An entrepreneurial military force? Political Science C

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An entrepreneurial military force?

A Governmentality analysis of Swedish Armed Forces recruits

Political Science C

Bachelor’s thesis, 15 credits Fall Semester 2019

Author: Kristoffer Rönnblom

Supervisor: Professor Maria Eriksson Baaz Word count: 11679 (16931)

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Abstract

This thesis aims to analyse how well recruits of the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF) have embraced soldier ideals put forward by the SAF following a shift in means of recruiting, changing from a system of compulsive conscription to an All-volunteer force (AVF). This has been done using a Governmentality-analysis of an extensive survey conducted at Ärna Air Base in November of 2019. The concept of Governmentality has to do with the way states and other forms of authorities govern. Launched in the 1970s by French philosopher Michel Foucault, it is based on an

understanding that states no longer governing mainly by force, but rather by appealing to its citizens’ free will governing through “the conduct of conduct”, through the creation of self- governing subjects. The recruits were asked to rank different reasons for enlisting, and to assess various ideal qualities of a soldier, as well as pictures used by the SAF with the intention to recruit soldiers. The results were widespread and showed a big dissonance both among the recruits

internally but also between the SAF’s military identities promoted by the SAF and the recruits. In some instances, the recruits seem to embrace the SAF’s ideals and in others they seem to be hostile of them. A few reasons for this are suggested in the final chapter of the thesis for example the societal collective understanding of the SAF or the role of the instructing officers.

keywords: Swedish Armed Forces, Governmentality, Entrepreneurial soldier, recruits

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In 1901, Sweden initiated compulsory military drafting for all eligible men. This system would stay in use during the rest of the 20th century and up until 2010. During this time, the political and military conditions in northern Europe changed drastically many times and for Sweden it was deemed necessary to maintain a steady military force to be able to remain neutral (Kronvall &

Petersson 2012:37). From World War I, throughout World War II and during the long Cold war, Sweden successfully stayed out of any weaponized conflict, apart from peacekeeping missions in, for example, Congo (Sandman 2019:90). After the fall of the Soviet Union and the Berlin wall, a wave of liberal optimism swept across the world. Never again, it was suggested, would the world see the tyrannical rules of past ages. As Francis Fukuyama famously stated in his 1989 article The End of History?

“What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.” (Fukuyama 1989).

This sentiment had its effect on military policy in the Western world, Sweden not being an exception. Beginning in the 1990s, Sweden started to reshape its military forces as territorial defense no longer was seen as necessary, culminating in the 2010 abolishment of the compulsory draft of men. During the last years of this system, the compulsivity was not something that was practiced in reality. Young men who refused enlisting despite not having a legitimate reason for it did not suffer the consequences of previous conscientious objectors. Beginning in 2010, the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF) was transformed into an All Voluntary Force (AVF), in turn forcing the SAF to compete with other state actors and private companies for the recruitment of work force. This meant that the SAF would have to change their recruitment strategies to be able to recruit a sufficient number of new soldiers to the newly established Grundläggande

militärutbildning (Basic military training). This prompted the use of a marketized way of recruiting studied in Sanna Strand’s doctoral dissertation from 2019 titled (Re)Inventing the Armed Forces

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- A Governmentality Analysis of Swedish Military Marketing and Outreach in the Era of

Voluntarism. Strand concludes that the SAF, similarly to other state agencies, had to present itself as an attractive employer and the work of a soldier as a viable alternative to civil work or studies.

For example, the basic military training was marketed as a self-fulfilling experience, something to list on a résumé and being something that the recruits will gain from in their personal life after completion. This is a desire of the neo-liberal state argues among others Miller and Rose (2008), as it sees its citizens as active, fortune and meaning-seeking participants in the development of the independent self, in contrast to viewing citizens as an instrument of production (ibid). As will be developed further below, not only patriotism but also war and violence – as well as the potential of the ultimate sacrifice (death) - were largely absent from the efforts to appeal to potential recruits. Also, the SAF sought to diversify the recruits, broadening the definition of the SAF’s ideal soldier type and not only recruiting those who would apply either way, such as young neb attracted to the military because of its associations with weapons, violence and thrill and being the place where “boys can become men”. This can be illustrated with a quote from a SAF

employee: “When we started talking about weapons and the fact that all recruits will be bearing weapons and be part of a team bearing weapons, the interest levels sink dramatically among the target group, especially among women.” (Quoted in Strand & Berndtsson 2015). This constitutes a potential conflict and problematic masking as war, still is a part of life in the military. Despite Sweden not being formally engaged in any wars as a nation since 1809, Swedish soldiers have been wounded and killed in weaponized conflicts since and the military holds the state monopoly of violence. Hence, as argued by Strand and Berndtsson (2015) SAF recruitment is problematic as it tries to attract by totally denying the risks and the potential of war, violence and death. Yet, the conflict lays within a tension between on one hand the recruits’ comprehension of what it means to be a soldier and potential risks with applying to/accept getting drafted to the military, and the real, factual risks on the other. Likewise, have the attempts to reshape the ideals of a soldier been embraced by the recruits or are they “stuck” in an old-fashioned way of thinking? Or rather, do they still think of the ideal soldier as a physically strong and brave man handling weapons in contrast to the SAF’s attempts to be more inclusive of what people are suitable for life as a soldier. These kinds of problems are what makes this study relevant to the broader field of Critical

