Redeveloping waterfronts
A study in planning strategies, waterfronts and heritage
Katarina Tellow
Civilingenjör, Arkitektur
2020
Luleå tekniska universitet
Author: Katarina Tellow
Title: Redeveloping waterfronts – A study in planning strategies, waterfronts and heritage
Examinator: Jennie Sjöholm
Supervisor: David Chapman
Master Thesis, 30 credits
External supervisor: Anna-Kajsa Gustafsson
Illustrations and pictures are the authors own unless stated otherwise
Luleå University of Technology
Foreword
This thesis is part of the final stage of the architectural engineering programme at Luleå university of technology and was written in Gothenburg during the autumn term in 2019.Thank you to my supervisor David Chapman for sound advice and guidance. A big thank you to my external supervisor Anna-Kajsa Gustafsson and all the won-derful people at WSP Göteborg for their encouragement and kindness.
Finally, thank you to my friends and family for putting up with me during this time.
Utvecklingen av centralt belägna hamnområden tog fart ordentligt under det sena 1990-talet. De gamla industriområdena hade innan dess inte prioriterats, något som ofta resulterade i att förbindelserna mellan dem och stadskärnan försämrades.
Syftet med uppsatsen är att utforska strategier och tillvägagångssätt som används vid utveckling av hamnområden. Detta gjordes genom att analysera de strategier som använts under planeringsfasen av tre olika stadsdelar; Västra Hamnen i Malmö, Nordhavn i Köpenhamn och Cardiff Bay i Cardiff. Utöver detta valdes ett hamnområde ut i Göteborg som användes för att använda den teoretiska informationen i praktiken.
Den teoretiska basen är uppbyggd av en litteratur- och dokumentstudie, där de tre stadsdelarna och den utvalda
projektplatsen figurerade som de huvudsakliga forskningsobjekten, tillsammans med generell information om vattennära områden tillsammans med arkitektoniskt och kulturellt arv. De tre stadsdelarna analyserades med hjälp av fältstudier i kombination med en litteraturstudie. En matris med 10 olika teman skapades även för att bättre utforska dem. Analysen av projektplatsen genomfördes även den med hjälp av en dokumentstudie och fältstudier. Alla fältstudierna genomfördes genom att följa metoden för gåturer.
Abstract
Redeveloping centrally located waterfronts took of properly in the late 1990’s. Before that, the old brownfields were left untouched for years, often resulting in the connection between them and the city centre worsening. The thesis aims to explore strategies and approaches for waterfront developments. This was done by analysing the strategies used whilst planning the following three sites; Västra Hamnen in Malmö, Nordhavn in Copenhagen and Cardiff Bay in Cardiff. In addition to this, a waterfront site in Gothenburg was chosen and used to put the theoretical discoveries into practice.The theoretical foundation is made up of a literature and document study, where the three case studies and the designated site acted as the main topics of research along with general
information about waterfronts and architectural and cultural heritage.
The case studies were analysed using a combination of field studies and a literature study. A matrix consisting of ten columns and four rows was created and used as a base for analysing the approaches of the three cities. The site analysis was done with the help of a document study and field study. Both field studies were executed using the method of walk-throughs.
The thesis resulted in six suggestions for future actions when redeveloping waterfronts as well as an urban framework proposal. The results are meant to work as a basis for future projects.
Table of contents
1. Introduction
11
Aim, objectives and goal 14
Document structure 15
2. Research Methodology
17
3. Background
23
Waterfronts 24
Architectural and cultural heritage 26
The flagship building 27
Sustainability 28
4. Case Studies
31
Västra Hamnen 32 Nordhavn 40 Cardiff Bay 46 Conclusion 525. Site Analysis
59
6. Future Actions
77
7. Urban Framework Proposal 83
8. Discussion and Conclusion 93
9. References
103
Table of figures
Figure 29: Map of Gothenburg, 1890 62 Figure 30: Map of Gothenburg, 1860 62 Figure 31: Map of Gothenburg, 1921 62 Figure 32: Site boundries and local landmarks in scale 1:2000 65 Figure 33: Gullbergsvass in relation to the surrounding areas in the scale 1:5000 66 Figure 34: Connections with the surrounding city in the scale 1:2000 69 Figure 35: Green areas in central Guthenburg in the scale 1:2000 70 Figure 36: Drömmarnas kaj, 2019 74 Figure 37: Drömmarnas kaj, 2019 75 Figure 38: Götaälvbron, 2019 75 Figure 39: Urban framework proposal in the scale 1:125 84 Figure 40: Street structure in the scale 1:450 86 Figure 41: Current barriers and connections in scale 1:2000 87 Figure 42: Landmarks 88Figure 43: Drömmarnas kaj 89
Figure 1: Malmö, Sweden 32 Figure 2: Västra Hamnen in relation to Malmö’s city centre and central station 32 Figure 3: Västra Hamnen, 2018 33 Figure 4: European Village and the Turning Torso, 2019 33 Figure 5: European Village in Västra Hamnen, 2019 34 Figure 6: Scaniaplatsen, 2019 35 Figure 7: Street view in Västra Hamnen, 2019 36 Figure 8: Västrahamnen skyline seen from Ribersborgstranden, northwest of the site 36 Figure 9: Turning Torso, 2019 38 Figure 10: Bo01 and the Turning Torso 38 Figure 11: Copenhagen, Denmark 40 Figure 12: Nordhavn in relation to Copenhagen’s city centre and central station 40 Figure 13: Nordhavn, 2018 41 Figure 14: Nordhavn, 2019 41 Figure 15: Nordhavn skyline seen from outside the UN City building north of the site 43 Figure 16: Göteborg Plads, 2019 44 Figure 17: The silos by Göteborg and Hamborg Plads 44 Figure 18: Public sundeck, 2019 45 Figure 19: Cardiff, UK 46 Figure 20: Cardiff Bay in relation to Cardiff’s city centre and central station 46 Figure 21: Cardiff Bay, 2018 47 Figure 22: Cardiff Bay, 2015 47 Figure 23: Cardiff Bay skyline seen from the Marine spa, located by the Cardif Bay Wetlands Reserve 49 Figure 24: Roald Dahl Plass, the Senedd, the Millenium centre and Pierhead 50
Figure 25: The Millennium Centre 50
Centrally located waterfront areas has for a long time been used mainly for industry, transportation and manufacturing (Avni & Teschner, 2019). As the need for deeper water ports increased, the ports were relocated further outside the city centre, resulting in large brownfield areas being left undeveloped (Miller, 2011). During the late 1990’s the redevelopments of these waterfronts took of and the focus had now shifted from industrial to retail and tourism (Avni & Teschner, 2019; Kostopoulou, 2013; Miller, 2011). The Inner Harbour in Baltimore is a common inspiration for European cities, largely due to it increasing the city’s tax base (Jauhiainen, 1995).
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Gothenburg is located on the west coast of Sweden and was founded in 1621 (Göteborg.com, 2019). With just over 570 000 inhabitants, it is the country’s second largest city (Göteborg.com, 2019).
