategic rethinking. Zartman (1995a:3) explains that, “parties in this state see the cost of concessions as being greater than the cost of continuing conflict”.
As a result, the contributions of each major perspective converge into a complete definition of conflict resolution. De-escalating events, substance agreements on discrepancies, channels of open participation, and transformation of conflict are a few of the multiple contributions that these theories and explanations have further to offer. In this review, we have made an attempt to cover the major advances of the field and theorists. The definition and what it implies, additionally, has been supported with studies on conflicts that embrace victories, peace agreements, negotiated settlements and other types of outcomes that have been objects of deeply analysis by conflict scholars whom wish to gather evidence that determine successful conflict resolution’s practices.
For instance, ‘A recent review of conflict terminations shows that peace agreements’ events have become more frequent since 1990 (27 compared to 12 for the 1946-89 period) and even more common than victories’ (Kreutz, 2010). Researchers have as well favored peace events in consequence of the difficulties to achieve and sustain victory. “Since 1989, after concluding multiple agreements and preventing war in all worlds’ regions, peace agreements have gained a global meaning” (Wallensteen, 2012:30-31). Furthermore, research has also inspired academics in coining terms like peacemaking, peace building, and peacekeeping which maintain to enlarge the spectrum of conflict resolution.
The state is considered to play roles of high responsibility in society as for instance: the collection of taxes. This activity provides the state with the authority to organize and distribute power and tasks but most importantly the authority to use force. Thus, that since the end of the cold war most of the evidence gathered relies on the types of conflicts where the state is involved, however, conflict’s academics has recently concerned in investigating conflicts where no-state actors are involved as well. As mentioned, “this research has made the data useful for systematic studies of the origins of conflict, conflict dynamics and conflict resolution” (UCDP, 2012).
Until this point, we have cautiously gathered enough information to state three formal considerations introduced by conflict analysis that will influence the framework of this study in regards resolution. Firstly, we have considered that the resolution of a conflict depends upon the redirection of the conflict’s dynamics and actions into peaceful de-escalating events. Secondly, we have moved to the recommendation that peaceful arrangements based on the resort of parties’ incompatibilities are common and positive approaches to the resolution of a conflict. And thirdly, that conflict is a source of development in which parties are more benefited and satisfied by getting into an agreement where A and B can win. ‘From this it follows that the resolution of a conflict, conflict transformation, is a never-ending process, in which giving up violent expressions is important and finding a mutually acceptable process may be a necessary precursor to a solution’ (Wallensteen, 2012:35).
Conflict resolution sets out to develop a theoretical social framework based on the considerations of conflict analysis and related theories, evidence upon the experience of conflict and war, as well as the institutional influence of the democratic experience. Particularly, in order to guide our framework we have decided to employ the text
“Understanding Conflict Resolution” by Peter Wallensteen (2012), which offers a profound
processes, hence, the relevance of this framework for our study in understanding the failure of the peace processes in Colombia. Moreover, Wallensteen’s text (2012:141) “emphasizes in the presence of democracy as a central element in the settlement of a conflict. This is a way of handle the participation of parties in a society: to give space to a host of actors who have previously been suppressed or excluded from influence. A solution may encompass procedures for transferring the struggle into constitutional and non violent forms.”
Therefore, in what concerns to this study the theoretical premises of conflict analysis are embedded in this discussion. But specifically, within the components guiding our analysis and facilitating the portrayal of the research problem we include: conflict resolution’s patterns, and the concept of peace.
Theoretical framework
The standpoint that this analysis employs is depicted then by a social theoretical perspective which sets a main focus on considering agreements and peace processes as more frequent resorts for resolving a conflict, especially, after the evidence gathered on global armed conflicts in the post-Cold War period, within an intra state dimension. “Peace agreements may actually provide a greater chance for parties’ survival, and thus, there might be an incentive for a peaceful solution” (Wallensteen, 2012:137). Departing from the past experiences and case studies, conflict resolution’s analysis explains its suggestions not as a given formula stating exact ways out of a conflict but instead, stating guidelines intending to explain ‘conflict transformation’ as the resolution.
For instance, redirecting the conflict’s course from violent to non-violent, from absence of dialogue to open channels of participation and lastly; from injustices to democratic mechanisms. In the attempt to converge the key premises for resolving a conflict in accordance with the three major headings embracing the perspectives, conflict resolution provides a definitional framework in which we will refer in our study. Then, Conflict Resolution implies
“a social situation where the armed conflicting parties in a voluntary agreement resolve to live peacefully with – and/or dissolve – their basic incompatibilities and henceforth cease to use arms against one another” (Wallensteen, 2012:50).
