Experiencing the Built Environment

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KTH ROYAL INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

DEGREE PROJECT IN THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT, SECOND CYCLE, 30 CREDITS STOCKHOLM, SWEDEN 2020

Experiencing the Built Environment

Architectural Aesthetics and User Preferences

ELLEN WIDSTRAND

KTH ROYAL INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

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ABSTRACT

Social sustainability is discussed more today than ever before, but seldom in the context of aesthetics in the built environment. The environments we build are where we spend most of our time, and they affect our wellbeing. With cities growing faster and becoming denser, how we design our home becomes more and more important. Aesthetic variables are a large part of what the built environment is, and constitute much of what we experience on a daily basis when moving around our city. Studies suggest that some aesthetic elements are preferred over others, and that both body and brain respond to aesthetic stimuli. This thesis explores the relationship between what has been found on the subject of building exterior aesthetics so far, and how evidence on aesthetic preferences is addressed in the development project of Rosendal in Uppsala, Sweden.

SVENSKA

Social hållbarhet är ett ämne som är mer aktuellt nu än någonsin, även om det sällan diskuteras i samband med estetik i den bebyggda miljön. De miljöer vi bygger är också de platser där vi tillbringar majoriteten av vår tid, och de påverkar hur vi mår. I takt med att städer växer och blir tätare så blir gestaltningen av dessa platser allt viktigare. Estetiken utgör en stor del av den bebyggda miljön och vår upplevelse när vi rör oss i städerna. Studier visar på att människor föredrar vissa estetiska element framför andra, och att både kropp och hjärna reagerar på estetiska stimuli. I den här uppsatsen utforskas sambandet mellan vad den forskning som finns kring exteriör byggnadsestetik säger, och hur estetiska preferenser inkluderas och diskuteras i stadsbyggnadsprojektet Rosendal i Uppsala i Sverige.

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1. Introduction

Social sustainability in relation to mental health is possibly a more current topic of discussion today than ever, with societal debates, research and statistics on anxiety, depression,and suicide (De Meijere, 2019; Wigzell, 2019; Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2019; Folkhälsomyndigheten, 2020). Modern society plays a major role in our mental wellbeing, and stress and depression symptoms seem to be linked to our lifestyles and the pressures that come with it, may it be career wise or through social obligations. In the midst of this heltershelter are the outdoor milieus in which we spend much of our time, hurrying to work or going on that run to clear out one’s thoughts. They are the places we come home to after an eventful day, and what we see when we look out the window having breakfast or strolling around in our leisure time. While much of our time is spent inside, the urban outdoor milieus are a large part of our daily lives as well, and what we see through the window has proven to influence our wellbeing (Ulrich, 1984). Despite this, how we choose to plan and design these exterior milieus from an aesthetic point of view is seldom something that is discussed in relation to our health and its importance in helping us lead happy lives. Architecture is a large part of the urban scene, especially the building exteriors. Knowing that cities will continue to grow in the future (Regeringskansliet, 2017b), so will likely the prevalence of buildings.

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1.1 Aim

The aim of this thesis is to identify what kinds of visual exterior building aesthetics are positive to our perception, and analyze if and how these aspects are addressed or implemented in urban planning in medium-large cities today. What are possible obstacles, and are there ways in which environmental psychology in terms of building exterior aesthetics may be implemented in new urban planning projects? Aesthetic elements include shape, color, scale, complexity, variation, and harmony of buildings. Soft surfaces or elements such as green walls or balcony cultivation are not considered. This is executed through a literature review followed by a case study in Rosendal, Uppsala. While the focus of this thesis is not directly from a user’s perspective, users are kept in mind throughout the thesis, and are represented in the literature through studies where results are based on non-architect users. Users are however not approached directly, since the case study in Rosendal only includes professionals who plan for users. A user is anyone who observes the building exteriors from a non-expert point of view. This thesis will mainly concentrate on adults’ perspectives.

The following research questions have been formulated:

1. What kinds of exterior aesthetics in urban building architecture are proven to be preferred among users1_?

2. How is the design2_{of these aesthetic preferences included in the discussions and}

designs in projects today?

To answer this question the case study of Rosendal in the city of Uppsala is used. The first research question will be answered in the literature review, and analyzed in the case study and discussion chapter later on in the thesis. The second research question is answered in the case study and analyzed and discussed in the discussion chapter as well.

2. Methodology

A combination of methods has been chosen for a number of reasons. Accuracy increases when results can be verified through different methods. Combining methods may also improve research findings and present a more complete picture of what is being studied. In addition to this, it is possible to compensate for the weaker sides of each methods when they are combined. This means that it is possible to use a method for the sake of its advantages with less fear of receiving critique due to its disadvantages (Denscombe, 2009, pp. 151-154). This combination of methods and data sources creates a methodological triangulation which enables for a comparison of data between methods, where the results can be verified or questioned, and new findings from one method can complement findings from another (Denscombe, 2009, pp. 184-186). The methods consist of a literature review, a site visit, and personal interviews. All three methods are used for the case study in Rosendal. The literature is also used to answer the first

1_{Users meaning participants in studies.}

2_{Note: due to a lack of a better English equivalent to the Swedish word “gestaltning”, the word “design” will be used as a synonym in this}

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3 research question. The case study is not considered a method itself, but an approach constituted by the three chosen methods, and will be presented after the methods are discussed.

2.1 Literature review

The literature review is part of the methodology in this thesis, and will help answer the first research question. It consists of two different kinds of literature. Studies and surveys related to different kinds of aesthetic judgments and preferences will be discussed. This includes both self-reported judgments and some studies with cognitive and physical responses to stimuli. Literature touches upon environmental psychology, architecture, neuroscience and sociology, some fields more briefly than others. The literature review will also, through public documents, discuss the role of the law in development projects in Sweden as well as architecture policies on a national and municipal level, to gain a wider perspective of how aesthetics and architecture is and can be regulated. Second-hand data such as a literature review can provide a useful overview of what has been achieved on the subject so far. As Bryman (2011) discusses, a literature review is not only about repeating theories or opinions of other researchers, but to interpret and think critically about the literature and use it as support to form one’s own opinions and arguments (Bryman, 2011, pp. 97-98). One advantage with using documents in research is that they are generally persistent and can be controlled by others. At the same time, the researcher must assess whether a reference is credible, through its authority and how the original data was collected (Denscombe, 2009, pp. 316-317). In this thesis, scientific studies in published journals and public documents from Swedish authorities constitute most of the literature review. They are discussed in the literature review and analyzed in relation to the case study and in the discussion.

