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Ezra Chitando

Singing culture

A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe

Nordiska Afrikainstitutet Uppsala 2002

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Zimbabwe Music Cristianity Culture

Language checking: Elaine Almén

ISSN 1104-8425 ISBN 91-7106-494-X

© the author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2002

Printed in Sweden by Elanders Digitaltryck AB, Göteborg 2002

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1. INTRODUCTION...5

1.1 The Research Questions...6

1.2 Gospel Music in Zimbabwe: An Overview ...7

1.3 Study Layout ...8

2. METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK AND INTERPRETATIVE TECHNIQUES ...10

2.1 Approaches to the Study of Religious Penomena...10

2.2 Studying gospel Music in Zimbabwe: Methodological Considerations ..10

2.3 Gospel Music: Definitional Issues...13

2.4 The Data and Its Collection ...15

2.5 Limitations of Data and Sources...17

2.6 Summary...19

3. MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ...20

3.1 Introduction ...20

3.2 The Role of Music in the Traditional Shona Context ...20

3.3 Colonialism and Music in Zimbabwe: A Rapid Reappraisal...26

3.4 Commercialisation of African Music during Colonialism ...33

3.5 ‘Song of Freedom’: Music in the Euphoria of Independence...43

3.6 Summary and Conclusion...47

4. GOSPEL MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE: AN EXAMINATION OF THE RISE OF GOSPEL MUSIC AND AN EXPLICATION OF DOMINANT THEMES...49

4.1 ‘Sacred Sounds’: The Rise of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe ...49

4..2 ‘Jesus Does!’: The Dominance of Gospel Music in the 1990s...53

4.3 Gospel Music in Zimbabwe: A Thematic Survey...57

4.4 Summary and Conclusion...68

5. BRINGING THOSE ABSENT: GOSPEL MUSIC AND DISADVANTAGED GROUPS IN ZIMBABWE ...70

5.1 Preaching Openly and Unhindered? Women in Zimbabwean Gospel Music...70

5.2 African Independent Churches and Gospel Music...75

5.3 ‘Let the Children Sing’: Gospel Music, Children and Youth...78

5.4 ‘Praising God in Their Own Languages’: Gospel Music and Minority Languages...80

5.5 Summary and Conclusion...82

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6.1 The Dominance of Christianity on the Communication Environment

in Zimbabwe and the Ascendancy of Gospel Music...83

6..2 ‘Singing about Christ, Making Money’? The Economic Significance of Gospel Music...86

6.3 ‘Singing Identity’: Gospel Music and African Cultural Dynamics ...90

6.4 Summary and Conclusion...94

7. CONCLUDING REMARKS: GOSPEL MUSIC, AFRICAN CULTURAL PRODUCTION AND THE POLITICS OF IMAGING...95

REFERENCES...98

Books, conference papers and articles in journals...98

Magazines and newspapers...103

Select interviews...104

Select discography ...105

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This study examines the historical development, social, political and eco- nomic significance of gospel music in Zimbabwe. It approaches music with Christian theological ideas and popular appeal as a cultural phenomenon with manifold implications. Applying a history of religions approach to the study of a widespread religious phenomenon, the study seeks to link religious studies with popular culture. It argues that gospel music represents a valuable entry point into a discussion of contemporary African cultural production.

Gospel music illustrates the limitations of discourses of authenticity wherein

“African cultural production is consumed, judged, and analysed in terms of its ‘Africanness’” (Baaz, 2001: 11). I maintain that gospel music successfully blends the musical traditions of Zimbabwe, influences from other African countries, and musical styles from other parts of the world.

Through the application of multiple methodological lenses, the study sets out to describe, analyse and interpret gospel music in Zimbabwe during the 1990s. It outlines the historical development of popular music in Zimbabwe, alongside locating the emergence of gospel music in the politically and eco- nomically challenging 1990s. The report captures the impact of Christianity on music performances, highlights the various groups of cultural workers who have derived opportunities from gospel music and undertakes an analysis of the context in which gospel music was able to thrive. Through an examination of dominant themes in Zimbabwean gospel music and its creative appropria- tion of various musical styles, the study illustrates the complexity underlying contemporary African artistic products.

This study also seeks to bring to the fore the long-standing issue of the re- lationship between Christianity and African culture. Although many African theologians, nationalists, missiologists, Non-Governmental Organisation activists and other practitioners have proffered valuable insights, in most instances their efforts have been vitiated by a preoccupation with a frozen view of African culture. Many writers have tended to view African culture as a relic from some glorious past. Although this may please avid cultural na- tionalists, it obfuscates the inherently adaptive nature of African, and indeed of any other, culture. Consequently, in this study the focus is on gospel music as an integral part of contemporary African culture. By examining gospel music texts, performances by artists and audiences at gospel concerts and television presentations, the study contributes to the discourses on religion and public spaces. The report also brings to the fore the neglected theme of music and the construction of religious and other identities.

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1.1 THE RESEARCH QUESTIONS

This study is prompted by the need to reach an understanding of the popular- ity of gospel music in Zimbabwe in the 1990s. Why did music with a fast, danceable beat and utilising Christian themes gain popularity? Are there any precursors to this development? What are the dominant themes in Zimbab- wean gospel music? To what extent has it affected the performing arts in the country? Is there any relationship between gospel music and the social and political contexts? Does gospel music facilitate an understanding of the vari- ous forces that have gone on to shape African culture, broadly understood?

This study wrestles with such questions and probes their meaning to the larger question of artistic production in contemporary Africa.

Generally, most African scholars of religion have not been interested in popular culture. As a result, much of the work that has been done on music has been by indigenous ethnomusicologists like the late Dumisani Maraire, media practitioners, and Africanist researchers in the United States of Amer- ica. Existing studies on music in Zimbabwe have dwelt on specific instru- ments such as the mbira (Berliner, 1981/1978), the use of songs during the liberation struggle (Pongweni, 1982), the development of popular music (Zindi, 1985), the significance of music for the ancestral cult (Maraire, 1990), music instruments in general (Jones, 1992), the status of women in the music industry (Impey, 1992), protest by established artists like Thomas Mapfumo (Kwaramba, 1997), the impact of nationalism and other ideologies on popular music (Turino, 2000), as well as investigations into fear and self-censorship (Eyre, 2001).

Other researchers have confined themselves to developments within the church and have analysed the importance of Christian poetry and music drama (Axelsson, 1993) and the history of hymnody in Zimbabwe (Lenherr, 1977; Jones, 1976). Little research has been undertaken on gospel music. This study seeks to fill the lacuna in scholarly literature on gospel music in Zim- babwe. By adopting an interdisciplinary approach, I endeavour to describe, analyse and interpret gospel music in Zimbabwe during the 1990s. In order to locate this phenomenon in its proper historical context, I provide an outline of the development of music in Zimbabwe.