We will break down this conception into two essential phases in order to analyze the initiative elaborated in the Colombian conflict. Besides, it will allow us to distinguish several requirements or advices proposed for the process of resolution that will be soon disclosed.
Recognition is an additional characteristic that parties slightly accept by entering into an agreement constrained by the conflict resolution’s framework. Indeed, according to the requirements of this first phase, parties must enter into a legitimate pact where sides are properly recognized in law instead of practice. Pacts can be of different categorizations including: treaties, agreements, negotiations, act, summits, etc. but always, once within this framework they must conserve the legal expressed recognition of the opponent and peaceful behavior. “In the case of an intra-state conflict, governments are often reluctant to extend recognition to an armed opposition movement; since as, they regard themselves as the legitimate and solely use of force. It can also be that governments regard the opponents as terrorists or bandits and, thus, they are not on equal footing”, argues Wallensteen (2012: 51). In effect, when governments fail to recognize parties, who are pursuing political goals, there is a significant possibility that conflict will rise or keep protracting. Therefore, recognizing opponents in a conflict signifies a crucial argument for our analysis.
Moreover, one last characteristic but not less relevant advises that parties agree voluntarily or at least in a partial absence of pressures from outsiders. “Secondary parties can be extremely important to the primary parties, both militarily (by providing armaments) and psychologically (making clear that they are not alone). Outside pressure may be a good tactic to get support for an agreement at one stage, but when that constrain disappears, the settlement may no longer hold”, affirms Wallensteen (2012:52-53). Therefore, secondary parties are expected to be only a matter of transparent support which protects and guarantees environments where creating trust among the parties is of high relevance. Even more, conflict resolution characterizes external performance only with moderate influence and restraint of persuasion for the endurance of the agreement.
the past. Wallensteen (2012:52-53) argues that, “conflict management focuses only on the armed aspect: bringing the fighting to an end, limiting the spread of the conflict, and thus, containing it. Such an action may even be regarded as successful but conflict resolution’s concept is more ambitious”.
The previous premises are vital patterns for the development of the second phase as well as for the intrinsic analysis of the agreements developed under the mentioned period of Colombian governance. So that, we will continue exploring the array of conflict resolution’s framework and we expect that the second phase will turn out less difficult for the parties but not strictly trouble free.
Disclosing arguments can turn somewhat cumbersome sometimes; therefore, we would like to address briefly some necessary justifications in order to portray clearly this second phase. As we know, parties stipulate in the agreement how they will deal with their discrepancies. The author suggests that parties decide either ‘to live peacefully with – and/or
dissolve’ their basic incompatibilities’ (2012:50). By recalling the significance of the term
incompatibility we are aware that the importance of this type of concern can’t be underestimated and thus, we are required to count on pertinent procedures to overcome it. “Incompatibility is defined as the inability to meet the demands of two or more parties at the same time with the available resources. These resources may be something less tangible than land, capital, natural resources, or military positions. They can also be the desire to obtain recognition, respect, restitution or restoration. Their significance is likely to concern meeting a historical mission” (Wallensteen, 2012:53).
conditioned to a framework implemented through democratic processes and justice. Wallensteen (2012:144) stresses that “Democracy expand the political alternatives in society and provide intermediate options such as: winning, but not gaining complete dominance, being strong enough to play a role, and loose, but still keeping a position in society”. With the premise of a democratic system as a monitor, we have selected two mechanisms suggested under this framework which have for purpose the creation of circumstances of trust that benefit the implementation process and the resolution of conflict. These two advices tackle the dimension of an intra state conflict which is of relevance for this study.
In the first place, a party may ‘change its goals’ i.e. its priorities, circumstances, etc. Parties may not easily change the reasons for their long struggle but they can swap the ranking of their priorities. In this way, shifts create new solutions and open communication channels. “However, the possibility for such changes should not be overestimated and it would be outright dangerous for a party to hinge a negotiation policy on expectations of change in a particular direction” (Wallensteen, 2012:54). Thus, the importance of acknowledge parties about events where any priority has been replaced.
The second advice relates to the ‘physical security of the fighting parties’. During and after a peace process, leaders of the insurgency face a transition into the civil life and political representation. Its appearance in public may produce controversy in the society due to their image being usually attached to vandalism and violent acts in the past. Hence, Wallensteen agrees that, ‘Transition requires special measures to provide sufficient security for leaders and to familiarize the general public to their presence in public life. Their freedom becomes a symbol of a new reality of peace cooperation” (2012:145)
themselves but instead they work in conjunction with the first ones, and without a specific order they help to transform the conflict. The patterns will permit us to infer in which matters, we are able to establish a connection and in which ones we are not, in regards the Colombian initiative. The previous division into phases is with the idea to facilitate the reader a better understanding of this framework; so that, conflict resolution is well considered.