As a city evolves and changes, so does its structure and character. Gothenburg is in a constant state of development and today there is an increasing demand for housing, workspaces and public spaces (Göteborg stad, 2019). With these changes comes the blurring of lines as far as what can be built where. As the city evolves, the structure and uses of the different districts change with it. Gothenburg’s port, while still active and a big asset for the city, is changing as well. Beyond the more industry oriented decision to enlarge the port territory in Arendal by quite a bit (Göteborgs hamn, 2019) there are big plans to extend
the city centre. Karlavagnsplatsen is being developed and during the next three years it will house 2000 new flats and Scandinavia’s highest building, Karlatornet (Göteborg stad, 2019). The City of Gothenburg’s vision is for the city to grow by almost a third, resulting in 80 000 new living spaces and an equal number of workspaces (Göteborg stad, 2019). One reason for Gothenburg’s desire to grow this much could be the improvement of the city’s taxation rate if more of the people working in the city could live there as well, instead of commuting from the surrounding municipalities.
With that many new developments and expansions in the works, the risk of a lack of diversity in design rises. There are a lot of risks that comes with expanding a city at a high speed beside the integrity of the design. Diversity of the residents, gentrification of the area
and lack of identity are all aspects to take into consideration. By not dealing with these risks early on, it is easy to create isolated areas that fail to create a connection between both the rest of the city and its residents.
The economic prospects of the waterfronts combined with the need for the public to have better access to the water and the general competition between developers for these particular pieces of land, waterfronts have become an increasingly prominent part of urban planning and policy (Avni & Teschner, 2019). The complexity of urban planning is at the heart of this thesis, which aimes to explore and better understand the numerous aspects of waterfront redevelopment and how they can be tied together to create a thriving city.
Introduction Research Methodology Background Case Studies Site Analysis Future Actions Urban Framework Proposal Discussion and Conclusion
Aim, objectives and goal
The main aim of this thesis is to examine the processes and strategies for redeveloping waterfronts and how it can be adapted to other sites. To attain the aim the following objectives needs to be achieved:
• To gain wider knowledge of the waterfronts redevelopment policies, design and history.
• To explore the strategies and approaches used when developing centrally located waterfronts.
• To analyse the selected case studies to better understand the methods used in planning processes when redeveloping waterfronts, and how it can be used in the context of redeveloping Gullbergsvass.
Attaining these objectives will help in answering the following research questions:
• What is the existing knowledge about redeveloped waterfronts that are considered successful?
• How can this knowledge be applied to a site in Gothenburg?
The goal is to compile the information and newly gained knowledge into a document to give an overview of the strategies and processes used when developing waterfronts. This information will then be used when developing an urban framework proposal for a waterfront located by Gothenburg’s port area.
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Document structure
The document was divided into two parts. The first includes the background and global understanding of the subjects chosen to explore and the case studies, using information from the literature study. The second includes the site analysis, urban framework proposal, discussion and conclusion.
Introduction Research Methodology Background Case Studies Site Analysis Future Actions Urban Framework Proposal Discussion and Conclusion
The following research methodology was used in order to answer the research questions and to achieve the previously mentioned objectives.
A mixed-method approach was used, combining a literature study, observations and case studies with a qualitative approach. Additional study visits were also made to two of the case studies.
Literature study
The first step in the process was to undertake a literature study. This was done by using the following key words in identical searches on the databases Scopus, Diva and Google Scholar.
Key words: “urban design”, “waterfront”, “redevelopment”, “heritage”, “architectural heritage”, “cultural heritage”, “Göteborgs hamn”, “Western Harbour”, “North Harbour” and “Cardiff Bay”
The key words were combined with each other, putting quotation marks around the words when doing so to ensure a more specified result. The articles were then reviewed against the abstract and conclusion for relevance. By going through the first selection of articles more carefully, the ones that should be used in the study could be decided on. A priority was given to articles with a
high impact factor, a measuring tool used to categorise articles viability. As a secondary method, further articles were found by looking in the bibliography of the articles that had been found through the databases. The information gathered was then used as a base for the background-chapter, the case studies and the site analysis. The total amount of articles found were 135 and 59 were eventually used. Additional websites and documents found online were also used.
Case studies
To better understand the design and planning process used when redeveloping waterfronts, three case studies where strategically selected and analysed. These case studies where chosen using the following criteria: the site should be a former port that had recently been redeveloped, it should be considered a success, it should be
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located close to the city centre and its geographical prerequisites should not differ substantially from those of Gullbergsvass. The case studies selected were Västra hamnen in Malmö, Nordhavn in Copenhagen and Cardiff Bay in Cardiff. These were then studied through secondary material and existing planning documents. As a way of analysing and getting a better overview of the case studies, a matrix was constructed with ten development themes. Deciding which themes to use was done by reflecting over some of the elements in urban planning and seeing which could be relevant within this thesis. The three pillars of sustainability: economic, social and ecologic sustainability was also added.
The themes used were: • urban morphology • city marketing
• economic sustainability • density and scale • movement framework • environmental sustainability • landscape, key characteristics • importance of heritage • social sustainability
Each scenario was then answered, using the literature found through the literature study as a base, creating a 4x11 matrix (Appendix A). This created a clear structure while comparing the three case studies with each other. The retrieved information was then presented in a linear format in the thesis.
Site analysis
Using the information gathered
throughout the research, an urban framework proposal was to be developed. When deciding which area to use for this proposal, several parameters needed to be met. The first was that the site needed to be located in Gothenburg, the second, that it should be a former port area, the third that it should not be heavily redeveloped already and the fourth, its proximity to the city centre. Using these four parameters, Gullbergsvass was chosen. A SWOT analysis was compiled early on to help gain a better overview of the designated site. Lynch’s (1960) ideas regarding paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks were also integrated into the study. This gave a better understanding of the area and its surroundings. Following this, research was done regarding the sites historic evolution and planning history. With the categories from the matrix used for
the case studies as a base, information about Gullbergsvass was collected and divided into six new themes; urban morphology, city marketing, economic sustainability, movement framework, environmental sustainability and social sustainability.
Additionally, some analysis drawings were made. The themes that were chosen for these drawings were: the surrounding areas, the greenery in and around the area, connections to the site, current and old ports along the river as well as the geographical boundaries of the site.
Study visits and observational studies To analyse the case studies from a more user oriented perspective, study visits to Nordhavn and Västra Hamnen was arranged. These visits took place during 2019 on November 9th (Nordhavn) and November 10th (Västra Hamnen)
and entailed traveling through the districts by foot. To ensure both visits were treated equally, the walk-through method, as described by de Laval (1998), was used. This required a route through the area and specific stopping points to be determined beforehand. Both were decided on by using the information gained from the literature study and the maps of the two areas, and then determining what streets and buildings were of the highest interest for the thesis. The categories used in the matrix acted as a starting point for this process.
At each stop thoughts and impressions were documented, both by photographs and notes, and once the walk-through was over the notes were transcribed and fleshed out.