2.2 Study visit

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2.3 Personal interviews

Qualitative, personal interviews with suitable project members and municipality officials adds to the important perspective of those who are involved in the development of the chosen area of study, but are not necessarily users. This is useful to understand how designs and aesthetics come to be, and if and how mental wellbeing and user preference is discussed in the planning of new residential areas. What are possible obstacles (e.g. lack of knowledge or guidelines, implementation costs etcetera) and how can environmental psychology in terms of aesthetics be implemented in new residential areas? Semi-structured interviews allow for a relatively specific focus with set questions throughout the interview, but also give enough flexibility to ask follow-up questions and adjust somewhat to the situation if needed (Bryman, 2011, p. 415). When writing the interview guide, it is important to remember to keep some sort of order which can be followed through the interview. It is also imperative to use a language which is understandable to the respondent, and not to ask leading questions (Bryman, 2011, p. 419). There are advantages with personal interviews, such as that it is relatively easy to arrange an interview with only two people, and that it is easy both to guide one individual through the interview and to localize the data source. In other words, the interviewer knows who said what, which makes it easier both to carry out and transcribe an interview (Denscombe, 2009, p. 235). Other advantages include that personal interviews allow for more in-depth data and to read faces and body language. Direct contact with a person can also help validate data firsthand, during the interview. In comparison to group interviews, it is also possible that personal interviews create a more comfortable space to talk. One disadvantage with personal interviews is that it is time-consuming, both in terms of the time it takes to interview, but also to analyze the data. The data from interviews are not standardized, which means that they must be interpreted and thus take longer to analyze. Another possible disadvantage is that the respondent may feel restricted in their participation, since personal interviews are not anonymous, and may also be taped (Denscombe, 2009, pp. 267-269).

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5 competitions are formulated and building proposals are evaluated and chosen, which is where a large part of the process relating to the third research question takes place.

2.4 Case study

A case study is conducted with the purpose to provide a deeper understanding of incidents, conditions, experiences or processes within a particular phenomenon, or “case”. In the study, one concentrates upon a single or a few units of choice, rather than a wider spectrum. The purpose of this approach is to gain knowledge that would not have been discovered with a strategy which covers a larger number of units, such as a survey for instance. The intention is to highlight the general by looking at the singular. The case is usually something which already exists, and not a cultured situation which is created for the purpose of research. It existed before the research, and will likely continue to exist after the research. One of the advantages with case studies is that it allows the researcher to use a range of different sources, data, and methods. For instance, documents can be combined with interviews and/or observations (Denscombe, 2009, pp. 59-61). Other advantages include that focusing especially on a single unit allows for the researcher to engage in subtleties and difficulties in complicated social situations and processes. One common and perhaps justified criticism of case studies concerns the credibility in the generalization made based on the results. Therefore, it is important to be transparent in whether the chosen case is representative of other cases of the same type (Denscombe, 2009, pp. 71-72). A case may be chosen based on a variety of reasons besides relevance. It could for example be chosen due to it being representative of cases of its kind, or it could be chosen based on its deviating character from the norm (Denscombe, 2009, pp. 65-67).

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3. Literature

In this chapter, studies on the subject will be presented, followed by the Planning and Building Act, the national architecture policy, and Uppsala’s municipal architecture policy.

3.1 Environment and evolution

It is suggested that humans have evolved to prefer landscapes that favor survival, such as both prospect (a clear view of the environment) and refuge (safe places to hide), and that these preferences also apply to built environments. The theory that humans acquire feelings of safety and pleasure from occupying environments that offer both views and a sense of enclosure, and that it subconsciously influences our daily decision-making, is argued to be universal (Dosen & Ostwald, 2016). The early human was dependent on the ability to form a perception of the environment in order to survive. It was of importance to find places with an overview, prospect, to discover targets or enemies, and refuge, to escape a predator or hide an offspring. Aesthetic preference regarding these environments has thus been established by evolution to award milieus which facilitate human life (Sternudd, 2007). In a study on responses to virtual spaces, the enclosed spaces increased and elongated salivary cortisol in comparison to more open environments. Enclosure also elevated levels of stress hormone and caused fear, suggesting that chronic exposure to maladaptive milieus may impact an occupant’s health negatively (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). Nasar (1994) discusses three variables which he argues are prominent in people’s experience of their environment: enclosure, complexity and order. The research on enclosure concerns openness, spaciousness and density, and it is suggested that people prefer defined open spaces to wide-open spaces or highly enclosed spaces (Nasar, 1994). It has been proposed that initial affective response to environments, such as positive and negative emotional responses, are primarily influenced by automatic and often rapid unconscious processing (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). One can react affectively prior to liking, disliking, pleasure and displeasure etcetera, without knowing exactly what it is one reacts to, although early affective reaction is vague and may change later (Zajonc, 1980). Affective reactions have evolutionary origins due to their survival value. The extreme forms of action that affect can generate may have helped us survive until today (Zajonc, 1980, p. 172). Choo et al. (2017) argues that we know little about the neural representation in the human brain in relation to architectural design, despite architecture having a significant impact on humans’ experience of the built environment, as well as being one of the predominant and longest-lasting artifacts of human society (Choo et al. 2017). Christopher Alexander has challenged the traditional belief that beauty is subjective, arguing that beauty exists as a living structure that can be quantified and measured mathematically. Architecture is according to Alexander objectively good or bad, and not a matter of opinion. He has further claimed that people share a comprehension of beauty, regardless of faiths and cultures (Jiang, 2019). Alexander is a well-known architectural theorist, proposing nature-like patterns in architecture which he suggests make people feel more alive and whole, some discussed in this thesis (Coburn, 2018).