So far, we have broadly discussed about ‘peace agreements’ and ‘peace processes’, but we have stayed away from the notion of peace. A discussion about the theoretical premises of conflict resolution would not be as significant and satisfying without covering one of the main purposes of its development, thus; a discussion about peace as an ideal outcome is mandatory. After a period of heavy conflict and violence, we expect that conflict resolution’s premises have created an environment of human integration where individuals and groups are capable to peacefully debate on interests and institute a balance of strengths in society. That is why in the following paragraphs, we will undertake the concept of peace according to the considerations recommended within the Social Science field by the same authors, and which will now become useful for our analysis, as a building block.
In conclusion, it is convenient for our analysis to employ this propositional framework because it engages constantly with the perceptions that of conflict resolution and the concept of peace can entail, besides it concerns with the urgent social problem of conflict solving. By adapting this outline to the peace processes and peace agreements realized in Colombia, we will be able to reveal the reasons that underlie the failure of the peace initiative, since the conflict is still latent.
Methodology
To address this revelation, we will be using three unit of analysis in a simultaneous report. We will approach these units by using an analytical strategy that links explanatory patterns in the empirical material to the propositional patterns of conflict resolution and peace covered in Wallensteen’s text. By the presence and absence of this relationship, we will notice in the first place if parties consented to a peace agreement, which incompatibilities were chosen by the parties, how they were implemented, and if their implementation matched with any of the mechanisms stated in the text, which will be called to emerge in the discussion only when necessary. The information gathered would also permit us to evaluate if some events occurred under any of the undesirable advices provided in the framework. These events evidence some explanations relating the failure of the peace processes.
Therefore, the tools of D.A will have as a main goal to reveal how the party has constructed this narrative while we relate it to our framework patterns. As a result, they will lead us to fructuous interpretations emerging directly from the empirical data which enables a clear perspective and representation of the research problem.
The methodological tools that we will use consist of interpretative repertoires, which Potter and Wetherell (in Bryman, 2008: 502) define as identifying “the general resources that are used to construct discourse and enables the performance of particular actions”. We will also be looking for quantification rhetoric, which is the way in which numbers are used to support or disprove an argument and rhetorical detail, where we look at the way arguments are constructed through terms and formulations (Bryman, 2008: 506). The narrative comprises two different topics; State/socio-economical and Security reinforcements. The proper tools will then be applied to each topic.
Research Material
Additionally, this unit comprises an essential piece called A Common Agenda for
Change toward a New Colombia, which exclusively focuses on the peace agreement conceived
between the Colombian government and FARC-EP’s head boards. In this roadmap, the parties have met at a point where peace can be resorted by a mutual developmental process. We have selected this relevant document due to the opportunity to reveal an additional actor’s point of view as FARC guerrilla. This is possible because while the party stresses its consent to agree along with this proposal, FARC has shared this peace agreement as an ideal outcome for Colombia.
A supplementary document concludes our research materials for illustrating this case study. Ten years of Plan Colombia: An analytical assessment (2008) by The Beckley
Foundation Drug Policy Programme. This document comprises in the same manner the chosen
topics covering the analysis meanwhile it approaches them with a more critical perspective on the policy objectives and processes. The relevance of this material will emerge when we are called to examine the continuous discourse’s stand by the government. The material will present essential facts which will nurture the analysis of this peace initiative but at the same time it will contrast the narrative the government wants to portray. For our study, this piece is an essential contribution because it helps us to portray discourse as the creator of reality as well as it will facilitate the understanding of the initiative’s failure when it is related to our framework.
Empirical Analysis
State and socio-economical reinforcement
In the paragraphs detailing the actions of the Colombian government to resolve the conflict and seek after peace, we have identified two main focuses within this first topic. The first focus comprises the establishment of the democratic law as well as economic and social justice.
We are able to notice this emphasis through the arguments formulating the following statements, “Colombia’s strategy for peace and progress also depends on reforming and modernizing other institutions so the political process can function as an effective instrument of economic advancement and social justice to reduce the causes and provocations of violence, by opening new paths to social participation, full education access, better health care and creating conscience which holds government accountable for results” (Plan Colombia, 2004:4-5).