Due to time constraints a similar visit could not be executed in Cardiff Bay,
however the author had been to the site at a previous occasion and the photos taken then were used in the thesis. A walk-through was also made in Gullbergsvass on October 13th. The same method was applied here, however there was some difficulties due to the current constructions on the site resulting in most of the visit taking place at Hultmans Holme. The rest of the area had to be viewed from the car. Proposal
Using the knowledge gained from the literature and observations while visiting the sites, an urban framework proposal was generated. The site used for the proposal is that of Gullbergsvass, located in the eastern part of Gothenburg and is part of the area surrounding Göta älv, also known as Älvstaden (River town) (Ramboll Sverige AB, 2015). In this thesis, Gullbergsvass will be defined
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as the area bordering on Säveån in the east, the railway depot and railway in the south, Götaälvbron in the west and Göta Älv in the north.
Discussion
A final analysis, with a discussion and conclusion, was made. This part looks at the entirety of the research, analysing both the result of the thesis, the urban framework proposal as well as the methods used. By doing this one can evaluate, not only the results, but the entire process and learn important lessons for future projects.
Validity and reliability
Reliability and validity are important factors when trying to insure scientific value. Reliability is defined as being “the quality of being able to be trusted or believed” (Cambridge Dictionary, u.d.) and validity as being “the quality of being based on truth or reason”
(Cambridge Dictionary, u.d.). To ensure the results validity, multiple meetings and discussions regarding the text has been had with the supervisor.
The term waterfronts can cover a range of definitions, mostly depending on the environment and location. Kostopoulou (2013) observes that “urban waterfronts, generally referred as the part of a town or city that abuts water, especially a district of wharves where ships dock” (pp. 4580). Breen and Rigby (1996) “by definition consider the bay, canal, lake, pond, and river, including man-made, under the generic term ‘waterfront’”. Meanwhile, Al Ansari (2009) concludes that the most inclusive and suitable definition is an adaptation of that of (Bruttomesso, 2001) which describes the waterfront “as a special border type of urban zone that is both part of the city and in contact with a “significant” water body” (pp. 10), referring not only to the water but also to its relationship to the surrounding landscapes.
In this thesis, a waterfront is seen as a part of an urban settlement
connected to a body of water, much like Bruttomesso’s (2001) description.
Due to water being a key mode of transportation, food, defence and irrigation it was the main reason for man’s earliest settlements (Baldacchino, 2010; Kostopoulou, 2013; Al Ansari, 2009). Most of the early settlements along the waterfront, be it a river, lake or sea, thrived there (Al Ansari, 2009). The fact that to this day, nearly 40 percent of the world’s population lives within 100 kilometres of a coast line shows how connected humans still are to the sea (Cohen et al., 1997).
For a long time waterfront areas were mainly used for industry, transportation and manufacturing (Avni & Teschner, 2019) but they were still located close to the city centre. As time went on and the need for deeper water ports increased, the ports and cities were physically
and socio-economically seperated (Al Ansari, 2009). In moving the ports, large brownfield areas were left and stood undeveloped (Miller, 2011). The lack of development in these areas was initially often linked to the lack of funds for such projects (Kostopoulou, 2013). Once the redevelopment of these areas began, the focus shifted from industry to uses such as retail, tourism and recreation (Avni & Teschner, 2019; Kostopoulou, 2013; Miller, 2011). This new approach reflected both the economic and social needs of the city (Avni & Teschner, 2019). With cultural facilites being used to “reclaiming the city” (Avni & Teschner, 2019, pp. 2) and developers moving toward a service economy, it has become more frequent for waterfronts to host cultural venues as well as events (Avni & Teschner, 2019). As a result, “their historic value has been capitalized on to attract
Waterfronts
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that puts a lot of pressure on the alrady existing population (Jauhiainen, 1995). visitors and tourists” (Avni & Teschner,
2019, pp. 2). Due to economic gain often being the main reason for the redevelopments, urban waterfronts have a tendency to dublicate eachother (Kostopoulou, 2013). In extreme cases, this can lead to so called “non-places” being created (Kostopoulou, 2013).
This popularity of waterfront redevelopments took off during the late 1900’s following the success stories in some North American cities (Avni & Teschner, 2019). The Inner Harbour in Baltimore often acts as an inspiration for European cities, with the finished project creating an increase in the city’s tax base by bringing in more tourists, service sector employment as well as bringing the middle class back into the city centre (Jauhiainen, 1995; Kostopoulou, 2013). This phenomenon, of repeating an earlier pattern of development and in doing
so, loosing the areas characteristics, later bacame known as the Baltimore Syndrome (Al Ansari, 2009; Vallega, 2001). The vital role that the city played in that particular case is often underrated (Jauhiainen, 1995; Punter, 2007). The mayor and city council had a shared vision that they wanted to create “a balance between community and commercial considerations” (Jauhiainen, 1995, pp. 4). Among other things, they involved the private sector during certain elements but overall control was still retained (Jauhiainen, 1995). The project is generally seen as beeing a success in terms of economics (Jauhiainen, 1995; Kostopoulou, 2013) but less so in terms of social aspects (Jauhiainen, 1995). Despite the area generating millions of dollars in taxes and attracting thousands of tourists every year, there has been a significant rise of local costs in the surrounding neighbourhoods and a gentrification
Architectural and
cultural heritage
into consideration the relationship between historic objects and their surrounding as well as the people who use them.The interest for post-industrial sites in combination with heritage has also had an upswing (Lisiecki & Sadowy, 2019). Lisiecki and Sadowy (2019) gives two examples that might be the reason for this new interest. The first being the deindustrialization in the European and US cities resulting in several post-industrial sites throughout the cities. The second being the recognition of the industrial heritage with its cultural and architectural values. One of the more famous cases where an old industrial site, more specifically an old port area, was redeveloped is that of Bilbao and Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim Museum (Lisiecki & Sadowy, 2019).
This method of using new innovative
architecture for cultural institutions as a way to once again put the city on the map was later referred to as the “Bilbao effect” (Lisiecki & Sadowy, 2019; Michael, 2015). This in turn attracted investors, tourists and helped to create a cultural ambience in the city (Michael, 2015).
One can define heritage in numerous ways. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) defines cultural heritage in two categories, tangible and intangible cultural heritage (UNESCO, 2019). Tangible cultural heritage includes movable cultural heritage (paintings, coins, manuscripts), immovable cultural heritage (monuments, archaeological sites and so on) and underwater cultural heritage (shipwrecks, underwater ruins and cities) (UNESCO, 2019). Intangible cultural heritage on the other hand includes oral traditions, performing arts and rituals (UNESCO, 2019).