It is argued in this study that gospel music has created alternative space for social groups that had been rendered invisible. The history of music per- formances in Zimbabwe has been dominated by the figure of the middle-aged male artist. Perceived as the domain of the sacred, gospel music has facilitated the emergence of successful female artists. In addition, young people found a niche within which their artistic talent could thrive without the traditional parental rebuke. In this regard, the study provides fresh perspectives on the different categories of cultural workers in Zimbabwe. Where most writers on religious themes insist on the uniqueness of religious data, the presentation

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seeks to integrate gospel music within the larger context of national events, while remaining sensitive to specific developments in Zimbabwean Christian- ity.

1.2 GOSPEL MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE: AN OVERVIEW

The decision to undertake an investigation into the significance of gospel music was informed by the phenomenal rise enjoyed by music in which Christian themes dominated. Between 1990 and 2001, the music industry in Zimbabwe witnessed the ascendancy of music drawing on Christian salvation history. Through an emphasis on salvation wrought by Jesus of Nazareth, his imminent return, the need for righteousness in the last of days, and the power of God in overcoming disease and restoring hope, numerous artists carved niches for themselves in a competitive industry. While some of them came up with original and creative compositions, others recorded popular hymns, funeral songs and choruses. High sales figures were attained and musical concerts or shows devoted to gospel music attracted large crowds in most instances. A number of radio and television programmes specialised in gospel music, while in flea markets, commuter omnibuses, and even night clubs, gospel music was given considerable exposure. Overnight journeys to funer- als, weddings and parties were also accompanied by the playing of gospel tracks. In short, there was an explosion of gospel music in Zimbabwe in the 1990s.

As music utilising the Christian collective memory that is accompanied by an up-tempo, danceable rhythm or a sombre, reflective style attracted popular following, researchers were left behind. There was debate over the meaning of gospel music, the factors motivating artists, its sociological signifi- cance and other factors. How gospel music could facilitate discussion of the extent to which Zimbabwean society may be said to reflect a Christian ethos has been an issue that has not been satisfactorily addressed. The impact of gospel music on social restructuring, its contribution to ecumenism and how it feeds into popular music are areas that required more investigation. This study grapples with such questions and seeks to clarify the significance of the phenomenon.

Religious studies in the university has often been perceived as pursuing recondite topics that are far removed from the daily experiences of religious people. By undertaking an academic investigation into a topical subject, this study seeks to demonstrate the extent to which developments in popular culture offer valuable data for analysis. Researchers can appreciate the con- stant shifts and borrowings in the terrain of religion. Gospel music presents an opportunity to assess the communication environment in Zimbabwe, inter- rogate the question of African Christian identities, revisit the notion of gender

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in music performances, evaluate the interaction between religion and society, and other themes.

This report on gospel music in Zimbabwe may also help to clarify the up- surge in music with Christian themes throughout Southern Africa, particu- larly in the 1990s. Across the region, artists who sang about Christian salva- tion, repentance, divine love and related concepts enjoyed growing popular- ity. Indeed, research in West Africa also indicated a similar pattern where artists who used to play other types of music decided to play gospel music.

Although the need to examine the rise of gospel music in a specific context remains, this report may serve to indicate general trends and patterns in ur- ban musical performances in sub-Saharan Africa, as well as to draw attention to the lasting influence of Christianity on popular consciousness in the region.

1.3 STUDY LAYOUT

To attain a comprehensive view of gospel music in Zimbabwe, a number of themes deserve attention. Methodological questions feature prominently in a work of this nature. Chapter two is therefore devoted to an exposition of the methodological options that were available and could be utilised for such an undertaking. A brief overview of methodological debates in religious studies is provided, alongside a description of the approaches that are dominant in this presentation. After justification of the selected interpretative tools, the chapter presents the data collection methods.

Chapter three traces the historical development of music in Zimbabwe. It describes the role of music in the traditional African setting, highlights the tension that characterised the introduction of Western hymns, and notes the steps that were taken to promote African compositions. Alongside drawing attention to developments in the larger music industry, the chapter addresses the issue of national sentiment in the immediate postcolonial dispensation.

The chapter highlights the shifts in Zimbabwean music, while noting the impact of Christianity in the overall development of music in the country.

Chapter four traces the historical development of gospel music in Zim- babwe. It analyses themes that dominate Zimbabwean gospel music. It also examines the texts to identify notions relating to disease, suffering and death, political protest, material and spiritual poverty, ecumenism, confronting Afri- can Traditional Religions, and others. The role of the theology of radical dis- continuity propagated by Pentecostal churches is analysed, while a sociologi- cal investigation into the social setting is undertaken. The chapter acknowl- edges that gospel musicians are cultural workers who are sensitive about their own social contexts.

A discussion of the various categories of performing artists who have de- rived mileage from the ascendancy of gospel music in Zimbabwe in the 1990s is offered in chapter five. The increased participation of women as respected

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cultural workers, the acceptance of recording groups from African Independ- ent Churches, as well as the space occupied by children in Zimbabwean gos- pel music are issues that receive attention. How minority languages have had an increased profile due to gospel music is explored in this chapter. An ar- gument is made that alongside contributing to Christian consciousness in the country, gospel music has played an important role in the emergence of more cultural workers.

Chapter six explores the communication environment in Zimbabwe in an effort to highlight factors that contributed to the popularity of music with Christian themes. This chapter assesses whether the reality of religious plural- ism is seriously considered in the country. The controversies surrounding the financial statuses of gospel musicians are outlined, while a discussion of the role of gospel music in formulating postcolonial African identities is under- taken. A short summary of this study and its overall implications is offered in chapter chapter seven as a conclusion to the discussion.

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Techniques

2.1 APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF RELIGIOUS PHENOMENA

This research focuses on the historical growth, social and political significance of gospel music in Zimbabwe. It principally locates gospel music within the category or genus of things that are ‘religious’. Although Western European and North American scholars have offered considerable and incisive reflec- tions on how the study of religion can be undertaken (Wiebe, 1999), African researchers have been conspicuous by their absence. This has created the unfortunate impression that African scholars slavishly follow methodological canons developed elsewhere. As Peter Connolly has convincingly shown in his work that brings together anthropological, psychological, phenomenologi- cal, sociological, theological and feminist approaches to the study of religion (Connolly, 1999), religion can be approached from multiple perspectives.

Religionist scholars maintain that religious phenomena are sui generis, unique and irreducible (Studstill, 2000:180) and for many historians and phenome- nologists of religion, social scientific approaches provide the milieu within which religious phenomena are embedded (Turner, 1981:2).

Although scholars in the different methodological schools consider their approaches to be mutually exclusive, it is possible to regard the various methods as complementary. In another study (Chitando, 1999), I demon- strated how the different approaches could be used to analyse gospel music.

Different dimensions of a religious phenomenon require insights from par- ticular perspectives. For us to attain useful knowledge about the emergence of gospel music, a historical approach is necessary. Sociological tools are invalu- able for appreciating the social context within which gospel music has blos- somed, while interpretative strategies from the phenomenology of religion help to clarify the religious aspects of a given cultural phenomenon. In the forthcoming section I discuss the approaches that are operational in this pres- entation.