The methodological tool of rhetorical detail provides us with three devices terms and statements, extreme case formulations and ambiguity in order to construct arguments. Through the terms ‘effective’, ‘advancement’, ‘access’, ‘accountable’ the argument indicates an association of democracy with peace . In addition, the term ‘modernizing’ and ‘reforming’ are signaling for democratic settlement. An example of an extreme case formulation is perceived with the use of the word ‘full’ which refers to a democratic and social goal that needs to be spread.
Rhetorical details such as; ‘institutionalization’, ‘rule of law’, ‘strengthening’, ‘respect’ and ‘institution building’, clarify the association between peace goals and democratic reforms as a legitimate claim. In this case, we also count with an example of an extreme case formulation with the word, ‘every’, which overall justifies the requirement of democracy as an essential condition for peace.
Within the general social justice’s ideals, there is an embedded agenda which points out the initiation of a dialogue between the parties, “Central to the strategy are the negotiations of a peace agreement with the guerrillas to put an end to the conflict on the basis of territorial integrity, democracy, human rights and the fight against drugs” (Plan Colombia, 2004:6). By making emphasis in a specific out, the rhetoric presented in this argument suggests to become into actions. These include the key statements ‘put an end’, ‘fight against drugs’ and ‘central to the strategy are the negotiations’.
In the description, at the core of this common agenda we have found that parties have also formulated the interests and conditions commonly, “There is a compromise to build peace, without any parties’ distinctions, conducting to a new Colombia through political, economic and social transformations based on social justice and national unity.”(Common Agenda, 1999:1), and upon issues comprising “(…) representation of the opposition, a redistribution of the non productive land, stimulation of the agrarian production, economic and fundamental rights, distribution of natural resources, social inversion, foreign inversion benefiting the Nation and democratic reform(…)” (Common Agenda, 1999:2).
With the devices provided by rhetorical detail we can introduce a necessary transition in the statements formulating the previous argument. They include ‘compromise to build peace’, ‘without parties’ distinctions’, ‘transformations’ and ‘new Colombia’. Moreover, the next key terms convey several arrangements ‘redistribution’, stimulation’ and ‘inversion’.
In an attempt to keep the judicial system accountable to the peoples, the following statements entail a description in regards its reorganization and responsibilities, “the government will seek to reduce impunity through improved prosecution, more effective investigations and speedier trials. It will provide effective coordination of the judiciary, including open communication and effective policy implementation between the branches and offices responsible for judicial reform and administration” (Plan Colombia, 2004:21) additionally it stresses that, “It has been created institutional committees to press for the investigation and punishment of the most severe cases of human’s rights abuse as well as the Witness and Threatened Person Program which supports human rights’ workers” (Plan Colombia, 2004:22).
Here certain words are important to highlight due to their ambiguous nature and how they frame the intended message through the terms: ‘impunity’, ‘punishment’, ‘severe’, ‘abuse’, ‘prosecution’, ‘effective’, ‘reform’, ‘support’ and ‘speedier’.
Perhaps in contrast with the previous lines, the following statement relates to guarantees offered to the armed groups signifying an act of social justice while peace talks take place. “A demilitarized area by law has also been created to guarantee the security necessary to advance negotiations with the guerrillas. The law allows the President to create and eliminate a distention zone, as an expression of the sovereignty of the state” (Plan Colombia, 2004:9)
The previous were statements regarding the intended compliances of the government addressed to victims and abusers. The array of the terms in used is general and uncertain therefore; the meaning conveying the argument turns doubtful and problematic when it refers to those alienated with the reform.
In order to implement these objectives and reorganizations the Colombian government has required the support of several foreign actors, but in specific The United States, which after the contribution granted engaged closely with the plan’s interests. The methodological tools that are used for this and the oncoming arguments consist of interpretative repertoire and rhetoric quantification.
The following is a statement relating to the engagement of the international community, “the assistance from the United States, the European Community and the rest of the international community is vital to the success of the peace process and our economic development” (Plan Colombia, 2004:5, 11). The key repertoires building this statement make special emphasis and focus in the involvement of secondary parties. They incorporate the words ‘assistance’, ‘vital’, ‘community’, ‘international’ and ‘success’.
This time wide used of rhetorical quantification is underlined in the next reports in order to confirm the allocation of the budget designated to this and general objectives of the plan, in specific by the United States as it is the main donor. Two kinds of quantifying devices will be noticed in the following reports. “The total budget during the last ten years (1998-2008) U.S. aid to Colombia has added up to US$ 6,495 million, and has included the following allocations: Military and police aid (US$5.5 billion); economic and social aid (US$1.2 billion); military equipment (US$1.3 billion); counter drug operations (US$176 millions); and humanitarian and civic assistance (US$871,975)” (Acevedo, 2008:4).