During the last three decades, there has been a great increase in term of the discussion on heritage definition (Janssen et al., 2017). For instance, both Janssen et al. (2017) and Bürgi et al. (2019) talk of the shift towards a more landscape-based approach that takes
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The popularity of flagship buildings and projects have grown over the last few decades and are often linked to cultural and art based ventures (Grodach, 2010). Governments has come to invest substantial amount of money in these high-profile projects (Grodach, 2010). Following the success of the Guggenheim Museum Bilbao, the creation of similar developments has accelerated even more (Grodach, 2010). In the case of Bilbao, the city had lost its position as a manufacturing centre but in 1986 the Basque Country authorities began planning for a redevelopment of their biggest city (Michael, 2015). Acclaimed architects were brought in to design the metro (Norman Foster), the airport and a footbridge (Santiago Calatrava) and the pièce de résistance, the Solomon R Guggenheim Foundation with star architect Frank Gehry designing the new branch (Lisiecki &
Sadowy, 2019; Michael, 2015). After the opening in 1997, the landmark building and its collection was a success and the building costs had been recouped after three years (Michael, 2015). The city now houses multiple designs by famous architects and designers and many cities with similar issues wanted to follow in Bilbao’s footsteps (Michael, 2015).
Maria Fernandez Sabau (2015, cited in Michael, 2015) state that “the Guggenheim Bilbao was a rare occurrence, there was an incredible confluence of amazing, talented people. You had a museum that was hungry to expand, available land for cheap, a government with money, an architect itching to make a statement, and a city that desperately needed a new reason to exist. You can’t just buy that.”.
The flagship
building
Sustainability
The concept of sustainable development became mainstream in the 1980’s (Mao, Purvis, & Robinson, 2019) and when discussing the topic, one often talks of a combination of environmental, economic and social sustainability (Bratel, 2012). This is the definition that will be used in this thesis.Environmental sustainability can be defined as “the maintenance of natural capital” (Morelli, 2011, pp. 1) while economic sustainability “requires that current economic activity not disproportionately burden future generations” (Morelli, 2011, pp. 2). Social sustainability on the other hand is seen as “a positive condition within communities, and a process within communities that can achieve that condition” (McKenzie, 2004, cited in Morelli, 2011, pp. 1).
As the concept of sustainable
developments have grown, so has its space in the planning process (Codplák & Raksányi, 2003). This is why it was important for the author to incorporate this aspect of urban design, as well as that of the strategies and design used.
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Västra Hamnen
Figure 1: Malmö, Sweden
Malmö is located in the south of Sweden in northern Europe (figure 1). The West Harbour, which can be found just north of the city centre in Malmö (figure 2), consist of land masses that have gradually been filled in since the mid 1800’s until the late 1900’s, mostly to accommodate the rapid growth of Kockum’s industrial activity (Malmö stad, 2018). Due to the oil crisis in the 1970’s, and the following decrease in business, the decision to shut down production of ships altogether was made in the late 1970’s (Malmö stad, 2018). The redevelopment of the area was then ignited by the international housing exhibition, Bo01, in 2001 (Malmö stad, 2018). Their goal was to create an ecologically sustainable and dense district that could inspire other cities across the country (Malmö stad, 2018). The project was overall considered a success, although it has still received a fair share of criticism
(Medved, 2016). The research shows that Bo01 incorporated these aspects of sustainability but as time went on the municipality’s priorities shifted. As the district became more densely populated, the residents demand for more parking spaces and car accessibility increased (Floretta & Field, 2011; Medved, 2016). At the time of this research, there are 1425 homes in the Västra Hamnen (Malmö stad, 2016). Once Bo01 had been Figure 2: Västra Hamnen in relation to Malmö’s city centre and central station
Västra Hamnen
City centre Central station
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the public (Medved, 2016), something that can present future problems when residents are expected to, for instance, minimise their car use (Green, 2006). Urban morphology
Bo01 – Here, a somewhat distorted,
mesh like, grid was used (figure 3) (Austin, 2013; Green, 2006) and blocks does not look alike, but are instead intriguingly versatile (Malmö stad, 2004). The irregular grid system was completed, planning on the remaining
area could begin. This resulted in an extensive remediation having to take place. It was done with the help of approximately $33.4 million from the Swedish government and $2.1 million from the European Union (Austin, 2013). The goal was still to create a densely populated, mixed-used neighbourhood focusing on sustainability (Malmö stad, 2015), that was a “leading example of environmental adaptation of a densely built urban district” (Floretta & Field, 2011, pp. 84).
Unlike some other developments where the current or future residents would be more involved in the planning process, Västra Hamnen used a typical top-down approach to its planning and the goals were set by the municipality (Medved, 2016). This strategy has been used by the critics to highlight
the barely existing participation from Figure 4: European Village and the Turning Torso, 2019 Figure 3: Västra Hamnen, 2018
used not only to create contrasts but also to prevent the strong winds coming in from the sea (Malmö stad, 2004). This was also the reason for building taller buildings closest to the sea with the lower ones placed behind them (Malmö stad, 2004). Multiple architects were used when designing the area, however they were all given the same conditions and design codes (Austin, 2013). This in turn resulted in a varied look (figure 4) while still keeping the same standard throughout and giving it enough of a coherent look that none of the buildings look out of place (figure 5). The surrounding water and green spaces also play a big part in the welcoming atmosphere (Malmö stad, 2015).
Newer area – In contrast to Bo01, the
rest of Västra Hamnen follows a much more traditional grid system. There are much more straight lines in general with the winding roads taking
a backseat. Instead, the blocks have a more straightforward structure and the buildings appearances doesn’t differ as much from block to block (Malmö stad, 2015). The idea of higher buildings working as a shield against harsh winds seems to have been less emphasised as well (Malmö stad, 2011). This could be traced back to the use of one single architect for larger areas instead of multiple ones.
Over the past couple of decades as the district has developed, it has become a part of the city landscape, using Bo01 as a starting point. The area, that is constantly evolving and getting denser, now acts as an extension of the city centre with its new settlements and job opportunities (Floretta & Field, 2011). City marketing
With the economic downfall in the
1990’s Malmö had to reimagine itself Figure 5: European Village in Västra Hamnen, 2019
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in order to stay afloat (Anderson, 2014; Holgersen, 2014). It went from a city with an industrial image to a more knowledge and sustainability based one (Holgersen, 2014). The idea behind this transformation was to “strengthen the image of Malmö as a place to live and invest” (Medved, 2016, pp. 117). Following this, Bo01 was heavily promoted and developed as a sustainable city district where the residents could live in a sustainable way, without making any vast changes to their lifestyles (Bratel, 2012).
The marketing strategy has resulted in businesses that are technology and knowledge-based integrating themselves into the area (Anderson, 2014). This in turn has led to Västra Hamnen becoming somewhat of an icon for the city (Anderson, 2014).