2.2 STUDYING GOSPEL MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE:

METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS

Religion is an integral part of culture. In Zimbabwe many factors have had a bearing on the development of culture. We agree with Preben Kaarsholm (1991:3) that in Zimbabwe one does not encounter a dismantling of tradition

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and the emergence of an alternative new and abruptly modern culture. In the analysis of gospel music as part of African cultural production, I seek to draw attention to the borrowings, adaptations and creativity that can be discerned in this music type. The report examines the appropriation of externally de- rived musical styles, foreign languages and dance routines in a local context.

It also investigates threads of continuity between gospel music and indige- nous music performances. Until recently relatively little attention had been given to the question of African traditional religions in contemporary society (Olupona, 1991).

2.2.1 Historical Approaches to Gospel Music

As has been noted above, a historical approach is critical for an appreciation of the development of gospel music in Zimbabwe. Cultural trends are better understood if the historical factors that have shaped them are understood.

Within African scholarship, this is an area where continued research is rele- vant. Most contributors to the discourse on African culture are attracted to the idyllic past but they do not interrogate the politics of accessing that past. Afri- can scholars of religion in particular have been accused of not paying suffi- cient attention to difficult historical questions in their efforts to recover tradi- tional religiosity (Ranger and Kimambo, 1972). Since the observation was made at the beginning of the 1970s, there has not been any significant growth in historical approaches to the study of African religions. This report seeks to address the shortfall by utilising historical tools to understand how music with Christian themes has evolved in Zimbabwe.

In line with the theme of cultural creolisation, it is important to illustrate the extent to which traditional religious songs have been changing over time.

The encounter between Christianity and African culture, so central to the task of African theology (Muzorewa, 1985), needs to be historicised so that the adoption of Christian hymns is adequately understood. The high visibility enjoyed by female gospel artists in the period under review (the 1990s) neces- sitates an inquiry into the status of women in musical performance before the colonial period, during colonialism and in the postcolonial period. As part of popular culture, gospel music performance has been taken from the narrow confines of the church into the public arena. Consequently, gospel artists have not been immune to forces that are operational in the larger industry. The pressures of commercialisation, marketing, live performances, and the man- agement of the backing group are issues that are equally felt by pop stars and gospel musicians. This study provides an overview of developments in the music industry, alongside describing the communication environment in which Christianity dominates.

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2.2.2 Sociological Contributions to an Analysis of Gospel Music

Cultural workers do not operate in a social vacuum. Cultural production takes places in social contexts that are well defined and it is strategic to iden- tify the matrix within which the actors are located. In this report, insights from the sociology of religion are harnessed in an endeavour to clarify how the setting in life of the composers of gospel music has influenced its overall character and outlook. Sociology of religion seeks to establish the interplay between religion and society (Bourdillon, 1990). It recognises the fact that religion is influenced by developments in the larger society and that it is prac- tised by humans who are relational beings. After utilising a historical ap- proach in tracing the rise of music reflecting Christian concerns in Zimbab- wean popular culture, this study employs a sociological analysis to decipher the dominant themes. The impact of the high death rate due to Hiv and Aids for example, has had an effect on the growth of funeral songs. The negative publicity that followed Zimbabwe’s approach to land reform (Moyo, 2000) also had a bearing on notions of decay.

This report also argues that gospel music represents one of the main ways through which African Christian identities are being negotiated. In the struggle for allegiance, Christianity and African traditional religions have made demands on their followers. In evangelical churches—the main site of gospel music performances—the creation of a new social identity is a major preoccupation. The idiom of conversion, the new life available in Christ and finding a haven of belonging characterise the evangelical discourse. Along- side other forms of popular music, gospel music plays a key role in serving as a powerful and meaningful symbol of identity, functioning as an avenue for expression and mediation of conflict (Manuel, 1988:16). Insights from sociol- ogy are therefore critical in the quest to locate the status of gospel music as an instantiation of how identities are being played out in Zimbabwe.

2.2.3 Phenomenological Approaches and the Study of Gospel Music

This study applies the phenomenological method to balance and complement historical and sociological approaches. Although in terms of methodological pronouncements phenomenological principles are gaining popularity in the study of African cultural phenomena (Chitando, 1997), there are very few studies that practically demonstrate the value of the method. This report con- tributes to the emerging body of literature that utilises the phenomenological method to illustrate contemporary cultural production within Africa. Phe- nomenological tools help to bring out how gospel artists creatively blend traditional concerns and musical instruments and new styles and perform- ance contexts. Paying attention to the phenomenological tenet of the integrity of data under investigation while bracketing questions of truth and authentic-

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ity presents new opportunities for understanding the popularity of gospel music.

In applying the phenomenological method, one is aware of the calls that have been made to transcend it (Flood, 1999). The decontextualising thrust and quest for scholarly neutrality constitute weaknesses that characterise the method. Indeed, every method has its own limitations, thereby justifying the adoption of a polymethodic approach. However, it remains a valuable ap- proach due to its insistence on descriptive accuracy, non-reductionism, and sensitive treatment of religious phenomena. This study adopted its principles, but harnessed them with insights from other disciplines to mitigate some of its perceived limitations. Alongside the dominant historical, sociological and phenomenological approaches, the report also benefited from reflections available from gender studies, theology and other relevant perspectives.

2.3 GOSPEL MUSIC: DEFINITIONAL ISSUES

Thus far the report has employed the label ‘gospel music’ as if it is unani- mously accepted. Like many other concepts that are used in the media and in scholarly discourses, such as globalisation, religion, democracy, human rights and others, it is a term that has received different interpretations. The descrip- tion is popularly used, particularly in the United States of America, South Africa, Ghana, Nigeria, Zimbabwe and other countries, to refer to musical products closely tied to Christianity, but it has its own critics. These critics contend that the tag ‘gospel music’ is too elastic and devoid of content to be utilised as an analytical category. Despite the definitional predicament, efforts have been made to clarify the term. A researcher in the Nigerian context, Matthews Ojo notes the following:

The term ‘Gospel music’ is really too sweeping. However, it could be used to mean a distinct kind of music composed and rendered by men and women who call themselves Christians, and who refer to their music as ‘ministration of the Good News in songs’ (Ojo, 1998:211).

This report adopts Ojo’s understanding of gospel music since it emerges from the phenomenological principle of recognising the actor’s point of view. The emphasis on the self-understanding of the artists and how they interpret the value of their music seeks to strike a balance between expanded and narrow definitions of the phenomenon. Expanded definitions are as difficult to work with as narrow ones. The popular usage of the notion of gospel music is quite elastic and includes diverse phenomena within its application. Without en- gaging in an elaborate debate on the purposes of definition and procedures in defining, it is helpful to note that essentialist definitions are too ambitious and misleading. The report thus adopts an ‘open’ definition of gospel music by

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understanding it as music laden with Christian themes and performed by individuals who regard themselves as Christians. These individuals seek to preach the word of God through music.