Security reinforcement
Several statements indicating the focus of this second topic relates to the reinforcement of security bodies such as; the police, army, armament and intelligence. In addition, this security enlargement is justified with arguments that circumscribe a counter-narcotics objective or discourse in order to stop the resources supporting the conflict. By inspecting the facts and the linguistics devices chosen by the author, we are aware that the discourse of this topic is overreaching the relevance of the previous focus throughout the disclosure of arguments.
Therefore, the methodological tools that we will use for this topic in this Unit consist of interpretative repertoires and rhetorical detail. While the repertoire in this section denotes a negative and urgent issue that may be resorted, it also reflects the way the author construct discourse to convert this issue in a main concern. Moreover, the tools of rhetorical detail will provide the statements, terms and extreme formulations for our analysis which reveal the course of actions. The convergence of these tools reveal a subtext in the present arguments in regards the activities and roles of the actors.
The following is a statement relating to the security reinforcement’s topic, which is seeking after military enlargement and control, “During the peace process, the army and the police must necessarily continue to increase their capabilities so that they will be able to maintain an effective presence throughout the country and ensure a peaceful settlement” (Plan Colombia, 2004:11). Here, two formulations are important due to their influence to course actions and frame ideas. These include ‘continue to increase their capabilities’, ‘ensure a peaceful settlement’ and ‘maintain an effective presence’.
with emphasis on river, air, by night and in the jungle; besides to integrate the forces for intelligence collections and analysis. (Plan Colombia, 2004: 19).
In the last report problematic devices emerged in order to underpin the message that the author wants to transmit, which is that of a massive security reinforcement. It becomes evident with the oncoming details: ‘Consolidate control’, ‘improve interdiction and range’, ‘increase the number; the capacity’, ‘integrate the forces’ ‘coverage’ and ‘expansion’.
Certainly, all these improvements and operations besides of ensuring order, territory and a peaceful settlement; they also demonstrate additional objectives in regards the conflict and its supporters.
The following accounts entails the reference by the Col. Government in regards drug matters, “The fight against drug production and trafficking is one of the top strategic priorities (…) for this reason (…) the government must focus significant attention on this problem and is determined to combat narcotics, in terms of drug trafficking, production, and any other element supporting this illicit activity, which threatens our nation” (Plan Colombia, 2004:8). Even though it is stated that is one of the top concerns, the text conveys constant focus and arguments throughout the text which stand out in order to highlight the importance of this issue. In this case extreme case formulations are crucial for this account. For instance: ‘priorities’, ‘significant’, ‘attention’, ‘top’, which are all signaling for its preference.
The following statement is in order to reveal the ambiguity of the previous argument resulted from our alternative stand but at the same time to contrast the discourse. The author argues that, “Plan Colombia was originally proposed as a peace programme, but soon became a military strategy aimed at weakening the link between illicit drugs and insurgency. It has been the principal strategy addressing the complex dynamics of illicit drugs production within Colombia” (Acevedo, 2008:1)
To confirm it is stated that, “The results of this approach in terms of the decline of illegal armies, particularly guerrilla groups, may be considered as a success” (Acevedo, 2008:1). The formulation ‘may be considered as a success’ supports the previous argumentation but contrast the ideal of peace mentioned previously.
The following objectives stress the launching of the improved military activity and organisms while the elimination of drug trade issues. However, an important call is made about control settlement.
In the following account we will continue with the components of what rhetorical detail has to offer. “Strengthen the fight against drug trafficking and dismantle the trafficking organizations through an integrated effort of the armed forces, combat illicit cultivation through continuous and systematic military and police actions, reinforce and train the police investigating crops, establish military control of the south for eradication, and establish government control over key drug production areas” (Plan Colombia, 2004:17). The key statements detailing the assurance of this objective being eliminated are ‘dismantle the trafficking organizations’, ‘strengthen the fight against drug trafficking’, and ‘combat illicit cultivation’.
“Guerrillas and illegal ‘self-defense’ groups threaten the state by endeavoring to control sovereign territory, through the disruption of order by raids, kidnaps, roadblocks and terrorist attacks” (Plan Colombia, 2004:17), the government continues to explain that “The traffickers rely on poppy crops in remote areas beyond government control -both drug trafficking and processing occur in southern Colombia where there is a strong presence of guerrilla” (Plan Colombia, 2004:17). The rhetorical account provided in the argumentation possesses implications that are naturally uncertain and present an ambiguous meaning. They make presence through these key statements ‘in remote areas beyond government control’ and ‘southern Colombia’ ‘strong presence of guerrilla’.