Architectural aesthetics through history

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7 beauty conventions such as ornamentation and human scale, reflecting a view of architectural beauty as merely a byproduct of functionalist design. Aesthetic experience was pushed to the periphery. Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee (2017) further discuss how awe-evoking stimuli has been linked to a state of freezing, paralysis, stillness, passivity and immobility. Throughout history, some builders have recognized and deliberately used this potential effect in monumental architecture. Certain Nazi buildings were designed to make individuals feel small and helpless in an effort to weaken potential resistance against Nazism. It has been suggested that the function of such buildings was in part to decrease the body’s ability for action by overwhelming it and making it politically passive (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). Alain de Botton (2006) discusses aesthetics in relation to how Le Corbusier viewed the world. For Le Corbusier, true and great architecture was defined by its function and efficiency, and he strongly disapproved of decoration. Le Corbusier called Rome ‘the city of horror’ due to its violation of functional principles, and thought it as absurd to place decorations such as statues atop a house as it would be to add one to an airplane. It serves no functional purpose (de Botton, 2006, pp. 56-57). De Botton (2006) also argues that despite Modernist architects’ claim to a scientific and reasoned approach, their work “…remained at base a romantic one: they looked to architecture to support a way of life that appealed to them. Their domestic buildings were conceived as stage sets for actors in an idealized drama about contemporary existence.” (de Botton, 2006, p. 63). This was likely the case for Modernists as much as traditionalist architects, although the ideals differed. As de Botton (2006) puts it, just like the architects of Versailles, Le Corbusier was trying to do something other with the stairs he created than just carry people to an upper floor. “He was trying to prompt a state of the soul.” (de Botton, 2006, p. 63). Regardless of what kind of aesthetics may appeal to us, it should be safe to argue that most human beings want to live in a place they feel is pleasant. Jan Gehl (2019) argues that the human dimension was lost in urban planning when modernist planning ideologies became mainstream. Focus changed from public places to individual buildings, and architecture became more isolated, introvert and rejecting. During recent decades, there has however been a change in planning principles, with an increased focus on dynamic urban environments (Gehl, 2019). While this thesis focuses on building exteriors, it does by no means claim that other features in the built environment are unimportant. Separate buildings alone do not make a desirable urban scene, but is a large part of urban milieus, and are the focus in this particular thesis.

3.2 Exterior elements

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8 Shape

Curved lines and forms have for a long time often been considered more harmonious, relaxing, pleasant and in consonance with nature than straight or broken lines (Gómez-Puerto, Munar & Nadal, 2016). Humans have been said to have a “clear bias” for curves over straight or sharp lines (Sussman & Hollander, 2015, p. 123). Studies have repeatedly shown a clear preference to curvilinear objects rather than rectilinear, ranging from architectural spaces (Vartanian et al., 2013; Shemesh et al., 2017), to building façades (Ruta et al., 2019) and everyday objects such as furniture (Bar & Neta, 2007). Participants have also been found to rate curvilinear spaces as more beautiful than rectilinear spaces (Vartanian et al., 2013), which suggests a correlation between beauty and preference. One study found that photographs on Instagram with curved architectural compositions received more “likes” than angular and mixed compositions. A relation between photographs of curved architecture and aesthetic preference was also found (Thömmes & Hübner, 2018). Several studies have looked at curvature and sharpness in relation to social behavior, emotions, and the instant effect on the brain (Ruta et al., 2019), with studies concluding that sharp objects can cause a greater activation of the amygdala than their curved counterparts (Bar & Neta, 2007). The amygdala is a brain structure which is activated in proportion to different levels of arousal, including fear processing (Bar & Neta, 2007). A study in a Swedish hospital showed that the curve bias can also affect intensive-care patients’ feelings and recovery rates. Responses to different views were monitored: two of nature, two of abstract art, and two of a blank wall. The study found that an abstract picture dominated by rectilinear forms resulted in higher anxiety among patients than control groups with no picture at all (Sussman & Hollander, 2015). Coburn (2018) discusses how architectural design often demonstrates a structural organization that is derived from intellectually generated concepts such as Euclidean geometry rather than nature. He further stresses that several scholars argue that shapes like rectangles, straight lines and flat surfaces have become more prevalent in Western architecture since the Second World War, despite these shapes being inorganic and rather foreign to the visual structures of living, biological systems. This was a conscious effort to create shocking, new architecture that stood out in contrast from nature. Others argue that nature-based design models have been pushed away due to its incompatibility with contemporary economic incentives and production systems (Coburn, 2018).

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9 In a study on preference for curvature and sharpness in façades, a Baroque building from the mid-17th century was used (figure 1), with manipulated and simplified editions of the façade as stimuli. The four images consisted of a curved, a mixed, a rectilinear and a sharped-angled edition of the building (figure 2). The shape of the façade and the details and arrangements on the façade matched in each of the images, i.e., the curved façade also had curved windows and a curved door, and the rectilinear façade also had rectilinear arraignments and details on the façade. The study tested for three different kinds of ranking. Participants in the first block were exposed to two different editions of the stimulus at a time, with different combinations of the editions, and stated which façade they preferred out of every combination. Each image was shown three times. The second block rated each façade based on liking and complexity, using a five-point Likert scale, from “not at all” to “very much”. The third block ranked all four façades simultaneously, from the most to the least preferred. In both block one and three as well as for the “liking” in block two, the curved façade was the most preferred. For the same parameters and judgements, the rectilinear façade was the least preferred. The rectilinear façade was also considered the least complex, and the mixed façade was the second least liked and complex façade. This may suggest a correlation between complexity and liking. The mixed and the sharp-angled façades continuously stayed in the middle of ratings, except for “complexity”, where the sharp-angled façade was considered the most complex (Ruta et al., 2019).

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10 Virtual architectural spaces have also been studied based on shape. Shemesh et al. (2017) wanted to investigate whether emotional and cognitive responses in relation to architectural spaces can be recognized using virtual reality. Participants were exposed to geometrical spaces of different shapes: a square space, a round space, a sharp space and a curvy space. Results showed that participants without expertise in the field of design showed a tendency to prefer curvy-shaped spaces and take interest in these. Design students tended to prefer sharp-angles spaces. When measuring direct brain activity, results showed that participants perceived symmetrical and asymmetrical spaces differently, although no positive or negative responses were found (Shemesh et al., 2017). Although not reviewing building exteriors, this study present interesting results in shape preference based on knowledge in design.

Naghibi Rad et al. (2019) conducted a study on preference for different window shapes. To understand the impact of geometric windows on people’s cortical activity, EEG and ERP (used with assistance of EEG) were used on participants. Stimuli of 24 windows were rated on a scale of nine, from unpleasant to neutral to pleasant. Then the 16 windows which were rated as either pleasant or unpleasant were used further in the study. Results showed that building façade with rectangular, square and circular windows, and windows with semi-circular arches were considered pleasant stimuli, based on self-reporting and EEG recording results. Windows with triangle and triangular arches were rated as unpleasant. For ERP signal results, it was reported that round arch and circular shape windows evoked maximum response in the posterior region of the left hemisphere, while triangle and triangular arch windows evoked the maximum amplitude on the right hemisphere. Studies have suggested that positive emotional stimuli are lateralized towards the left hemisphere, while negative emotional stimuli are lateralized towards the right hemisphere (Naghibi Rad et al., 2019). These results thus show both what shapes are preferred in windows, and also that self-reported preference for most shapes corresponds with cognitive responses. They study does unfortunately not say what the ERP results were for rectangular and square shaped windows.