A report on music in Zimbabwe by Banning Eyre contends that due to the heavy Christianisation of the country during the Southern Rhodesia years, Zimbabwe has always provided a healthy market for gospel singers. Thus:

During the 90s, with the horrifically mounting toll of AIDS deaths, and a gen- eral sense of crisis arising from the nation’s economic woes, more and more people have turned to Christianity and to gospel music. The productions tend to be simple, featuring electric keyboards and drum machines, avoiding alto- gether the mysterious tonalities of Shona traditional music and the giddy, free- wheeling guitar work of sungura. Gospel music represents a refuge from all that (Eyre, 2001: 96).

As I contend below, Eyre makes some valid observations but he adopts a narrow approach to gospel music in Zimbabwe. He overlooks the interface between gospel music and other genres, as well as adopting a reductionist paradigm in his interpretation of the phenomenon. This report approaches gospel music in Zimbabwe as an artistic product emerging from cultural workers who are influenced by the Christian cumulative tradition. These artists utilise various musical styles and instruments to communicate Chris- tian themes. These include the mbira beat from a traditional musical instru- ment, sungura or museve (like an arrow, it pierces the heart) from Zimbabwean popular music, rap and hip hop from the African American influence, reggae from the Caribbean, country from the United States of America, Congolese soukous, and other types.

Alongside the aesthetic dimension, both the performing artists and con- suming public have drawn attention to the religious aspects of gospel music.

It is music that embraces distinctively Christian concerns such as the redeem- ing role of Jesus of Nazareth, the need for conversion to Christianity, ethical principles governing Christian living, hope in the resurrection of the dead, and others. Thus, the term ‘gospel music’ is an umbrella term for diverse musical styles that are united in terms of their texts. Compositions that drew on the Christian collective memory were classified as gospel music in the Zimbabwean context during the period under review.

Within the Zimbabwean context, the process of electronic recording, pub- lic performances and availability also contributed to whether or not a piece of music was considered as gospel music. There were many hymns and choruses that were composed and performed in the various denominations but were not classified as gospel music because they were not available as audio or video cassettes. Although there was a clear relationship between gospel music and the hymns and choruses that were performed in churches, gospel music

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had moved into the public space. Granted that most of the composers identi- fied themselves as furthering Christian causes, gospel music should properly be understood as forming part of popular culture in Zimbabwe. It represents the creative interplay between traditional musical performances, Christian influences, and global musical trends.

The paucity of material on music utilising religious themes in Southern Africa implies that the definitions adopted in this report should be under- stood as open and exploratory rather than as final and exhaustive. The report approaches gospel music an encounter with life, not only with its trials and tribulations, its bruises and abuses (Cone, 1972:116) but also for its celebra- tion of life and its offering of hope and encouragement. By analysing gospel music and drawing attention to the definitional predicament, this study high- lights the cultural variety and identity trends that are emerging in Africa.

Modern techniques that come to the fore in electronic recording, new dance routines learnt from global media networks, identities deriving from the evangelical ideology and traditional musical practices have been creatively combined in Zimbabwean gospel music.

In summary, while the term ‘gospel music’ has often been used with spe- cial reference to African American cultural products, it has undergone consid- erable changes in Southern Africa. There are similarities between Zimbab- wean and African American gospel music in terms of emphasis on Christian themes, audience participation, repetitiveness of its song verses, improvisa- tion during performance, pattern of call and response, and other factors (Ojo, 1998: 211). However, Zimbabwean gospel music utilises local and interna- tional musical styles, vernacular languages, indigenous musical instruments, and addresses the traditional African worldview. It is therefore important to apply phenomenological insights and apply the concept with special refer- ence to its application in specific contexts.

2.4 THE DATA AND ITS COLLECTION

The data for this study was collected with the assistance of three research assistants hired for that purpose between June 1998 and August 2001.

Through extensive interviews with various actors in the music industry, gos- pel musicians, ministers of religion, intellectuals, traditional musicians, radio and television programme producers, flea market personnel and other strate- gically located individuals, the study seeks to identify the social, political and economic significance of gospel music in Zimbabwe. Some of the respon- dents’ views are directly indicated in the body of this report as ‘Interview, 19XX’ to capture interview transcriptions showing the year when the inter- view was undertaken. The main forms of specific data sought included the actual performances of gospel music, the composition processes, packaging in audio and video cassettes, marketing strategies and thematic concerns. Socio-

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logical variables such as the educational, religious, denominational, gender, age, and ethnicity of the respondents were taken into account in assembling material for this study.

Participant observation was a major research technique that was used in this study. Researchers attended a total of twenty-one gospel music concerts that were mainly held in Harare at venues like the Harare Gardens, ZANU (PF) Hall, and the Harare Showgrounds. Other musical shows at which some gospel musicians performed, like the annual Jenaguru Music Festival, were also attended. In most cases the gospel musicians were available for inter- views at such events. Follow up exercises were conducted, with researchers attending Praise and Worship sessions where gospel musicians took a leading role. Weddings and parties where gospel artists performed were included in an endeavour to capture the changing contexts. In a number of instances, gospel musicians were interviewed at their homes and places of employment.

Attention was paid to musical types, dance routines, as well as audience response and participation at gospel music shows. An analysis of the texts required listening to hundreds of gospel music tapes and to radio pro- grammes, in public transport such as commuter omnibuses and long distance buses, flea markets, night clubs and record bars. Viewing many television musical programmes, such as the Psalmody and MutinhimiraweMimhanzi/

Ezomgido familiarised the researchers with locally produced gospel music videos. Focus was on how gospel music could be viewed as an aspect of con- temporary African artistic production. Musical programmes that played other music types and foreign music were also targeted for analysis.

Data on record sales and the chart shows was obtained from recording companies, retail outlets, newspapers, radio programmes and other sources.

Flea-market vendors provided information on tapes that were in demand for the period under review. Valuable information was also accessed through interviews with presenters, other musicians not associated with gospel music, and the listening and buying public. Request shows, programmes for the ill, interludes during live coverage of the burial of national heroes and other observations were used to gauge the popularity of gospel music. Listening to the songs that were recurrent when people were celebrating, sorrowful, or sometimes drunk allowed us to compare gospel music with other types of music. In another study (Chitando, 1998b), the researcher examined the ap- propriation of Christian music by visually impaired street musicians in Ha- rare. The responses by members of the audience were also utilised in estab- lishing the significance of gospel music.

Specific attention was paid to the innovation, contextual sensitiveness and thematic concerns of gospel musicians. Data on traditional music per- formances, the status of female cultural workers and the communication envi- ronment in Zimbabwe was collected from primary and secondary sources.

Material on macroeconomic indicators, the impact of Hiv and Aids and the

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political environment was accessed from government publications, private agencies and research reports. The overall thrust of our data collection and analyses was to establish the role of gospel music in Zimbabwe. We sought to understand how this aspect of urban African culture contributes to new im- ages about Africa.

Valuable information was obtained from organisations such as the Zim- babwe Association of Gospel Musicians (ZAGOM), the Gospel Songwriters Club and the Zimbabwe Union of Musicians (ZUM). Representatives of re- cording companies, retail outlets, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), and the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe were helpful in establish- ing the state of the music industry. Interactions with members of the Zim- babwe National Traditional Healers Association (ZINATHA), the Baha’i Faith, Judaism, Islam and other religious groups in other projects proved useful for this study. This enabled us to put the marginalisation of traditional religious songs as well as those from other religions into perspective.