Furthermore, the characterization of the guerrilla as an allied of the drug trade, ‘kidnappers’, ‘terrorist attackers’ and ‘road blockers’ also makes it a target of the counter narcotics objective and military action. Therefore, the following argument characterizes the roles of the military forces upon these type of actors frightening the nation, “neutralize and combat violence agents allied with the drug trade and increase security for citizens against kidnapping, extortion and terrorism” (Plan Colombia: 2004:18)
Discussion
The discourse used in the previous report assign special connotations that accompany certain practices, attitudes and laws referring to the situation of peace in Colombia. These connotations and arguments attached to the report communicate and define a conception of peace. This enables the author to perceive and interpret matters conferring to different senses and meanings as in our case study regarding the state/socio-economical reinforcement, and security reinforcement, thus designing a course of actions. Discourse analysis and the methodological tools that we have employed allow us to approach and understand the government discourse’s perspective when they address the peace initiative within a framework of conflict resolution.
To help clarify our analysis and present a coherent argumentation we are going to look for two components; how discourse constructs the concept of peace and how discourse is related to the conflict resolution patterns presented.
State/socio-economical reinforcement
In the description of this unit we have found that repertoires indicating the presence of reforms and the absence of violence are used in order to construct a discourse of peace. Here we count with generous constructions given to the concept of peace which contains a fusion of positive and negative connotations.
However, the incidence of several devices with a negative connotation requiring the absence of several issues, practices and behaviors exposed by the government, expresses a direct link with that conception of peace that within this framework we have classified as insufficient for idealizing the post-conflict. In effect, while the government imposes objectives requiring the absence of violent acts such as; terrorism, kidnapping, activities relating to the drug trade including all its performers and supporters, the initiative becomes suitable for the characterization that pertains to the absence of direct violence. In this sense, the initiative for peace reflects with these devices and actions that the absence of violent actions is only containing the conflict and seeking after a negative conception of peace.
These justifications explain the mixture of the components used in the discourse’s initiative that defines the conception of peace in which the course of actions is embedded. Based on that, in the following discussion we would make emphasis in how and in which way these arguments relate to the patterns exposed of conflict resolution. Eventually, this association will exhibit the imposition of negative peace as the main conception to frame the discourse and behavior of the government but also it will reveal the failure of the initiative in reference to the understanding of our framework.
In an ideological conflict attempting to start a transformation process, especial laws entailing significant compensation privileges in regards to the opposition parties are seriously considered. The institutions must under these special circumstances concede generous benefits in order to ensure the party’s representation and protection that by contrary would be endangered. So that, if a social/judicial system presents the influence of the same negative premises requiring the absence of rebels, the reforms generated within it develops irregularities that makes the protection of individual insufficient without the proper accompaniment.
However, under the previous circumstances of a peace agreement it was argued that besides the ensured political participation, an alternative guarantee was given to the FARC guerrilla. Essentially, it included a distention area with the aim to advance a peaceful negotiation.
The vague connotations used through the key devices in order to grant new circumstances that benefited the peace process, as well as, the formulation supporting it caused the scrutiny of this argument. In the discourse, a negotiated settlement was a purpose that required to be ensured in a ‘sovereign territory’. Therefore, the government assigned by law a geographical area that under subjective knowledge of the societal was already under the informal insurgency’ influence but in discourse it was sovereign. Anyhow, what we want to demonstrate is that by the choice of ambiguous devices; claiming two areas to be distinct but to an end they coincide to be the same in the narrative’s description, the author presumes to convince of a reality in which this guarantee is a benefit truly given.
In general, the ambiguous devices supported formulations that constructed the previous arguments conceiving ‘guarantees’ for the armed group in the negotiation, which under our characterization they were the product of a negative state’s reform based on the absence of the party and in the broader sense of a negative conceptualization of peace. As a result, we have concerns in regards the government’s discourse of reform and their perspective about social justice and participation.
Evidently, under this negative conception of peace embracing the actions of the peace initiative, the arguments defining the author’s perspective in regards the recognition of the other party as a political participant are rather pessimistic. In the description of the activities and categorization of the armed groups, certain devices deny its presence as an equal actor but at the same time they claim its presence as a threat that needs to be eliminated. Denying the armed group as a political actor in the negotiation contradicts the will of a connotation which is given to the device ‘without parties’ distinctions’ expressed in the peace agreement by both of the parties meaning to be positive. This contradiction is of interest because it reveals a subtext in the government’s discourse which demands either the total absence of an opposition group or the appearance of a political actor that abides the actual discourse thus, presenting no distinctions.