Symmetry

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11 symmetry to evoke power, prestige, and might (Sussman and Hollander, 2015, p. 115). Humans are more or less bilaterally symmetrical, as are many organisms around us. Ancient Greeks modeled the columns in their temples after the human body, and according to Vitruvius, the architect’s work should reflect the body’s symmetry. In bilateral symmetry, an organism has halves, in humans on the vertical axis, that are approximate mirror images. Studies show that symmetrical faces are more appealing than non-symmetrical faces, and it seems that there is a link between how humans see faces and how we see other things. It has been argued that we have a built-in aesthetic preference for symmetry that is rooted in our evolutionary history. Studies also suggest that symmetric objects have redundancy inherent in their design that contribute to faster mental processing of the object. Once we have read half of a symmetrical shape, our mind appears to have predicted the other half (Sussman & Hollander, 2015). Symmetrical forms thus seem to be perceived as less complex than non-symmetrical forms.

Figure 3. A butterfly with bilateral symmetry on the vertical.

Jacobsen et al. (2006) investigated whether beauty and symmetry judgments correlate, as it had been suggested in a number of previous studies. Participants in the study had no professional training in the fine arts. 220 black and white patterns of vertical, horizontal and oblique bars, triangles, squares and rhombuses, sometimes mirrored, were used for aesthetic and symmetry judgment, half of them symmetrical and half of them not symmetrical. The results show that symmetry was the most important stimulus in determining participants’ aesthetic judgment in a positive way. Participants generally agreed that symmetric images were more beautiful than others. Beauty judgements led to higher activations than non-beautiful judgements in regions of the prefrontal cortex, suggesting that aesthetic judgments of beauty activate partially overlapping brain networks with social and moral judgments (Jacobsen et al., 2006).

Color

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12 Color preference in building façades

In Janssens (2001), results from a study on color preferences on façades in Malmö are discussed. The results show that the relation between the colored façade and its surroundings is of greater importance than the color itself. A color must fit into its surroundings, not becoming indifferent, nor becoming too conspicuous. The color preference in the study is based on the arousal value of the building color. The arousal is evaluated through a curvilinear pattern, where the arousal value increases up to an optimal level, and any additional arousal after the optimal level would lead to a decrease in positive evaluation (Janssens, 2001). Cubukcu & Kahraman (2008) found that the optimal level of arousal is moderate, while people also prefer physical environments with high levels of naturalness and relaxation. Studies on environmental aesthetics have shown that preference is particularly affected by naturalness, arousal and relaxation (Cubukcu & Kahraman, 2008). Thus, not only the right level of arousal is of importance.

Studies have shown that responses to color photographs accurately reflect on site responses in research on building exteriors (Cubukcu & Kahraman, 2008), and thus make photographs applicable for such studies. A study on façade color was carried out with middle-age, well educated people in Turkey. Half of them architects and half of them non-architects. A photograph of the building exterior of a hotel with manipulated colors was used. Eight different hues with nine levels of saturation and lightness per hue were shown. The participants were first asked to rate the eight different hues on scales measuring preference (like-dislike), arousal (arousing-sleepy), naturalness (natural-artificial) and relaxation (relaxing-distressing). The different saturations and lightness levels were then presented. The participants were asked to decide which saturation and lightness level they like the most. The results showed that yellow, blue and yellow-green were the most liked colors. The same colors were also rated as the more natural hues as well as the most relaxing hues. Magenta, purple and red were rated as the least liked, the most arousing, and the least natural hues. Magenta and red were also rated as the least relaxing hues. In terms of saturation and lightness, the results showed that hues with full lightness and moderate saturation were preferred, as well as hues with full saturation and moderate lightness. It should be taken into consideration that architects may have a higher knowledge of color than average, although not color experts, which may affect how they perceive building exterior colors. Some differences between architects and nonarchitects were identified, where the former preferred yellow and the latter preferred blue. Nonarchitects also rated purple as more liked, and more natural along with red, and they rated magenta as less arousing. This is not to say that architects and nonarchitects disagreed completely or rated hues widely different. Blue, yellow and yellow-green were the three most liked hues in both groups, and magenta the least liked and least relaxinghue.

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13 discussed above, i.e. the “default” hues, are perhaps more saturated and brighter than colors used in Sweden and other Western countries. The following images with different saturation and lightness offered a much wider variety of choices, however, the participants had already completed parts of the study when shown the additional images. Differences between countries in the use of façade hues may for example be due to cultural and climate differences. Some studies have found that there is a link between color preference and age, gender and culture, while others have found that there is no link between the different variables (Cubukcu & Kahraman, 2008). The fact that all participants in the above study were Turkish university graduates in the age 30-60 could be perceived as a weakness. On the other hand, consensus within any group can be very useful in urban design. If adults from the same culture share preferences in building exterior colors, shapes or else, it is still useful in a national context. If children within similar age groups share preferences, that would be useful to know when designing urban environments, since children do not necessarily participate in dialogues during development, and especially useful in places designed for children, such as schools and playgrounds.

There are a few different definitions of color harmony. Some suggest that colors seen together to produce a pleasing affective response are in harmony. Another definition is that color harmony is based on hue similarity, which is described as grouping together colors that are either related or similar in hue, or appear next to each other on color wheels. Another approach to color harmony is based on contrasting or complementary hues, i.e. a combination of colors that are opposite each other on color wheels. An additional approach is that color harmony can also be achieved based on color symbolism and the connotative meanings of color. According to this approach, color can be combined based on the different meanings that they carry. Some color theorists would argue that color harmony is universal and can be achieved by applying specific color combination formula, while some studies suggest that responses to color may be influenced by culture, context and individual differences. Family and recognition could for example influence individual judgements about color harmony, and color preference may affect one’s judgements about color harmony (O’Connor, 2006).

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14 Color and behavior

The following studies touch upon the effects color might have on people’s mood, and how they act. They do not discuss building façades particularly, but may still provide a point regarding why humans may not be indifferent to colors on large surfaces.