In line with the phenomenological approach adopted in this report, the principal researcher also utilised his knowledge of traditional Shona musical and religious practices. Research into the Mwari cult in the Southern prov- inces of Zimbabwe from 1996 to 2000 made data available that pointed to the richness of indigenous music. The principal researcher’s own avid interest in popular music in Zimbabwe and working familiarity with some gospel musi- cians in Zimbabwe proved to be important resources. Attending an interna- tional conference on “Playing with Identities in Contemporary Music in Af- rica” in Turku/Åbo, Finland in October 2000 facilitated interaction with some of the leading musicologists and provided valuable insights on trends in Afri- can music. Presenting papers at universities in Nordic countries and at the Nordic Africa Institute in October and November 2001 also gave useful per- spectives. Overall, a multiplicity of data collection methods and interpretative techniques were utilised in the compilation and synthesis of the material used in this study.

2.5 LIMITATIONS OF DATA AND SOURCES

Studies on popular Zimbabwean culture in general and from a religious per- spective in particular are few, rendering any undertaking in this area im- mensely difficult. Although studies on music in Zimbabwe have been under- taken, the approaches that have been adopted have not resulted in the emer- gence of a compact area of investigation. The analyses that have been under- taken remain fragmentary and tend to focus on internationally recognised artists like Thomas Mapfumo, popular music in general, or on traditional music. Gospel music as an aspect of how African cultures are being continu- ally reworked has not received any appreciable scholarly scrutiny. A report by Banning Eyre (2001) only makes passing reference to gospel music. As a

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consequence, there are very few interlocutors in this field. While this allows the study to break new ground, it has the attendant problem of restricting references to findings from other investigations into related phenomena.

A methodological problem emerging from the research is the observation that accurate figures pertaining to the music industry in Zimbabwe are diffi- cult to establish. Recording companies, retail outlets and the performing art- ists themselves were not at ease when discussing record sales. This rendered discussion of the economic impact of gospel music in Zimbabwe difficult.

Suspicions within the music industry, religious and ideological differences amongst some of the strategic actors and the perception that it is theologically inadmissible for a cultural worker in the domain of gospel music to derive economic benefits coalesced to make this dimension difficult to interpret.

Consequently, many performing artists were hesitant to discuss the extent to which their economic status has changed due to their careers. Indigenous and Christian notions of modesty also played a role in accentuating this difficulty.

This study concentrates on gospel musicians who have had their work recorded in Shona. The limitation in terms of languages and cultural contexts discussed is clear. It is therefore important that other studies reviewing de- velopments in Ndebele and other languages be undertaken. In addition, this research emphasises the experiences of gospel music with special reference to Harare. Although artists from other regions were interviewed, as well as noting the developments of church music in other areas, the high incidence of cultural workers from Harare needs to be noted as a limiting factor. Granted that Harare is the seat of the music industry in Zimbabwe, investigations in other settings may yield different results and patterns.

Although the presentation does make constant references to the devel- opment of hymns and choruses within the various denominations, this is not its main focus. Gospel music has moved from the church context into the public domain, although strong ties remain. Additionally, the popularity of gospel music is related to developments in other music types but these do not receive extensive coverage. The selective thrust adopted implies that further research into new compositions in the churches, their guiding theological ideas and performance contexts is necessary. It also requires a separate study to establish the achievements and constraints of the music industry in Zim- babwe. A regional study could also indicate the extent to which Christianity has influenced popular culture in Southern Africa through gospel music per- formances.

By adopting a gaze that seeks to survey gospel music in its overall devel- opment, the report may also sacrifice the peculiarities of individual denomi- nations and performing artists. Since very little work has been done on gospel music in Zimbabwe, this is a limitation one has to bear with. However, other researchers can complement this study by tracing how denominations like the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe have produced more gospel musicians

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than others. What is lost by not dwelling on specific artists and denomina- tions is more than adequately compensated for by attaining an overall picture of the status of gospel music in the country. The limitation in terms of adopt- ing a general overview however, needs to be acknowledged.

As a report in the domain of cultural studies, the presentation does not emphasise statistical details, tables and graphs to capture research findings.

This is due to the methodological stance adopted whereby it is argued that the lived experiences of a people cannot be reduced to facts and figures. Tabulat- ing material has the advantage of bringing together complex data in one place. However, in the field of cultural studies, figures may efface people and their experiences. Cultural products are not amenable to statistical reduction- ism due to their inherent dynamic nature. Nonetheless, it is envisaged that the format adopted will bring out the creativity and vitality that characterise gospel music in Zimbabwe.

2.6 SUMMARY

Although some critics contend that methodological reflections are not helpful, in this chapter I have argued that the process through which we accumulate data about specific cultural phenomena should be continually interrogated.

This is particularly important in a discussion of cultural images emerging from Africa where distortions and ideological conflicts have been dominant.

There was need to review approaches that have been used to study religious phenomena, as well as to highlight the methodological principles that guide this study. A multidisciplinary approach was proposed, while the specific contributions of the different methodologies were noted.

This chapter also draws attention to techniques that were used in data collection. Although the challenge was how to explain the cultural fusion that characterises gospel music, and problems of data collection, strategies to counter limitations of the data were effected. Through the use of question- naires, in-depth interviews with key informants, source criticism of newspa- per articles and a critical review of the communication environment, we en- deavoured to clarify the importance of gospel music in Zimbabwe. By apply- ing qualitative and quantitative research techniques, this study seeks to illus- trate how gospel music is an integral part of cultural realities in postcolonial Zimbabwe. In the following chapter, I provide an overview of the history of music in the country.

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3.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter provides a historical survey of the background necessary for understanding the emergence of gospel music in Zimbabwe. It builds on the view that developments associated with gospel music are understood better by appreciating the overarching historical processes that have shaped music performances in the country. Although gospel music asserted itself between 1990 and 2001, its trajectories can be traced back much further. It is therefore an act of doing violence to history if one neglects the larger context that has shaped the making of music in Zimbabwe. As a result of this realisation, the chapter sets establishing earlier Christian influences on popular music as one of its main objectives. This chapter however, does not intend to provide an exhaustive account of the history of music in Zimbabwe. It is important to recognise with Thomas Turino that there is no single ‘history of music’ in Zimbabwe (Turino, 2000:17). Multiple histories that are informed by the sub- ject positions and varied experiences of the actors involved characterise any effort to research into this area.

3.2 THE ROLE OF MUSIC IN THE TRADITIONAL SHONA CONTEXT Music has been an important vehicle for identity formation, facilitating wor- ship, and a source of entertainment across cultures. Among the Shona people of Zimbabwe, music performance fulfilled multiple roles in society. Although the term Shona is an ‘invention’, to put it in the popular parlance, it is re- tained in this report. It is employed to refer to closely related ethnic groups found in Zimbabwe who share common historical experiences and speak related dialects. A Ghanaian scholar and prominent ethnomusicologist, J. H.