Economic sustainability
The project was often criticised by the press for the financial scandals plaguing the building companies used during the construction as well as for the high rents (Bergh & Karlsson, 2001; Medved, 2016). In Bo01 a 100 m2 flat could have a rent of up to 25 000 kr, however a public subsidy of approximately 10 000 kr per 100 m2 flat was distributed (Bergh & Karlsson, 2001). The subsidy comes from the just over 200 million kr excess gained by Malmö Kommunala Bostadsbolag (MKB), a municipal company, after they lost their status as a non-profit company (Bergh & Karlsson, 2001). There is nothing wrong with building housing that can only be afforded by the wealthy and subsequently giving public money to tenants but there is with how MKB went about this business (Bergh & Karlsson, 2001). The whole point of MKB: s existence, as a municipal company with Figure 6: Scaniaplatsen, 2019
in the city of Malmö (Floretta & Field, 2011). This was considered as a densely built area at the time it was planned, and was inspired by the urban design used in the 1800’s (figure 7) (Medved, 2016). More housing is being planned and by 2031 the municipality plan to build 10 000 new flats (Malmö stad, 2013). The plans show that a similar scale to the already existing buildings will be used for these new developments (Malmö stad, 2013). When planning the site, the a responsibility towards the taxpayers,
is to provide affordable housing for “regular people”, something that they are now doing the opposite of (Bergh & Karlsson, 2001).
Density and scale
Västra Hamnen covers roughly 187 ha and is the home of 9 469 people (Malmö stad, 2018). This brings the population density to 50 residents per hectare, compared to 20 residents per hectare
Figure 8: Västrahamnen skyline seen from Ribersborgstranden, northwest of the site
Figure 7: Street view in Västra Hamnen, 2019
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focus was put on which areas should contain what uses but the formation of the exact grid was not decided on. This left room for densifying and adaptations as time went on (Malmö stad, 2013). The scale varies slightly trough out the area but stays below 45 meters, except for an office building (53 meters), a hotel (85 meters) and Turning Torso (190 meters) (figure 8) (Malmö stad, 2011). Movement framework
Västra Hamnen was designed to make it possible to cut down on the use of cars, which was mainly done by prioritising cycling, walking, improved public transport and trying to create a more densely populated area with mixed uses built into it (Floretta & Field, 2011). By placing mirrors at low-visibility intersections and placing several mini service-stations, amongst other things, the municipality hopes to increase the
number of cyclists and pedestrians in the area (Floretta & Field, 2011). According to surveys conducted in 2008 and 2010 this was achieved, with the percentages of residents going grocery shopping, making service-related trips and traveling to work using non-motorized modes were higher in Västra Hamnen than in the City of Malmö (Floretta & Field, 2011).
The public transport in Västra Hamnen consist of a well-functioning bus network, an aspect of the compact city policy, with buses running at seven minutes intervals throughout the day (Floretta & Field, 2011).
However, despite bicyclists and pedestrians’ accessibility being prioritised, that was not enough for people to minimize their car usage (Floretta & Field, 2011). In Bo01 parking was originally limited to 0.7 parking
spaces per household but many of the new residents still wanted to use their cars, creating a demand for more parking (Medved, 2016). In 2016, the number of parking spaces per household was up to 1.5 (Medved, 2016). A multi-story parking garage was eventually built by the Turning Torso, working directly in opposition to the projects original goals (Floretta & Field, 2011).
Environmental sustainability
When planning Bo01, a lot of thought was put into the storm water system (Austin, 2013). With the help of green roofs, water detention, infiltration through gravel and drainage of water away from the building the quality of the water going back into the canal could be controlled better (Austin, 2013). The heat and electricity are both produced locally and the majority of the buildings are built using environmentally friendly construction materials (Anderson, 2014).
Landscape
As far as green spaces go, the municipality use a form of green area factor when planning the future plots. The factor is set to 0.5, which means that at least 50% of each plot should be used for greenery (Bratel, 2012). The water plays a big part in the design as well, part of the waterfront has been turned into a promenade and it has an open storm water system including pools and canals (Medved, 2016).
Key characteristics
The diverse architecture and innovative ideas are strong characteristics for the area as well as the focus on sustainability, especially in Bo01. The turning Torso (figure 9) is a big attraction and, combined with the overall architecture, is a big draw for tourists (Malmö stad, 2019). The use of various compact city design ideas coming together in one district creates a very distinctive look.
Importance of heritage
Architectural and cultural heritage is not something that has played a big part in the plan for Västra Hamnen so far (Malmö stad, 2013). Instead, sustainability and inspiring architecture has been the main focus. However, the City of Malmö did talk of connecting the new district with the already existing part of the city bordering it by keeping the base height of the buildings in Västra Hamnen on a similar scale as Figure 10: Bo01 and the Turning Torso
Figure 9: Turning Torso, 2019
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the rest of the city, creating a coherent look throughout (Malmö stad, 2011). The Kockums Crane had been a distinct landmark for the area since 1974 but it was disassembled and subsequently sold and moved to South Korea in 2002 (Anderson, 2014).
Social sustainability
With its many squares and promenades there are multiple areas in the district that lends itself to social interactions (Floretta & Field, 2011). In Cities for People (2010) Gehl talks about how, for a city to be socially sustainable it needs to be “inclusive and there must be room for everyone” (pp. 109). While there is physically room for people from all walks of life, the promenades are frequented by people from all over Malmö in the summer, there is still a lack in social diversity within the residents.
Copenhagen is located on the eastern coast of Denmark, not far from Malmö, Sweden (figure 11). Copenhagen’s North Harbours gradual expansion started in the late 1800’s as a reaction to Germany’s trading business becoming increasingly more of a competitor (By & Havn, 2019). It is located approxi-mately 4 kilometres from Copenhagen’s city centre (COBE, 2019) and only a short walk from the world-famous Little Mermaid statue (figure 12).
Nordhavn’s focus on cyclists, pedestrians and public transport sets the stage for a district with less air and noise pollution (Huang, 2012). Using the concept of a 5-minute city also makes it possible for the people living and acting within the area to lead a full and active life while not being reliant on cars (Bal-ster, 2018).
The first residents to move into the new
district, Århusgadekvarteret, did so in 2015 (By & Havn, 2019). Today, there are more than 2000 residents in the area (By & Havn, 2019) and over the next 40-50 years the site will be developed further to house up to 40 000 people, paired with workspace for another 40 000 (COBE, 2019).
Urban morphology
Nordhavn is based on the 5-minute city principle (By & Havn, 2019). The idea Figure 11: Copenhagen, Denmark
Nordhavn
Nordhavn
City centre Central station
Figure 12: Nordhavn in relation to Copenha-gen’s city centre and central station
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behind this is to set a maximum traveling time per 400 metres (By & Havn, 2019), the average walking distance people are willing to walk. This means short distances between work and living spaces as well as public transport and bicycle routes (By & Havn, 2019). Today, large parts of Nordhavn contain already existing buildings (figure 13) and many of these will be preserved and possibly expanded on to (Huang, 2012). At the time of writing a few of these have already been redeveloped, like the silo near Hamborg Plads (figure 14) (Rasmussen, 2017), and have become a natural part of the new district.
By filling in more land mass the sites’ size will nearly double, making space for the extension and the following new settlement (Grydehøj, 2015). The plan is to build housing for 40 000 new residents and the same number of
workplaces. The area will be divided into multiple islets, eleven to be exact, all with individual identities (COBE, 2019). Although a general urban structure has been decided on, with the eleven islets working as its base, the exact structure within those larger areas are still open for discussion (COBE, 2019). This could have been done to ensure that the development retains its flexibility and being prepared for unforeseen future needs.