What is left unsaid is also an important feature of discourse analysis. The recognition of the guerrilla as a threat has been emphasized substantially in the narrative although its recognition as a political actor is absent. The discourse employed to refer to the opposition party circumvents the pattern of equal recognition included in our framework and nourish the understanding of the failure of this peace initiative.
produced in concordance with the democratic procedures that would contribute to resolve them.
Nonetheless, with the purpose to express several conditions and situations in which peace could be achieved the author includes in its discourse, under our framework’s considerations, negative reforms and annihilating devices. They want to relate the presence of peace only in an environment with the absence of conflict, guerrilla, illicit drugs and funding as well as violence. Therefore, the peace agreement implies a dogmatic framework in which the guerrilla had the opportunity to express its discrepancies while pragmatically was being subjected; to the no recognition, to a forced or ‘ensured peaceful settlement’ and then to a promising effective judicial system. In this sense, the struggle must be given up with no real guarantees for the incompatibility or recognition.
Security reinforcement
The Colombian government suggests a reality of peace constructed in the absence of conflict (which signifies the drug trafficking, direct violence and guerrilla) and the presence of a self conception of democratic and social change. In order to bring this reality into action, it has required the assistance of several secondary parties. Their role in this strategy is of relevance because the author undergoes a transition in the discourse when he attempts to validate their support. The discourse then encompasses repertoires of reform with enlargement and urgency, both addressed to achieve a negative peace.
Indices manifested then that there was a change of priorities although repertoires presented in the discourse made possible to notice this transition. As the level of negative connotations pointing the urgency of the conflict increased, the connotations of establishing the rule of law decreased. This shifting in the priorities was more evident as the magnitude of the repertoire used to describe the discourse (in charge of ‘increment’ the ‘capacity’ and ‘range’ of the security operations dedicated to the ‘elimination’ of ‘the insurgency and drug trade’) predisposed only to the search for a negative outcome. Thus, it is argued that the influence of secondary parties, in the case of the .U.S., released forces restraining even more the development of the objectives of the peace initiative that counted with a slightly ‘positive’ outcome.
We could argue then that although the parties entered in a truly voluntary agreement where incompatibilities were met as presented in the analysis, during the process of implementation the initiative was subjected to an unannounced shift of priorities partly with the assistance of secondary parties that contributed with obstructing a ‘positive peace’. Moreover, within the advices of conflict resolution, a change in the order of priorities of a peace agreement has optimistic attributes because it ventilates new solutions to the process only with the restrain that both parties have been aware of the implications of the shifting.
Therefore, the connotations associated with this behavior evoke the pattern of our framework conveying the importance of a ceasefire while peace processes are in progress.
Conclusion
The reality of conflict in Colombia has not presented a peaceful variant during the last 50 years despite the multiple ‘peace initiatives’ by the government. This study has concerned with the scrutiny of a Peace Initiative like Plan Colombia that counted with a great influence in the Colombian society, in particular, in matters of socio-economical and security reforms that we have covered in this unit.
The findings of our analysis reveal several differences that let us distinguish not only what discourse is being promulgated but also how it is being constructed. The ambiguous and implicit meanings discovered reflect the ideal assumptions embedded in this initiative, which acquired strong significance for our analysis when accompanied by certain actions and attitudes that defines a conception of peace. Indeed, several arguments charged with values and repertoires were used to create a satisfying narrative of peace for the reader based merely on a discourse of social and security reformation to contain violence which at the same time was examined with the premises considered of our framework.
instruments creators of trust, pertaining in this study to; the continuous crossfire, the influence of other parties with individual interests in the conflict and a defective judicial system.
Furthermore, we have provided an alternative material that gives account with statistical measures of the focus on the superiority of a counter-narcotic and counter insurgency strategies that dominated the aim of the initiative and which juxtaposed the ideal objectives of the Colombian government. On the other hand, we provided an alternative document with a small but significant point whereby the guerrilla’s perspective in matters of peace is stated. This study could broad its scope by considering in depth a document where there is not mutual agreement involved and uniquely, where the guerrilla exposes how an initiative of peace will resemble or a more detailed statement for peace and conflict resolution. Employing a methodology of qualitative content analysis or critical D.A could approach the effectiveness and implications that such an initiative could entail. Additionally, to contemplate a broader research of the failure of the peace initiatives in Colombia we could include a comparative study of more than two initiatives. The assistance of one of these methodologies could help to decipher distinct mechanisms or advices that represent any variation that may further explain this phenomenon within the framework of conflict resolution.