Kwabena Nketia has observed that in most African societies prior to colonial- ism, music performance was closely tied to communal events. Consequently, most community events were accompanied by music. His observations are also applicable to how the Shona people approached music. Thus:

Public performances, therefore, take place on social occasions, that is, on occa- sions when members of a group or a community come together for the em- ployment of leisure, for recreational activities, or for the performance of a rite, ceremony, festival, or any other kind of collective activity, such as building bridges, clearing paths, going on a search party, or putting out fires—activities

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that, in industrialised societies, might be assigned to specialised agencies (Nketia, 1992:121).

Despite this important role played by music in African social life, where mu- sic accompanied one from the cradle to the grave (Mbabi-Katana, 1977), there are scant references to musical traditions of African people in history texts by both African and European scholars. This is mainly due to the fact that his- tory has often been understood as an effort to understand past political proc- esses, with little emphasis on the lived experiences of the people under inves- tigation. For their part, ethnomusicologists, that is, those who isolate music for detailed analysis, tend to rely on historians in their efforts to describe African musical performances of the past. Many researchers have noted these difficulties and have sought the expertise of prehistorians and archaeologists to supplement the range of living memories. Prehistorians however have nothing of interest to report to musicologists until the invention of the bow some 30,000 to 15,000 years ago (Agordoh, 1994:2). Apart from its use in hunt- ing, it is thought that the bow was used to produce musical sound.

The challenges facing musical research in Africa in general are also felt when studying the musical traditions of the Shona people in particular. The historical sources available do not focus on music, except only in passing.

However, through oral tradition and reconstruction from Portuguese docu- ments and other sources, it can be established that musical performance has been engraved on the Shona collective consciousness since the very distant past. The mbira music instrument for example belongs to the ideophone group of instruments with connections to an earlier instrument invented more than one thousand years ago. In addition, a Dominican father, Joao dos Santos who interacted with the Shona around 1586, provided descriptions of mbira (Ellert, 1984:60). Through a critical application of source criticism, Shona songs can also be used as a prime carrier of history in an African context.

Many songs that have been handed down from generation to generation cele- brate the achievements of cultural groups and indicate a long history of musi- cal performances.

Although the history of the Shona people is difficult to reconstruct (Beach, 1980), it is probable that music has always been part of their cultural life. Having settled in the south of Zimbabwe by the tenth century, the Shona proceeded to oversee a thriving civilisation at Great Zimbabwe. Music was important to this traditional society. It included war songs, signal drumming, as well as music and dance for weddings, funerals and religious events (Ber- liner, 1981:21). Music performance also found its way to the court of Mutapa, where the ruler had professional state praise singers. Court musicians played many different musical instruments and sang a variety of songs for the enter- tainment and gratification of the king and his court officials (Jones, 1992:25).

Many elderly respondents and cultural enthusiasts also testify to the presence

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of a long musical tradition. From the available sources, it is convincing to uphold that musical performance has been built into the very way life of the Shona people from as far back into the past as history can allow us to grasp.

Music performances in precolonial Shona society covered the social, po- litical, and spiritual spheres. Without falling into the misleading reductionism of saying that all traditional music was religious, it remains important to highlight the close relationship that existed between Shona music and the ancestral cult (Maraire, 1990). Although traditional Shona societies were not homogenous and professional court musicians could emerge, artistic products tended to be communal possessions. Songs were performed as part of the Shona cumulative tradition, with ample space for improvisation and innova- tion. As in other traditional African societies, music featured in initiation ceremonies, rituals and sacrifices, death and funerals, as well as in work, hunting and healing (Agordoh, 1994:29). In the daily lives of the people, songs played an important role in expressing dissent, correcting mistakes and for lamentation.

The protest song also represents a significant aspect of traditional Shona musical practice. While it has been tempting for many African cultural na- tionalists to glorify the African past, it should be noted that life has always been a struggle for all human beings in different historical epochs. It was in the encounter with the frustrations of life that the Shona protest song emerged. Such a protest song revolved on the solo-axis chorus. In such des- perate situations individuals appealed to Mwari, the Supreme Being, for di- vine intervention instead of observing the protocol of handing requests to the ancestors for onward transmission to God (Kahari, 1986:83). Apart from this mode of protest directed towards spiritual beings, the Shona protest song was also useful in the domain of politics. This genre requires further analysis in Zimbabwe (Kahari, 1981).

In terms of its performance, vocal Shona music has three parts. These in- clude the leading part called mushauri (the one who leads) or muvambi (the one who begins). The responsive character is represented by the term vatsin- hiri (those who agree or accompany). There is also the mahon’era or the bass part (Axelsson, 1993:29). However, Berliner notes that traditional Shona songs have taken a number of different forms. Some are based on call and response patterns, in which parts are alternated between the leader and the chorus.

Other songs are based on simultaneous singing. Alongside verbal singing, non-verbal singing styles such as humming and yodelling characterise Shona vocal practices (Berliner, 1981:26). In the recorded gospel music of the 1990s, these features of vocal Shona music continued to dominate, demonstrating lines of continuity.

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3.2.1 Rhythm, Dance and Gender in Traditional Music

Considerable scholarly interest has been shown on the question of African rhythm and sensibility (Chernoff, 1979). An analysis of the Zimbabwean con- text shows that music was appreciated for its multiple roles. Various musical instruments were used in traditional music performances. A detailed review of these instruments, when the Shona people adopted them and their status in performance requires a separate study. These traditional musical instruments included various categories. Trumpets and horns (hwamanda), flutes, and pipes (nyere), represent some of the wind instruments. Mouth bows such as chipendani, hand rattles (hosho), leg rattles (magagada), wooden clappers (makwa), mbira and drums (ngoma) were all available for music production (Jones, 1992). Artists would play any one of these instruments to make music, although there was a tendency to integrate singing in the performances. In traditional settings, literally any spot could be utilised for performances.

These included public places, exclusive sacred spots, the courtyard of a house where a ceremony was being held or a dance plaza (Nketia, 1992:31).

Rhythms and rhythmic structures were significant, allowing for diverse dance routines. These dances served both to channel the emotions released by the music and to encode social meaning. By combining song and dance, and spontaneously responding to musical rhythms, the Shona people demon- strated their passion for and celebration of life. Through rhythm and motion, dances such as muchongoyo reinforced deeply-rooted and cherished social values. Other dances included the mbira, shangara, dinhe and mbakumba dances, each one emerging from the different geographical areas of the country.

Shona traditional dances exhibit a rich variety, including circle dances, line dances and others. Unfortunately, scholarly research into this aspect of Shona cultural life is still in its infancy. The value of such investigation is captured in one scholar’s estimation the importance of dance:

Zimbabwean dance is African dance, it is southern African dance, it is Zimbab- wean history, it is religion, it is cosmology, and, as such, it is a canon by which the cultural phenomena of the arts in Africa can be examined (Asante, 2000:18).