Figure 14: Nordhavn, 2019 Figure 13: Nordhavn, 2018
Economic sustainability
For Nordhavn to become a 5-minute city the residents need to have all their basic needs met within a small area (By & Havn, 2019). This, combined with the several planed office buildings, creates a lot of business opportunities in the district. After the economic success of Sydhavn, with its popular waterside properties, developers wanted more and set their eyes on Nordhavn (Grydehøj, 2015).
Developing Nordhavn was in fact done as part of a plan to boost Copenhagen’s economy through property development and it is the sales of the properties owned by By & Havn that are funding the new metro-ring’s construction (Rasmussen, 2017). As the development moves forward, the municipality can now demand that up to 25% of the housing in the district will be rental (Rasmussen, 2017), something The water is an important part of
the design and the plan includes it becoming an intricate part of the urban form throughout the area (COBE, 2019). City marketing
In the last three decades, there has been a significant focus on Copenhagen being a centre of growth for all of Denmark (Rasmussen, 2017). This in turn has resulted in “putting Copenhagen on the map globally” becoming a national political priority (Rasmussen, 2017). Nordhavn is currently being planned as a sustainable district and is promoted as a green and energy conscious part of Copenhagen (Balster, 2018; Nissen, 2014). This can be seen in the strategy documents for Nordhavn, that is using phrases like “the sustainable city of the future” and “sustainable City, the Copenhagen way” (Nissen, 2014; Rasmussen, 2017).
that in turn can result in residents with a more diverse income.
Density and scale
When finished, Nordhavn will take up approximately 300 hectare and house 40 000 inhabitants, resulting in 133 residents per hectare (Huang, 2012), making it one of Copenhagen’s densest district (Balster, 2018). Aiming for a density this high is most likely connected to the need for the various functions associated with the 5-minute city. It could also help reduce car use and keep energy and resource consumption down (Balster, 2018).
The densest structures of the district will appear in the part of the site closest to Østerbro and will then become less and less so the further into the site one travels (Huang, 2012). The scale varies somewhat throughout the site, with six-storey buildings mixed with two-six-storey
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ones as well as statement pieces like the redeveloped silos by Göteborg Plads (figure 15).
Movement framework
In an attempt to try to decrease the use of cars in the area, pedestrians, cyclists and public transport are prioritised rather than cars (COBE, 2019). A new metro line will be built to facilitate the 5-minute city plan and tie the new district together with the rest of Copenhagen (COBE, 2019). Since the new metro line will not open until March of 2020, it is still hard to know just how big of an impact the project will have.
Figure 15: Nordhavn skyline seen from outside the UN City building north of the site
By elevating this new metro line and placing a bicycle path underneath it, the cyclists will be more sheltered from wind and rain (COBE, 2019). This bike expressway will also act as a connection to the rest of Copenhagen (COBE, 2019). Gehl (2010) talks about the importance of improving the conditions for cyclists and how Copenhagen has done so for the last decades. This leads to the conclusion that similar values will be incorporated throughout Nordhavn. Environmental sustainability
The rapid growth of the city puts more pressure on the municipality to focus
on environmental sustainability. The city chose to handle this by creating eco-friendly traffic solutions and make better use of the rainwater and solar energy (Nissen, 2014; Sandhu, 2018). The winning design team from COBE, Ramboll and SLETH also feel strongly about Nordhavn being developed with a sustainable energy strategy in mind (Huang, 2012). All houses will be low-energy ones and the plan is to produce energy using alternative sources, like wind turbines, as much as possible (Huang, 2012). A decision was made to decrease the density of buildings the further north the settlement got. This made it possible to create luscious green areas, that could be enjoyed both by the public and act as natural habitats for the surrounding wildlife (COBE, 2019). Landscape
A network of green areas, promenades and pocket parks will be integrated into
the new district with a green loop acting as a green public space (COBE, 2019). Nordhavn is surrounded by water on three sides and it will also be brought into the neighbourhoods in the shape of canals and ponds (COBE, 2019). The plan is to create “fertile banks” in the far north area and create possibilities for more leisure activities like kayak sailing along the waterfront (Huang, 2012). Key characteristics
The distinctive look of the islets being tied together by the green passages and the use of water, combined with the preservation of the harbours old atmosphere, creates a distinct and fascinating look (By & Havn, 2019). Unfortunately, due to a law from 2011 it is now allowed to move the container-terminal to the northern part of Nordhavn (Rasmussen, 2017). This led the local citizen’s group Østerbro Harbour Committee (ØHC) to say,
during the hearing process for the law, that it goes against the intentions of the original vision which were to guarantee that Nordhavn’s development would be characterised by sustainability, green traffic and closeness to the sea. It was made clear that the winning proposal would be next to impossible to implement with the threat of a new container-terminal (Rasmussen, 2017). Other key characteristics of the area Figure 16: Göteborg Plads, 2019
Figure 17: The silos by Göteborg and Hamborg Plads
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Figure 18: Public sundeck, 2019 are the landmark buildings (figure 16),
which leave a lasting impression and creates an identifiable image for the area.
Importance of heritage
The industrial history is integrated in the new take on the district by preserving and reusing certain buildings and historic features (By & Havn, 2019; Rasmussen, 2017). New robust materials and fixtures, that are expected to withstand the sites climate, are added and keeps in line with the ports original character (By & Havn, 2019).
Social sustainability
The green loop and many public spaces create opportunities for a number of social activities. According to the Copenhagen City and Port Development they will provide room for interactions, movement and play (Nissen, 2014). By
& Havn has help with the establishing of Nordhavn IF, an umbrella organization for the various sports associations in the area (By & Havn, 2019), allowing for physical activities.
Located in the water next to Göteborg Plads is a jetty with a traditional sauna and sundeck attached (figure 17). This gives people the opportunity to both interact with others and take a refreshing dip in the ocean.
Cardiff is located on the east coast of Wales (figure 18), with Cardiff Bay just south of the city centre (figure 19). With its long history Cardiff Bay has had several incarnations, the latest one being met with both good and bad reviews. The construction of Cardiff’s harbour began in the early 1800’s and the vast amount of coal being exported from there led to one of Wales smallest towns transforming into its largest (Cardiff Bay, 2019; Gonçalves, 2009). With the reduction in demand for coal and increase in container ports East Moors Steelworks closed its doors in 1978, taking with it over 3000 jobs and leaving Cardiff Bay to become a neglected wasteland (Cardiff Bay, 2019). After a few turbulent decades the 1990’s brought with it the renewal of the area, which was becoming a place for both business and leisure (Cardiff Bay, 2019).
The Bay has now been transformed with the help of the Cardiff Bay Barrage, a man-made dam con-structed in 1999, as it holds of the rivers Taff and Ely to create a fresh-water lake (Cardiff Bay, 2019). The barrage helps eliminate the effect of the tide, which ranges to up to 14 meters (Cardiff Bay, 2019).