Studies have shown that interior colors can influence emotion, mood and performance, both in children and adults. Red is often considered more arousing, and can improve office performance for some tasks, and be over-stimulating for other tasks. Blue is usually considered a calming color, which works well for some tasks but can decrease performance levels for some other tasks, for instance if something is boring. How colors affect heart rate has been widely disputed, with some studies finding changes in heart rate during exposure to color stimuli, while other studies did not. Contradictory results may depend upon factors such as exposure time (AL-Ayash et al., 2016, p. 197). In a study on adult students’ learning performance and mediators of learning performance, i.e. heart rate and emotions, six color conditions were used. These were vivid red, vivid yellow, vivid blue, pale red, pale yellow and pale blue, seen in figure 4. The study found that reading comprehension scores were significantly higher in vivid color conditions than pale color conditions. Performance based on hue alone was however non-significant. For the heart rate response however, the main effect depended on hue. Regardless of the whiteness in the color (vivid versus pale), red and yellow color conditions increased the heart rate whereas the blue color condition decreased heart rate. However, there was a more significant increase in heart rate caused by yellow and red color conditions, than the decrease in heart rate caused by the blue color conditions. Red color conditions increased heart rate more than yellow color conditions. Heart rate did not differ significantly between pale and vivid color conditions (AL-Ayash et al., 2016). These findings go in line with some of the findings in the previously discussed study on façade hues on a hotel façade. Red was the least liked and perceived as the most arousing, which matches these findings of red as an arousing interior color, i.e. increases heart rate. Blue was one of the most liked colors in the previously discussed study, and perceived as a calming interior color. Yellow was however one of the most liked hues in the study on the hotel façade, but also increased heart rate, although not as much as red.

Figure 4.

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15 without the blue lights, to see if there was a systematic substitution phenomenon, which could not be found. In other words, people at risk did not systematically move to a nearby station without the blue lights to commit suicide there instead (Matsubayashi, Sawada & Ueda, 2014). Although one study alone is not sufficient to decide whether a single color can save lives or not, it nevertheless indicates that color plays a role in how we feel, and perhaps even in how we act. It is not impossible that color has an impact on our mood and mental state in architecture as well.

Complexity

Complexity has been defined as “the volume of information present in a space” (Dosen & Ostwald, 2016, p. 3). In this thesis, it refers to the volume of information on the building exterior. Several studies suggest that moderate complexity is preferred (Nasar, 1994; Imamoglu, 2000). Complexity preferences often follow an inverted U-shaped curve, but is also influenced by the kind of complexity, such as amount, variety or organization of elements in a scene (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). Studies have shown that negative/unpleasant architecture stimuli generate more emotional arousal than positive/pleasant architecture stimuli. Pleasant and unpleasant are lateralized towards the left and the right hemisphere respectively (Naghibi Rad et al., 2019), which suggests that too much arousal is unpleasant.

Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee (2017) also discuss the notion of fluency in relation to complexity. The easier it is to “read” the complexity, sometimes due to familiarity, the less complex it may seem. It is suggested that humans prefer stimuli with some degree of complexity that are also processed easily. The visual system can be overwhelmed by architectural complexity in excess, especially if the information is perceived as disorganized (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). Psychological theories on aesthetics suggest that increased complexity or atypicality in buildings evokes interest. Increases in order decrease interest, but increase preference. Moderate levels of complexity or atypicality with high order evoke preference, although high complexity may contribute to interest and excitement (Nasar, 1994). Thus, interest, excitement and preference do not necessarily equal each other. De Botton (2006) argues that we like order because it grants us regularity and predictability. Perpetual surprises are not in our favor. While we in other cases may tend to believe that important work should be complicated, that is not always the case with architecture. The central apartment buildings in Paris are unvarying with a singularly pattern, preventing past architects from using their own imaginations. These buildings are appealing to many, despite their somewhat repetitive design. De Botton discusses that over the 19th century, architects started to be rewarded for the uniqueness of their work, and that constructing a new building a in familiar form was no better than plagiarizing a novel or poem. There was an emphasis on the individual genius. Too much order may in its turn evoke feelings of dullness or irritation. We appreciate order when it is accompanied by complexity, when we feel that a variety of elements have been brought to order – when elements manage to be both regular and intricate at once (de Botton, 2006).

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16 the eighth house. In the simplest drawing, only essential features were included, and complexity was then increased with every drawing by adding extra elements. A semantic differential scale with adjective pairs were used for the respondents to rank the different drawings. The adjective pairs used were ‘beautiful-ugly’, ‘pleasant-unpleasant’, ‘liked-did not like’, ‘simple-complex’, ‘plain-ornate’, and ‘familiar-unfamiliar’. To analyze the results, the eight levels of manipulated complexity were reduced to only three levels of mean perceived complexity – minimum (consisting of drawing one and two), intermediate (consisting of drawing four and five) and maximum (consisting of drawing seven and eight). Traditional house facades were generally considered more complex than modern house facades, but the difference decreased with increased complexity level. In general, non-architect students rated the house facades as more complex than architect students, although it was only significant for the maximum complexity level. Females generally perceived the house facades as more complex than males, although mainly seen at maximum complexity level (Imamoglu, 2000). In other words, differences between groups seem to become more apparent the higher the complexity of the house facades. For façade complexity, the study also showed that liking rates increased up to an intermediate level of complexity, and then decreased towards maximum complexity, indicating an inverted U-shaped relation between complexity and liking. Intermediate levels of complexity are not too boring, but not too unpredictable. We seem to prefer stimulus that is complex within our range of predictability. In the study, beauty, liking, and pleasantness were strongly correlated with each other (Imamoglu, 2000).

Berman et al. (2014) tested whether outdoor environments were viewed as manmade or natural and found that more edge density, thus contrast changes through edges, and fewer straight edges were both related to greater perceived naturalness (Berman et al, 2014). Edge density is a measure of how many edges (straight and/or curved) are in an image (Coburn, 2018, p. 120). Berman et al. (2014) suggest that if significant relationships can be found between visual features and perceived naturalness, it may mean that features in the built environment that are closest to naturalness also produce the psychological benefits that are acquired when interacting with natural environments (Berman et al., 2014). In a follow-up study to this previous study, Kardan et al. (2015) found that a greater number of straight edges in outdoor stimuli predicts lower preference, suggesting that there may be a correlation between perceived naturalness and preference. All in all, the naturalness in the images strongly predicted preference. In this study, participants were asked to rate the stimuli on a Likert scale based on how much they liked each scene, meaning that preference equaled liking (Kardan et al. 2015).

Façade material

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17 other materials were included. Native Norwegians tended to prefer stone or bricks more than immigrants, while immigrants preferred metal sheeting slightly more than native Norwegians. Overall, the most and least preferred façade materials were the same within both groups. However, rather than focusing on preference related to aesthetics, the questionnaire the study is partly based on included responses related to whether the respondent found durability, solidity, and environmental aspects important when choosing material. The other questionnaire the study is based on focuses on participants origin and where they want to live (town or large city etcetera) (Høibø et al., 2018). Some correlations between material preference and environmental consciousness could be found. Respondents who considered environmental friendliness to be especially important preferred wood more than others, and respondents who considered durability and solidity to be of special importance preferred stone or brick more than other materials. However, even among respondents who had a greater preference for environmental friendliness, stone or brick remained the most preferred. Preference (“like” or “do not like”) and aspects such as the environment or durability were also separate questions. Respondents were in other words not directly asked to choose preference based on environmental friendliness, solidity or durability (Høibø, Hansen & Nybakk, 2015).