Whereas, one of the strengths of this study is the choice of a social theoretical framework that is capable to immerse in such a social multifaceted event, at the same time, its nature subjects the reader to a wide contemplation of patterns decreasing the level of abstraction. Therefore to compensate this pitfall, abstract conceptions of a theory peace which relates directly to the conflict resolution’s framework were supplied. Lastly, we expect that this study contributes with specific fundamentals that may be taken into account for future studies on peace policies, in situations where a peace agreement is required within an intra-state conflict, and especially under initiatives of government originations.
Notes
1 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia Abbreviation FARC
2 For information relating to landownership history and latifundium, direct to available dictionaries and encyclopedias.
345 Additional details about indices and statistics is also found at https://www.dnp.gov.co.
References
Books Azar, E and Burton, J. (1986) International Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner.
Bryman, Alan (2008). Social research methods 3. Ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press Coser, Lewis A. (1967) Continuities in the study of Social Conflict. New York: Free Press. Dollard, J., L. W. Doob, N.E. Miller, O.H. Mowrer and R. R. Sears (1939) Frustration and
aggression. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Galtung, Johan (1996). Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and
Civilization. International Peace Research Institute, Oslo: SAGE Publications Ltd.,
London.
Meltzer, Cristina Rojas & Judy. (2005) Elusive Peace. In International, National, and
Local Dimensions of Conflict in Colombia. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Wallensteen, Peter (2012). Understanding Conflict Resolution.3rd
Ed. London: SAGE publications.
Zartman, I. William (ed) (1995a). Elusive Peace. Negotiating an End to Civil
Wars.Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.
Journals and Reports
El Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses (2010). Comparativo
2010-2011p muertes violentas primeros 5 departamentos con las cifras más altas según el contexto. pdf Available at:
Human Watch report (1996) Colombia’s killer networks: The Military-Paramilitary
Partnership and the United States. (November 1, 1996). Online Available at:
http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/1996/killertoc.htm Accessed 8 November 2012 Kreutz (2010) UCDP Conflict termination Dataset v 2010-1. Available at:
http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/datasets/ Accessed 11 November 2012
Internet Sources
Cairns, J. (2009) Latifundia. E-dictionaryAvailable at http://www.2ad.com/history/node115.html
Costanzo, J. (2011). Discourse Analysis (DA) and Content Analysis (In Fundamentals,
Dissertation and Research). Online University of Kent, Brussels School of International
studies Available at:
http://www.academia.edu/1743959/Discourse_Analysis_DA_and_Content_Analysis_in_Fu ndamentals_Dissertation_and_Research_PO997_LW998_ Accessed 14 December 2012 Galtung, J. (2000). Conflict Transformation by Peaceful Means: The Transcend Method.
Online Available at: http://www.gsdrc.org/go/display&type=Document&id=2827 Accessed 2 December 2012.
Galtung, J. (2000). Conflict Transformation by Peaceful Means: The Transcend Method. pdf Available at: http://www.transcend.org/pctrcluj2004/TRANSCEND_manual.pdf Accessed 2 December 2012
Grewal, B. (2003). Johan Galtung: Positive and Negative Peace. pdf School of Social Science: Auckland University of technology Available at:
http://upeaceap.org/hando_upfiles/FCPC_RM_06_1.pdf Accessed 4 December 2012 Highbeam (2008). Latifundium. E- Encyclopedia Available at
http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G2-3078903136.html
Msn, Ministries estimations (2012) El conflicto armado de Colombia en cifras. Available at
http://noticias.latam.msn.com/co/colombia/articulo_afp.aspx?cp-documentid=254270190 Accessed 23 November 2012
Páez, Magda T. (2012) Aumenta la violencia en el país. Unimedios. Online Available at http://historico.unperiodico.unal.edu.co/Ediciones/116/7.html Accessed 7 November, 2012
UCDP, The Uppsala Conflict Data Program (2012). About UCDP: Background. Online Available at http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/program_overview/about_ucdp/.
Empirical Material
Acevedo, David Bewley-Taylor; Youngers, C & Beatriz (2008) Ten Years of Plan
Colombia: An Analytical Assessment pdf The Beckely Foundation: Drug Policy
Programme. Available at
http://reformdrugpolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/paper_16.pdf Accessed 15 December 2012
Colombia. President (1999) Plan Colombia: Plan for Peace, Prosperity, and the
Strengthening of the State pdf (Bogota), Presidency of the Republic. Available at
http://usregsec.sdsu.edu/docs/PlanColombia.pdf Accessed 29 November 2012
FARC-EP & National Government (1999) A Common Agenda for Change toward a New
Colombia (La Machaca) Online Available at