Within these traditional music performances, women had important roles to play. Their participation in singing, clapping, ululating and dancing was an integral part of the proceedings. Women also played musical instruments like the hand and leg rattles, as well as the whistle. Although the ancestral cult was based on patriarchal notions (Bourdillon, 1987:52), women were still central to its practice. Women could become powerful mediums of both the ancestral and alien spirits, they could emerge as healers, and in the case of the southern Mwari cult, they could become mbonga or ritual attendants in the worship of God. This sacred sanction facilitated the participation of women in music and dance. The conclusion that the role of women in the traditional

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Shona world can be summarised in their having been subordinates to men needs to be relativised. Granted that the status of women in African society did not meet current feminist demands, it remains true that the story is sim- ply not one of outright dehumanisation. As shall be noted below, this issue has a direct bearing on the status of women in the performing arts.

To contend that traditional Shona society accorded decent space for fe- male participation in music and ritual should not be misconstrued as imply- ing that women enjoyed equal status with men. A music researcher in Zim- babwe, Joyce Jenje Makwenda for example, argues that since the mbira in- strument was rooted in ancestral traditions, women were not allowed to play it (Makwenda, 2000b:10). This injunction also applied to drums for ritual purposes. The association of the drum with the male form might also have contributed to its restrictions. Thus, “No woman would dream of beating her husband in public (even though she may occasionally be doing so in private!), nor may she beat the drum in the village square” (Bebey, 1975:15). In Shona traditional religions, menstrual blood has been considered as particularly polluting. As a result, elderly women brewed beer for ancestral veneration.

Despite this, women actively participated in the ritual process and were at the heart of musical production. Perhaps we need to appreciate African tradi- tional religions as having an ambivalent attitude towards women and occupy- ing the middle ground between feminist denunciation and masculine African cultural nationalist celebration

Phenomenological precepts call for caution in cultural studies. Value judgements need to minimised if the phenomena under investigation are to be understood on their own terms. The area of the participation of women in African societies is one such area where there is need for balance and a patient examination of issues. Failure to do this may result in the problem of hasty evaluation. A good example is how a well-meaning interpreter of Shona popular music such as Turino makes sweeping statements regarding the status of women. According to him, women are extremely subservient to men in Shona culture. He maintains that domestic relations are heavily patriarchal and that in indigenous Shona practice women were, and in some ways still are, legal minors. He cites the fact that women kneel for men as part of the evidence for the low place occupied by Shona women (Turino, 2000:81).

This report contends that women had ample space within which to artis- tically express themselves in Shona society prior to colonial occupation. As Michael Bourdillon contends, there is need to revisit the common misconcep- tion that women had little or no status in traditional African society. He em- phasises the need to focus on the subtle, unacknowledged influence that they have possessed in the home (Bourdillon, 1987:53). In music and dance, women could participate and were recognised as serious cultural workers.

Shona culture thus acknowledged and promoted contributions by women in the field of music. However, the strictures of patriarchal authority were felt in

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some instances. These included lack of access to instruments that were associ- ated with the ancestral cult such as the mbira and drums. The participation of women in ritual music could also be limited due to the ideology of ritual purity. Overall, traditional Shona society recognised the important contribu- tion of women to music making. Significant changes were to occur with the passage of time, particularly with the reordering of space under colonialism.

3. 2. 2 Changes in Traditional Shona Music

While African creative writers have been influential and effective in dramatis- ing the impact of colonialism on the African landscape in its various aspects, it is crucial to bear in mind that these traditional societies were not trapped in some frozen, unchanging time warp. Specifically among the Shona, openness to interaction with the outside world was a reality of life from very early on.

The area of trade in particular allowed the movement of goods and ideas into the life experiences of the Shona. They traded in gold and ivory, leopard skins, iron, copper wax and other products from 900 AD (Beach, 1994:73). In turn they bought a wide array of goods, including luxury imports such as Persian and Chinese vessels that have been found at Great Zimbabwe. Arab traders brought the influence of Islam to the court of Mutapa, while trade relations with the Indians must have sensitised some of the Shona people to Indian spiritual traditions.

Within the sub-region itself, there was considerable movement of people and ideas prior to colonialism or the invention of the concept of globalisation.

Some Shona ethnic groups borrowed cultural practices like male circumcision, for example, from neighbouring communities. Assimilation, adaptation, and rejection have always characterised responses at cultural frontiers throughout history. This openness had an impact on Shona musical performances. They integrated new instruments, dances and ideas within their repertoire. An instrument such as marimba, now closely associated with ‘traditional’ music, appears to have been a recent addition (Jones, 1992:85). The institution of the shavi (alien spirit) whereby the spirit of a cultural outsider possessed a Shona medium, was an avenue for bringing in new musical practices and dance styles. It is believed that the spirit of a foreigner who died in Shona territory might become tired of wandering and may seek an indigenous host. Ceremo- nies held in honour of such spirits were characterised by performances of music and dance from the spirit’s own cultural traditions. Sacred regalia ac- companying such performances was introduced and loan words from neigh- bouring communities crept into the vocabulary. Stored in the Shona cumula- tive tradition, such music is now considered an integral part of indigenous music and as contributing to contemporary Zimbabwean identities. As Shona people interacted amongst themselves, with those in their immediate sur-

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roundings and the wider world, they continually transformed their musical practices.

As noted above, the changes in Shona traditional music should not only be thought of in terms of external influences, though these often instigate the most profound changes. Encounters with new experiences and challenges have always had an impact on music production. Internal changes occurred in the form of shifting centres of popularity with respect to particular traditions of music, borrowing across the various types, and compositions within the repertoires associated with different instruments (Berliner, 1981:25). In the light of these observations, there is need to recast the concept of ‘traditional music’ or ‘African Traditional Religions’. These have never been static entities, but traditions characterised by continuous assimilation of new ideas and practices. As Terence Ranger and Jocelyn Alexander have argued with refer- ence to the Northern areas, openness and integration have characterised the indigenous traditions of Zimbabwe (Alexander and Ranger, 1998). References to the essentially conservative nature of Shona society and how it prevents artists from experimenting with change (Asante, 2000:23) obfuscate the malle- able nature of tradition. Amidst the ideology which musical practices that have been handed down from the ancestors are cast in stone, there is always a constant negotiation and creation of new artistic modes. This observation helps to explain why musicians from a Shona cultural background were not traumatised by the experience of colonialism, which is highlighted below.

3.3 COLONIALISM AND MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE:

A RAPID REAPPRAISAL

The project of colonialism has enjoyed pride of place in most African histori- ography. Against the backdrop of serene rural life, colonialism brutally en- tered and dramatically reconfigured African space and time, many creative writers have contended. Where African communalism had thrived, where no distinction between the sacred and the profane had been made and where artistic products were not pursued for financial rewards, the Europeans in- troduced individualism, new religious traditions and shameless commercial- ism, African critics asseverate. Western ethnographers mourn the loss of Afri- can vitality, while Western ethnomusicologists and African cultural national- ists—strange bed fellows—are united in trying to recover the lost African cultural heritage. How to rehabilitate a battered African identity has been a major problematic for postcolonial African discourse. Taken up by African creative writers, it has found echoes in diverse areas like African philosophy, African theology, and African history. According to this dominant thread, colonialism undermined African culture in a very profound way. The Ghana- ian scholar, Emmanuel Martey summarises the contentions thus:

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From the writings of both Africans and blacks of the diaspora, African Chris- tians have learned how colonialism drained African societies of their very es- sence, trampled African culture underfoot, undermined African institutions, confiscated its lands, smashed its religions, destroyed its magnificent artistic creations and wiped out extraordinary possibilities (Martey, 1993: 8).