Scale

Jan Gehl (2019) stresses how important it is to incorporate human scale and eye level perspective when planning. The term “the tiresome length perspective3_{” describes how it is}

possible to see your whole walk and its features ahead of you. The straight path takes away the excitement and seems like an endless promenade instead of an experience. A walk could instead consist of curved paths, a variety of things to look at and explore, and sectioning of the distance with segments of squares and other features which divide the walk into separate experiences (Gehl, 2019). It can then be argued that the building exterior, and the façade in particular, should play an important role in creating an enjoyable walking environment. Monotonous façades with a continuous lack of information/complexity, especially at eye level, seem unfavorable if the goal is to achieve this. Gehl (2019) stresses how the level of the ground floor is the zone in which we move around, and that it is the part of the façade which we experience closely and therefore most intensely. It is where the building meets the city (Gehl, 2019). Monotonous and repetitive façades at eye level can thus be argued to create a hostile environment if entrances, windows and other features are indistinct or unpleasant. Façades at eye level should also be considered from a children’s perspective.

Scale does not always refer to the largest scale, i.e. the whole building, but may refer to smaller scales as well. Elements of the same size and similar shape define one scale. Different scales must be spaced closely enough in size for coherence, but not too close so that the distinction between nearby scales is blurred (Salingaros, 2015). In one study, 120 images of architectural exteriors were evaluated. Exteriors were head-on shots of buildings taken 20-30 feet from the façade. There were six building types examined – commercial, educational, government, residential, medical and religious. Sites with minimal vegetation was deliberately chosen to reduce possible rating effects due to non-architectural natural features. Participants rated each image on a Likert scale based on the question “How artificial or natural does this building exterior look to you?” with a scale from “very artificial” to “very natural” (Coburn, 2018, p. 119). Incremental scaling was found to be associated with perception of naturalness in

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18 architectural scenes, while buildings with more abrupt changes in scale were more often perceived as artificial-looking (Coburn, 2018).

Harmony and variation

In terms of harmony and context, Nasar (1994) discusses redundancy and compatibility. Redundancy represents elements that occur more often than others. Compatibility is experienced when there is low contrast between the elements in a scene or between the building and its surroundings (Nasar, 1994). The human visual system is sensitive to contrast. Retinal cells and neurons in the occipital lobe4 are more responsive to edges or areas of high visual contrast than to homogeneous luminance in a scene. High-contrast scenes often capture visual attention and interest due to their high density of useful visual information for object identification (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). In a study, Coeterier (2002) assessed the perceived value of historic buildings among laypeople. Completeness was one of the criteria for appreciation, and included presence of relevant parts, contextual fit and the absence of deviating details. Completeness could apply to both the object itself and the object within its environment. Completeness is achieved when a building still has its relevant parts and much of its original surroundings. The building and its surroundings must constitute a coherent unity. The greater the experienced whole, the greater the appreciation among laypeople. Another criterion for appreciation was uniqueness, constituted by individual expression and authenticity. This is achieved when a building represents a good example of its class of buildings. Authenticity was important, and imitations were generally rejected (Coeterier, 2002). Furthermore, order is according to Nasar (1994) the most relevant variables in design evaluation along with complexity, and refers to the degree to which a scene makes sense. (Nasar, 1994). As previously mentioned, studies have suggested that too much arousal is unpleasant (Naghibi, 2019; Cubukcu & Kahraman, 2008), and that both arousal (Janssens, 2001) and complexity (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017) follows a U-shaped curve, suggesting moderation. It can thus be argued that too much variation in one scene could lead to an unpleasant level of arousal. A great variety may also result in a scene which is not perceived to make sense, as discussed by Nasar (1994), or a scene which does not constitute a coherent unity (Coeterier), due to a perceived randomness of individual buildings. It can thus be argued that if different buildings in a scene have no or very few features in common, they may not be perceived as if they belong together, or constitute a complete and harmonious milieu.

3.3 Familiarity

Different things can influence familiarity, such as deeper knowledge of or information about a stimulus, and previous exposure to similar kinds of stimuli. In this section, some parameters related to familiarity will be discussed. Our perception of an object is determined by previous visual experiences with that object, and repeated exposure to that object or other stimuli involves learning and associations (Shemesh et al. 2017). Familiarity influences liking and likely the aesthetic experience of spaces (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). Perceptual fluency also influences our preferences (Shemesh et al., 2017). Perceptual fluency is explained as “…progress towards successful recognition of the stimulus, error-free processing or the availability of appropriate knowledge structures to interpret the stimulus. The more fluently

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19 perceivers can process an object, the more positive their aesthetic response” (Shemesh et al, 2017, p. 117).

Information-knowledge

The information in this section refers to information and knowledge learned about a building, rather than the information an exterior contains through its features. Coeterier (2002) found that information or knowledge can play a role in appreciation. In a study, information or knowledge about a building consisted of identity and background story and was expressed by things such as to which class of objects/buildings the house belongs, and the “personal” history of the building. Both kinds of information increased laypeople’s appreciation of a building. The history of the building was however the most important kind of information. Without a building’s background story, it was harder to decide on one’s appreciation for it. Information does however not enhance the beauty of a building, but makes it more interesting by giving it more meaning. Some differences in valuation of buildings were identified, depending on people’s educational level. People with a high level of education also had a higher appreciation for information and knowledge of the buildings, and were more prone to preserve rare buildings, even ones they found ugly. In general, aspects of form were mentioned far more often than aspects of information (Coeterier, 2002). This suggests that visuals are by and large more important than knowledge about the building and its surroundings.

Sternudd (2007) stresses that the architect has a deeper understanding of architecture which is developed during education. They learn how to combine knowledge and information with creativity, which may give them a competence that the average layperson does not have. Students are also influenced by the culture of the profession and its implied and/or pronounced way of thinking (Sternudd, 2007). Villner (2008) states that architecture students form and identity and aesthetic and moral values which are influenced by their education. Sternudd (2007) further argues that there are elements during education which estrange the students from the aesthetics values of the general public. Architects like Le Corbusier, Alvar Aalto, Rem Koolhaas and Mies van der Rohe and the works of them are part of the architectural education, but are not necessarily well-known or liked among laypeople. Many architect students experience a shift in how they perceive and interpret their surroundings, but also their taste and how they view and talk about aesthetics. They are taught to focus more on other aspects than the aesthetics (Sternudd, 2007).