Thomas (2000) suggests that the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation’s Figure 19: Cardiff, UK
Cardiff Bay
City centre Central station
Figure 20: Cardiff Bay in relation to Cardiff’s city centre and central station
Cardiff Bay
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statement about establishing Cardiff internationally “was not set up to benefit local people, or directly address poverty in Cardiff: its remit was to create an exciting internationally significant waterfront development” (pp. 30). However, he then goes on to say that “the CBDC emerged as the area’s saviour, providing the only hope of salva-tion where all else had failed and, in so doing, helping to turn Cardiff into a world-class maritime city” (Thomas, 2000, pp. 32). In the end, a significant waterfront development was created and the once discarded area bloomed once more. But like Thomas (2000) mentions, the needs of the local popula-tion were not prioritised.
Urban morphology
The area closest to the water is mostly taken up by cultural, political and commercial buildings (figure 21), creating a natural meeting place. Just
behind those distinctive buildings however, one finds plenty of residential buildings fanned out around them (figure 20) (Crockett, 2017). The street form differs throughout with the residential areas following a more traditional grid structure mixed with tree-like structures on a micro-level, according to the theories used by Marshall (2005). The more central part
on the other hand uses a more tree-like Figure 22: Cardiff Bay, 2015 Figure 21: Cardiff Bay, 2018
City marketing
The Cardiff Bay Development Corporation’s (CBDC) main goal with the project was to “…establish Cardiff internationally as a superlative maritime city, which will stand comparison with any similar city in the world, enhancing the image and economic wellbeing in Cardiff” (Rowley, 1994, pp. 269). This would hopefully lead to investors being attracted to the Bay, something that played a big part in the regeneration (Gonçalves, 2009). According to Punter (2007) “the regeneration strategy was explicitly marketing rather than market-led, and attempted to defy the realities of a modest provincial commercial property market”. The hope was for this to make the city climb the European urban hierarchy, an ambition that still drives the corporate strategy in the Council (Punter J. , 2007).
Economic sustainability
The redevelopment of the Bay resulted in an economic upswing for the district and the city as a whole (Waite, 2015). A consumption based, mixed-use centre was created in the Bay to bring it back into economic use (Waite, 2015), this resulted in the bustling waterfront one sees today (Gonçalves, 2009). The city’s plan of making the area denser will also lead to a higher taxation rate, resulting in more resources for the neighbourhood. Density and scale
Surrounding the Roald Dahl Plass are three of the bay’s major landmark buildings (figure 22). With the mixture of larger statement buildings and more traditional housing blocks, the scale and intensity varies within the area (Crockett, 2017).
The Bay is part of the Butetown ward with just over 10 000 residents and an structure, with the Roald Dahl Plass
acting as the centre.
Not unlike many other waterfront projects, the redevelopment of Cardiff Bay was heavily influenced by that of Baltimore Inner Harbour (Jauhiainen, 1995). The hope was to create a sustainable social and economic hub (Cardiff Bay, 2019). The main goals of the strategy were to reunite the waterfront with the city centre, achieving high standards of design quality, create a wide range of job opportunities, provide more housing options and have the area be an inspiration for future urban renewal (Jauhiainen, 1995; Punter, 2007). Today, housing is a hot topic with people raising concerns about the plans for high-rises and what too much exploitation can do to the urban landscape (Beresford, 1995; Crockett, 2017).
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area of roughly 510 hectares resulting in almost 20 residents per hectare (Office of National Statistics, 2011).
Movement framework
The Bay is located a few kilometres south of the city centre but can be accessed using public transport. Both train and bus lines connects the two (Cardiff Harbour, 2019) and there are plans to extend the system for these modes of transports along with the bicycle paths (Punter J. , 2010).
In the Bay area itself, pedestrians and cyclist are prioritised in the area closest
to the water. Here, there are promenades lining the bay and the squares and parks are mainly car free.
Environmental sustainability
The Cardiff Council has developed an action plan for how to reduce the city’s carbon emissions in which it is stated that “Cardiff aims to be a Carbon Lite City; by reducing our city wide carbon emissions to below UK targets, and by identifying and adapting to the impacts of climate change. Working with partners and stakeholders is essential to achieve this city wide aspiration” (Cardiff Council, 2010, pp. 2). Despite Figure 23: Cardiff Bay skyline seen from the Marine spa, located by the Cardif Bay Wetlands Reserve
this “carbon-lite” plan, Cardiff’s eco-footprint is still on the higher side (Punter J. , 2010). This can primarily be linked to the consumerist lifestyles residents have become used to with key components being: eating out, travels by private car, air travel and domestic energy consumption (Punter J. , 2010). Hopefully, this will change once the plan gains more reach.
Landscape
Even though large areas of the Bay have been paved or covered in other ways there are still some green areas left. The Cardiff Wetlands Reserve, located along
the northern edge of the Bay, houses a mixture of species (Cardiff Harbour, 2019). Over by the Roath Basin lies the Waterfront Park, a smaller green area with playgrounds and room for children to play.
Key characteristics
With the Roald Dahl Plass at its centre, the Bay makes the most of its cultural heritage and pulls on peoples’ nostalgia to create an immediate connection. The Senedd, also known as the Welsh Assembly building, the Millennium centre and the Pierhead represents different parts of Wales’ history. These buildings fanning out around the Plass creates a memorable skyline (figure 23). Importance of heritage
Cultural heritage play a big part in the overall look of the bay area. Both the Millennium Centres and the Senedd’s design use symbolism to tell the story of
the city’s history. Connecting these two buildings is the Roald Dahl Plass, named after the Cardiff-born children’s book author (Visit Cardiff, 2019). Although the history of Cardiff, and Wales, are represented in the design not much of the original port was left or referenced. Social sustainability
The Roald Dahl Plass acts as a centre point for the Bay area (Visit Cardiff,
2019). With its many incarnations, be Figure 25: The Millennium Centre (Acade-my of Urbanism, 2018) Figure 24: Roald Dahl Plass, the Senedd, the
Millenium centre and Pierhead
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Figure 26: The Roald Dahl Plass (NHA, 2019) it as a sandy beach in the summer or
for a concert in the spring (figure 26) (Visit Cardiff, 2019), it is a natural space for social interactions. Thanks to the nearby Wetlands Reserve, people can enjoy both the social activities offered in a city centre and the more peaceful activities found in park.
The case studies were all chosen based on their proximity to the city centre, their statuses as former ports that had recently been redeveloped, them being considered an overall success and their geographical prerequisites not differing substantially from those of Gullbergsvass.
After having analysed all three it became clear that they share common ground and have several similarities as well as unique features.
Urban morphology
When it comes to the grid structures used in the three case studies, they somewhat differ from each other. In Västra Hamnen, a combination of a disordered, mesh-like grid was used while both Nordhavn and Cardiff went for slightly more traditional ones. Both Västra Hamnen and Nordhavn used the concept of planning the overall
urban structure but leaving the exact grid structure unspecified, creating a flexible plan that could be altered with time.