Many commentators on music in Zimbabwe have used the colonial period to highlight the extent to which it shaped the context of music performances.

According to Alice Dadirai Kwaramba, colonisation was a significant turning point in the history of the people of Zimbabwe. For her:

It introduced new social and political structures such as urbanisation, formal school education, the Christian religion, and much more importantly new varie- ties of music such as Christian hymns. The traditional role of music as a me- dium of instruction was replaced by the introduction of a formal education sys- tem that was closely linked to the new Christian religion (Kwaramba, 1997:2).

Another music researcher, Fred Zindi notes that as Westernisation became entrenched in Zimbabwe, in the late 1930s Western instruments such as the guitar, the banjo, the harmonica and accordion began to replace indigenous instruments. He argues that even traditional drums were replaced by Western drum kits and cymbals (Zindi, 1997:1). Caleb Dube also notes the decisive impact of colonialism, particularly in the area of the commercialisation of music. As urban settlements grew and Africans were needed as a source of cheap labour for white settlers, music underwent transformation. Municipali- ties and private companies utilised urbanisation to promote the emergence of paid performers (Dube, 1996:106). Beerhalls and beer gardens attracted many patrons due to limited entertainment possibilities for the black majority.

These became centres of African musical performances in urban areas. The leading musicologists maintain that urban popular musical styles in Africa grew out of three types of colonial institutions: mission schools, churches and military bands (Coplan, 1985; Collins, 1985; Waterman, 1990). The paragraphs below focus on the influence of churches and mission schools in the Zimbab- wean context.

While colonialism certainly remains important for its impact on African culture, there is a tendency to ascribe too much influence to it. As argued above, change has always characterised African cultures. Prior to colonialism, the Shona had interacted with the outside world and amongst themselves, adopting and recasting new ideas and practices. However, there is also some merit in dwelling on the significant effects of colonialism on African experi- ences. It is colonialism that facilitated the lasting influence of European cul- tural beliefs and practices on the African continent. In the area of music, colo- nialism made new musical instruments and traditions available. However, it

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should be recognised that the project of colonialism was not as final and deci- sive as its architects and victims have sometimes contended.

A major limitation in the literature available on music is the preoccupa- tion with the urban history of music in Zimbabwe. While this is understand- able on grounds that the music industry in the country is predominantly an urban phenomenon, it creates the unfortunate impression that as people moved to the urban settlements, music virtually died out in the rural areas.

Without exaggerating the rural-urban divide, it remains crucial to observe that traditional ceremonies continued to be held in the rural areas, alongside many of the occasions that promoted the performance of traditional music.

Thus, “The vibrancy or disruption of indigenous artistic practices must be understood in relation to multiple histories, specific regions, and different subject positions” (Turino, 2000:100). Consequently, it must be borne in mind that some of the effects of urbanisation and commercialisation were of a lim- ited nature, affecting mainly the urban context. However, the presence of a new religion that made universalistic claims had a more enduring influence, although it also worked in tandem with other factors. The following section examines the influence of Christianity on African musical performances in Zimbabwe.

3.3.1 The Impact of the Churches

Although there has been a tendency to highlight the close association between Christianity and colonialism, missionary activities in Zimbabwe predate the colonial occupation. In addition, Christian hymns were already known in the country prior to colonisation, with migrants from South Africa bringing Zulu hymns before 1890 when the Pioneer Column, representing the colonising force, moved into Zimbabwe. Some Protestant and Catholic missionaries

“attempted to write hymns in Ndebele and Shona, though they worked in European idiom, often simply translating European hymns” (Lenherr, 1977:105). However, it remains true that the various mission bodies started gaining significant numbers of converts after colonial occupation, the defeat of Shona and Ndebele military power in the 1896/87 African uprisings, and the introduction of formal education in which the missionaries played a key part. This report however does not seek to debate current historiography on missionary activities in Zimbabwe (Zvobgo, 1996), except in relation to the question of how they affected musical performances.

The body of literature known as African theology today is replete with criticisms of the missionary enterprise in Africa. Nineteenth century North American and Western European missionaries are accused of advocating African cultural genocide, racism, insensitivity and a host of other injustices (Muzorewa, 1985). Missionaries are charged with operating with binary op- posites concerning reality, regarding Africa as the antithesis of Europe, Afri-

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can critics maintain. African spirituality was seen as representing the devil’s machinations, and they envisaged that the cleansing power of the gospel would smash ‘African heathenism’ as they saw it. Although there have been efforts to question such wholesale condemnation of the missionaries (Sanneh, 1989), most African theologians continue to have as their opening salvo bitter denunciations of the missionaries’ negative effect on African culture.

With the benefit of hindsight, it is possible to recognise that the mission- aries who came to Africa were products of their time. They uncritically up- held the notion of their own cultural supremacy, while paternalism also marked their interaction with Africans in most instances. A good example is how most missionaries shared the colonial myth of Africans as lacking any appreciable knowledge in matters of hygiene. They saw their task as one of producing ‘civilised’ Africans who would turn their backs on all inherited traditions, becoming ‘new creations’ as per the biblical idiom. Personal clean- liness, no doubt foreshadowing internal transformation, was emphasised.

Students at a number of mission stations in Zimbabwe recited a ‘Catechism of Health’ in the mid-1920s in which they pledged to strive to wash their bodies, citing the frequency (Burke, 1996:38).

In the domain of music, the missionaries have come in for some heavy censure for their suppression of indigenous music. This observation has also made been made in the West African context (Bender, 1991:75). African theo- logians are bitter that missionaries undermined local instruments such as the mbira and drums since they were associated with the ancestral cult. Indige- nous dances were also forbidden in mission stations. These mission stations were seen as ‘liberated zones’ where converts were expected to have broken off ties with traditional beliefs and practices. Kwaramba notes that written church hymns replaced African religious songs, and a choral type of music foreign to African experiences was introduced. New dress codes, voice modu- lation rules and instruments were imposed upon indigenous people. The concept of the choir effected a clear distinction between the ‘talented’ and those who were not, thereby inventing the notion of an audience in a society where previously everyone had had a role in musical performances (Kwa- ramba, 1997:2–3). Olof Axelsson also observes that nineteenth century mis- sionaries tended to blur the distinction between Christianity and Western cul- ture. This attitude had a negative effect on indigenous musical practices. It is necessary to cite him at considerable length:

Thus in respect of church-music, the European outlook was dominant; Christian music, by necessity, had to be Western, as African music was unintelligible to the European ear and regarded as inferior and pagan. The use of such music then could not be encouraged, but had to be firmly resisted, because of the risks of leading the newly converted African back to the heathen and ‘sinful’ society (Axelsson, 1974:91).

References

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