In one study, architecture students and non-architecture students recruited different cortical areas when viewing buildings, and non-architecture students had to recruit additional areas in the brain. Architects have also been found to have increased activation of the reward circuit5_in

comparison to non-architects. Architects and non-architects did not respond differently when viewing faces, suggesting that education and professional experience contributed to their affective responses (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017). Architecture students did not show a greater neural decrease in the response to repeated stimuli than non-architecture student. Nevertheless, non-architecture students showed significant activation in a network of areas in the brain that mediate various cognitive tasks that require attention and memory retrieval. The additional activation in non-architecture students is similar to age-related functional differences in the brain, where older adults have shown to recruit more cortical areas compared to younger

5_{The function of the brain which plays a crucial role in positive and pleasurable experiences, such as satisfaction and happiness. These}

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20 adults, which could be a result of an effort to compensate for age-related decline in task performance, or age-related dedifferentiation, i.e. difficulties to recruit specialized neural mechanisms. The differences between architecture students and others is likely a result of specific training and experience leading to more efficient cognitive performance which require fewer neural resources (Wiesmann & Ishai, 2011).

The topic of correlations between demographic groups and visual preferences in urban environments have been discussed for at least a few decades (Nasar, 1984; Stamps, 1999). Stamps (1999) performed a meta-analysis on environmental aesthetics between demographic groups which found that there is generally a high degree of consensus between demographic groups, such as ethnicity, cross-culture groups, gender and political affiliation. There were however a few exceptions, such as designers’ and non-designers’ taste for “high style”, “avant-garde” architecture, where designers tended to prefer this kind of architecture more. For “ordinary” architecture and nature, designers’ and non-designers’ taste was much more similar. The preference correlation between children under 12 years old and individuals above 12 years old was also relatively low (Stamps, 1999), which suggests that separate research on children’s preferences is of importance, too. These findings comply with the idea that higher complexity, in this case garde architecture, are less preferred among laypeople. For architects, avant-garde architecture may not be as complex due to familiarity parameters.

In one study, participants were found to be more likely to judge abstract art as beautiful if they were classified as gallery pieces than if they were classified as computer-generated images. “Gallery” artworks evoked increased activity in numerous cortices than did “computer” artworks, suggesting that participants’ emotional responses were influenced by their expectations of the aesthetic value. Similarly, buildings with an advertised cultural importance, or buildings designed by famous architects, may influence the experience and preference of said buildings. Knowledge of a building’s function could also bias an occupant’s expectations and experience. The thought of visiting a prison may generate different emotions than visiting the church, which will influence one’s state of mind and likely the aesthetic experience of that space (Coburn, Vartanian & Chatterjee, 2017).

Symbolic meanings and aesthetics

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21 other research suggesting that environmental cues can trigger cognitive schemata. The study also tested for discomfort and aesthetics. Likelihood of conviction correlated with discomfort, but perhaps surprisingly, only among participants already familiar with the building. Both buildings were considered equally beautiful. Nevertheless, the new courthouse was considered more intimidating, regardless of familiarity, and had a modest correlation with discomfort, suggesting that the more intimidating the building, the greater the discomfort. Since the new courthouse was not considered less beautiful, Maass et al. (2000) stresses how it is important to distinguish between aesthetic value and the psychological meaning of a building (Maass et al., 2000).

Past and pastiches

The residential project Svea Fanfar on Östermalm in Stockholm was nominated to the city’s annual architecture prize in 2016 (Stockholms stad, 2016a). The jury, consisting of politicians, architects, civil engineers and representatives from the city’s urban development body (Stockholms stad, 2016b), motivated the nomination by proclaiming that “Despite apparent references to the classicism of the 1920s, Svea Fanfar circumvents becoming a pastiche, carrying its own design language with interesting porticos and a balanced façade design.”6

(Stockholms stad, 2016a). As previously mentioned, there are studies that show no significant differences in preference between architects and non-architects, except for avantgarde architecture. Nevertheless, several other studies suggest that there exist disparities in preference between the two groups (Nasar, 1994; Sternudd, 2007). This may be problematic when the designers of buildings have little or no contact with the end-user and thus risk designing buildings which are not preferred by the users. Jensfelt (2004) discusses how the project S:t Eriksområdet in Stockholm, completed in 1999 and with visible classical references, was highly acclaimed by the public, but deeply criticized by many architects, dismissed as pastiche. Aleksander Wolodarski, planning architect in Stockholm, did not understand the criticism, and maintained that everything that is built today is an echo of the past (Jensfelt, 2004). These examples suggest that there is some resistance among professionals towards architecture which brings to mind “too much” of the familiarity of the past, at least when it comes to architecture with classical elements.

Place attachment

Emotional bonds to places are called place attachments. Our emotional bonds to places influence our quality of life. People can become attached to places at different geographical scales, and these places can evoke varying kinds of emotions, from joy to sadness, and of different kinds of strengths. Some emotions are evoked merely by thinking of a place, and others when visiting the place. People can be attached to a place they visit on a regular basis, such as a home, or a place they have never visited but which represents an idea. People can also be attached to a place that has been lost, either by physical destruction or by a change in meaning. There is said to be several components of place attachment. Two of these are place identity and place dependence. Place identity is how the self relates and connects to the physical environment that define who we are. Place dependence is the degree to which a place can support intended users and their needs. There are also different types of place attachments. Traditional attachment is a taken-for-granted rootedness which often occur when someone for example has lived in a neighborhood for many years. Active attachment is on the other hand

6_{“Trots tydliga referenser till 20-talsklassisismen undgår Svea Fanfar att bli en pastisch, och bär på sitt eget formspråk med spännande}

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22 defined by a high level of conscious attachment to a physical environment, for example if someone is socially active in their neighborhood (Steg and de Groot, 2019, pp. 136-138). Nature as familiarity