When planning Västra Hamnen, the design aspect of the project was initially a central role with a lot of time and money being put into it but the use of several architects, and the subsequent architectural diversity in Bo01, was not repeated in the developments that followed. This resulted in the somewhat lessened design quality that can be found in the newer areas.
Nordhavn went for a concept of slightly more neutral looking buildings but with distinctive landmark buildings placed throughout the area (Rasmussen, 2017). To avoid the architecture in the area ending up feeling monotone, some of the older buildings were incorporated into the new design,
a theme that seems to permeate the entire plan (Rasmussen, 2017). In Cardiff, a lot of focus was put on the landmark buildings surrounding the Roald Dahl Plass as well as the Plass itself (Punter J. , 2007). Although this did succeed in creating a memorable imagery for the area, remarks have been made that while the city’s visibility has increased, the need of the public was not necessarily taken into consideration (Punter J. , 2007). There has been a failure to create residential areas that are well integrated with the waterfront as well as the existing ones (Punter J. , 2007).
City marketing
All three sites shared the desire to reinvent themselves, something that resulted in all the districts working hard to create a new image for themselves. Both Västra Hamnen and Nordhavn put
Conclusion
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a lot of emphasis on the sustainability and making it easier for pedestrians and cyclists to travel in the area. In Cardiff Bay, the focus seemed to instead be on creating flagship buildings that could Economic sustainability
The desire to create an economic upswing was shared by all the sites and by producing mixed-use districts with both commercial and non-commercial activates, they have all succeeded with this aspect. However, one must not forget that with this kind of gentrification often comes a lack of diversity within the population. The high price points meant that many were isolated from these buildings and activities. This lack of affordable housing could be found in both Västra Hamnen and Cardiff Bay. Nordhavn’s attempt to minimise the risk of this phenomenon by allocating a certain percentage of the new buildings for
low-income households will hopefully be a successful one.
Density and scale
Although all three sites but great emphasis on creating a dense district, they all had different perceptions of what that meant. Trying to find a good middle ground of the rather low number of residents per hectare in Cardiff Bay, approximately 20, to the almost extreme number of 133 in Nordhavn, could result in an economically successful district that does not feel overcrowded. There will always be both positive and negative outcomes from these kinds of developments, and it is important to find a balance between the area being dense enough to justify the expenses but not so dense that it creates new problems. To accommodate the inevitable changes in demand, a certain level of flexibility is needed.
Movement framework
When it comes to the movement framework in the districts both Västra Hamnen and Nordhavn have focused a lot on trying to get people to choose non-motorised mode of transportation. Although the percentages of residents in Västra Hamnen that walk or take the bike when going to work or shopping has surpassed that of the residents in the rest of the city, this does not mean that the residents do not still use their cars. With the projects ambitious plans of creating 0,7 parking spaces per household soon having to be raised to 1,5 it became clear that people needed more than being told to stop a certain behaviour, and perhaps nudging them in the right direction rather than forcing would be more effective. It is possible that the reason for this unforeseen need of cars is that a lot of the residents now living in the area have young children, work outside of the city centre
and so on, something that perhaps was not considered when deciding on the number of parking spaces per household. Nordhavn’s use of the concept of a 5-minute city could be a way to minimise private transit, with it enabling the residents’ necessities within walking distance as well as creating connections to large parts of Copenhagen. Although one will have to wait until the new metro-line is finished to know for sure. While Cardiff Bay is not located as close to the city centre as the other two, it can still be accessed by both public transport and bike and with the city’s ambition to connect the two more in the future, the Bay area has the potential to grown into an extension of the centre.
Environmental sustainability
Despite it not necessarily being seen as mainstream when the planning schemes for the case studies were first
started, all three incorporated features of sustainable thinking into their plans. The results from the studies showed that both Nordhavn and Västra Hamnen started focusing on ecological sustainability early on and even though it has not yet been to the same extent, so has Cardiff. The Nordic cities put a lot of thought into creating a sustainable district, with their choices in materials and types of constructions to name a few. Cardiff’s new carbon lite action plan tackles the issue of environmental sustainability with five priorities for action; engagement, buildings, waste management, transport and energy supply (Cardiff Council, 2010). This plan has led to the council focusing more on sustainable transport such as expanding bike paths and public transport.
Landscape
Västra Hamnen’s use of a so-called
green area factor generated well-planned green areas and its use of the surrounding water, as well as the storm water, gave the area a different character compared to the rest of the city. If Nordhavn is able to fulfil its original plan with a network of green areas, promenades and pocket parks being integrated into the new district with a green loop acting as a green public space it could become a great addition to the busy city centre. However, it is worth keeping in mind that due to a law from 2011 it is now allowed to move the container-terminal to the northern part of Nordhavn (Rasmussen, 2017). This led the local citizen’s group Østerbro Harbour Committee (ØHC) to say, during the hearing process for the law, that it goes against the intentions of the original vision which were to guarantee that Nordhavn’s development would be characterised by sustainability, green traffic and closeness to the sea.
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It was made clear that the winning proposal would be next to impossible to implement with the threat of a new container-terminal (Rasmussen, 2017). With large areas of the Bay area having been paved, the Cardiff Wetlands Reserve and the Waterfront Park acts as the districts main areas for recreational activities.
Key characteristics
The theory available highlights the recent increase in using a flagship building as an identifiable imagery for the city. Each of the studies have been trying to generate this and had an interest in using the sites to not just develop those areas but to also increase the international interest in the city. It is important however to keep in mind that if the surrounding circumstances do not align, such a development might not be profitable. In the cases where it has worked, the actual building is usually
not always the main reason that it did, despite it being the imagery that people connect to the city.
One can see traces of this method in all three case studies, Malmö with the Turning Torso, Västra Hamnen with its redeveloped silos and Cardiff Bay with the Millennium Centre and the Senedd. They too tried to use these buildings to create an easily identifiable imagery to represent the city. An important part of their success’ is that they did not forget about the structures and public spaces surrounding the buildings. All three made sure to place a park, square or similar public space in connection to their landmark buildings.
Importance of heritage
The use of heritage varies throughout the sites with both Nordhavn and Cardiff Bay implementing it one way or another, while Västra Hamnen chose
not to focus on the site’s history. This lack of interest in the areas architectural and cultural heritage led to the site having a very different look compared to the rest of the city centre with its many historical buildings. Cardiff Bay and Nordhavn has not steered clear of modern design but due to their use of the site’s heritage, they manage to create a clearer connection to the rest of the city and its heritage.
Social sustainability
All three case studies have gone from partially abandoned brownfeilds to social hotspots, using squares and promenades to accommodate social interactions. In Västra Hamnen, the promenades and swimming areas are used both the residents in the area and the public, Nordhavn’s green loop and public spaces create opportunities for several social activities and Cardiff Bay’s Roald Dahl Plass acts as the centre.