In Coburn (2018), natural patterns in architecture is discussed in relation to psychological responses. There are many studies that show how nature and views of nature is beneficial to our health in many ways, such as improved mood, reduced stress, improved concentration (Coburn, 2018) and faster recovery from surgery (Ulrich, 1984). Merely looking at images and virtual representations of natural landscapes can induce many of these benefits. There are a few relevant theories that discuss nature and how we experience it. The Biophilia Hypothesis states that humans are inherently drawn to life-like and living forms that we often come across in natural environments. Our evolution in biological and not artificial or manufactured environments means that we have a genetically rooted need to seek contact with natural places. Another theory, Attention Restoration Theory, discusses the cognitive benefits derived from interaction with nature. The soft stimuli in nature “restores” attentional resources and help us perform better on demanding cognitive tasks. Together these theories help explain why contact with nature may generate enjoyable and restorative psychological experiences. It has been suggested that the restorative effects of nature may be due to the repeated self-similar patterns, such as fractals, that natural scenes often contain. These patterns can be processed more easily, or fluently, than the non-self-similar visuals often found in urban scenes. Based on this idea, higher fluency of natural scenes results in a lower cognitive load, and thus, in turn, replenishment of cognitive resources as well as restoration of mood and attention (Coburn, 2018). Naturalistic forms and patterns have served as inspiration for architects and others for a long time. Organic architecture has by one scholar been defined as “building shapes and forms that directly, indirectly, and symbolically elicit a human affinity for natural features and processes” (Kellert, 2005, p. 128). Examples of these include shapes of animals or plants as ornamentation, engineering strategies which imitates structural support mechanisms of biological organisms, and scaling and proportionality in nature-like patterns. Several scholars have suggested that exposure to nature-like architectural patterns may evoke similar psychological benefits as nature itself, although very little empirical work has been done to test if theoretical claims that naturalistic architecture is inherently preferred (Coburn, 2018).

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23

3.4 Other preference parameters

What attractiveness is may depend on who you ask. For a resident, an attractive neighborhood may be where one enjoys walking, looking around, and wants to linger for a while. In opposite to this, an unattractive neighborhood may be a place which people want to hurry their way through. A resident may define an attractive neighborhood as a place where one feels happy and calm, and at home. For a property developer, attractiveness may be related solely to prices and variables which have proven to affect prices, such as location, status, and view. Furthermore, planners, politicians, developers and architects may have their own perception of attractiveness as well as their own vision regarding the purpose of a new development. Attractiveness may equal cost efficiency, eccentric architecture which stirs up emotions, or international recognition.

So far, separate elements of building exteriors have been discussed and evaluated. Another question is whether there are any specific architectural styles that may be preferred more than others. Some efforts have been made to simply ask residents what designs are preferred by choosing from photos. YouGov and British firm Adam Architecture performed a survey in 2009 on architectural style preference. They asked 1042 adult residents, of whom 88 percent replied, to look at four illustrations of buildings and answer the question “Please imagine a new building is planned to be built near where you live. Four different designs are proposed. Please look at the designs below. Which one would you most like to be built near you?”. The results showed that 77 percent of respondents chose the two buildings which are traditional in design, numbered picture 2 and 3 in figure 6, while 23 percent chose the two buildings of contemporary design, numbered 1 and 4 in figure 6. Little variation could be found by region, age or income group (Adam Architecture, 2009). For style preference, a U.S. study also suggests that the most preferred house styles were farm and Tudor style houses, and vernacular styles were preferred over high or modern styles (Nasar, 1994).

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24 Consumer preference

Besides asking residents what kind of architecture style they prefer to be built nearby their home, or rate buildings based on like and dislike, there is also the aspect of consumer preference expressed in residence prices. Prices per m2 for condominiums in Stockholm differ greatly depending on the year of construction. Residences built in 1899 or before cost almost 102 000 SEK per m2, followed by over 93 000 SEK for residencies built 1920-1929 and almost 92 000 SEK for condominiums built 1900-1919. From 1930 and onwards, the prices start to decrease more and more and eventually stop at between 43-44 000 SEK per m2 for condominiums built 1960-1979. From 1980 and forth, prices increase (Lind, 2019). A price premium for residencies built in the 19th and early 20th century can however be explained by other things than style. Many of the older apartment houses are in the central parts of Stockholm, which will affect the price. The supply of turn-of-the-century condominiums available for sale may also play a part. Another explanation are interior qualities that newer buildings often lack, such as high ceilings, quality wooden floors and antique title stoves and stuccos. This age appreciation, or vintage effect (Buitelaar & Schilder, 2017), may lead to a price premium. Nevertheless, most new residencies are not built in the most central parts of Stockholm, and they are still more expensive than condominiums built 50 years ago. Some residents may also choose to live further from the city because they appreciate qualities such as having the nature right outside their window. Why apartments in the Million Programme areas are less expensive could have many explanations, from the architecture and overall streetscape being disliked, to the neighborhoods being stigmatized and considered unsafe.

In a survey from 2018, Swedish consumers were asked “What period of construction for residential buildings is your favorite?”. The largest respondent group, made up of 45 percent of respondents, chose turn-of-the-century residencies, with construction years from 1870 to 1929. The second largest group, 23 percent, chose “contemporary”, consisting of the last 20 years. Third on the list is functionalism, with construction years between 1930 and 1959. Last on the list is the Million Programme (1960-1979) and postmodernism (1980-1999). While turn-of-the-century residencies were the most preferred, only 10 percent of objects available for sale during 2018 belonged in this category, whereas 26 percent of objects available for sale belonged to the Million Programme category. Only 8 percent of respondents chose Million Programme as their preference. These numbers suggest a gap between supply and demand in the different categories. An exception is the contemporary period, where both the amount of objects available for sale and respondents who preferred this construction period was 23 percent (Hemnet, 2018). While surveys like this one are interesting, it does not count for every aspect of architecture preference, such as façade aesthetics. Preference for turn-of-the-century architecture could be due the interior qualities discussed above as much as exterior shape, color, or detailing. Contemporary homes could be preferred due to for example open plan kitchen living room7 or large balconies (to use rather than to look at). Nevertheless, the question asked in the survey allowed for respondents to consider both interiors and exteriors, which means that answers are likely based on both.

A Dutch example

In a Dutch study on price effect of buildings styles, the vintage effect and other issues related to genuinely old buildings could be eliminated. Information on building style was collected only of houses built under the Vinex program, which was a nationwide and large-scale

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25 construction program between 1990 and 2015. Thus, no old residence buildings of a certain style were included in the study. Two possible reasons to why dwellings with a particular building style would correlate with higher prices are higher production costs or that the consumer derives some kind of utility from the building style. Studies have found that the architect of a building may raise prices. Offices in buildings designed by an “iconic architect” have higher rents than buildings designed by a less famous architect. Residential buildings situated near iconic buildings may also have an added value. In this study, construction costs as a variable to price premium was eventually eliminated by looking at houses with similar estimated construction costs. While age and location cannot be reproduced, building styles can be. In the Vinex program, contemporary ”nontraditional” styles were promoted due to the notion among many professional planners and architects that construction in neo-traditional styles is wrong and means going back in time rather than a sign of progress (Buitelaar & Schilder, 2017).

Figure 7.

Experiencing the Built Environment

Experiencing the Built Environment

Architectural Aesthetics and User Preferences

ABSTRACT

SVENSKA

Table of Contents

1. Introduction

2. Methodology

3. Literature