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However, the AVF system was short lived. Following a 2017 Government decision, a kind of partial conscription, defined as conscription with elements of volunteerism, was once again activated (Government 2017) for both men and women.¹ The reasoning behind this decision is partly based on a change in the political climate in Eastern Europe and around the Baltic Sea with the rise of authoritarian leaders (ibid). The centuries old enemy Russia was once again presented as a security threat. While this is reflected in a partial shift in recruitment, referring more to territorial defense, the logic in large remains the same as before and the SAF still invest heavily in

recruitment in efforts to present itself as an attractive employer which young motivated men and women will apply to voluntarily. Moreover, the shift into partial conscription and images appealing more to territorial defense was done recently making the recruits analyzed here mainly exposed to previous recruitment campaigns as described by Strand (2019).

This present thesis aims to contribute with further knowledge about how the governing technologies and techniques adapted by the SAF is reflected in the ways in which recruits understand the SAF, themselves, their role and task. In short, and put in the terminology of Governmentality studies (be explained further below): in what ways are the SAF’s efforts to govern through recruitment reflected in process of subjectification among military recruits? Or in other words, how effective has the SAF been in creating self-governing subjects who embrace the military identities proposed, making them their own? This will also be the main research question for the thesis. Underlying questions will be

- Drawing upon original empirical material collected for this study, in what ways do the recruits appear to embrace or contest the military identities /subjects created by SAF (and make it their own)?

- How may the resonances and dissonances between government technologies and military identities created by the SAF and processes of subjectification/internalization be

understood?

1 According to a Government report, the goal is to instruct 8000 recruits yearly at least until 2024. This is twice as many that is being instructed today (Government 2019:228).

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1.2 Previous research and original contribution

The SAF recruitment strategies have come under the interest and study of several students of political science. Linnea Weinz’s 2018 study Den maskulina kvinnliga soldaten? (“The Masculine Female soldier?” My translation) examines the recruitment material from a gender perspective. By using a content analysis, she studies how soldiers are portrayed in a number of short films that aired on Swedish TV and in cinemas between 2011-2012 and 2017- 2018 (Weinz 2018). Her conclusions are partially that there has been a shift in how the SAF portrays their own work; from peacekeeping in other countries to focusing on the territorial defense of Sweden.

Despite peacekeeping work being considered as typically female, the female representation in the films was very low. As the shift in focus went from a peacekeeping one to focusing on the territorial defense of Sweden, the female representation went up. However, the female soldiers were portrayed with stereotypically male qualities, being what the title of her thesis alludes to (ibid).

Whereas Weinz studies the recruitment material from a gender perspective, the aforementioned 2019 study by Sanna Strand use the concept of “Governmentality”, introduced in 1977 by the French philosopher Michel Foucault. Consisting of four articles, the study examines the SAF recruitment strategies from different perspectives. The first article compares the strategies of the SAF with its United Kingdom counterpart concluding that the SAF portrays their work as focusing on peace keeping and “altruistic activites” whereas the UK draws on a more “war-fighting”

tradition (Strand and Berndtsson 2015). The second article studies the invention of “the Swedish (War) Veteran”. The study was partially conducted at the 2016 celebration of Veterans Day in Sweden (29^th of May). One of Strand’s main findings in her study is that the SAF way of portraying the veteran was somewhat conflicting, being both altruistic and at the same time self- enterprising. This, according to Strand, made it possible for the SAF to portray themselves as a

“competitive, responsible, and valued military institution…” (Strand 2018). Article three studies the digital Sports Club introduced by the SAF in 2016. Strand remarks that by launching the application, the SAF portrays themselves as accessible to the public.

Studying the initiative from a gender perspective, Strand also examines how the ideal body is

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portrayed concluding that the SAF emphasizes that physical attributes typically attributed to the female body also are desirable (Strand 2019). The fourth and final article studies the SAF attempts to portray their organization as a LGBT friendly one. More specifically it analyzes how

subjectivities and symbols are used to portray the SAF as a progressive and openminded military force, and ultimately how a LGBT theme is used to legitimize militarization and war preparedness (Strand and Kehl 2018).

This study also contributes to more general research on military recruitment and military identities.

Swedish scholars are of course not the only ones studying militaries in the post-Cold War era, nor is the SAF the only subject of interest. To get an international perspective, I will briefly describe a 1997 study conducted by Italian professor of sociology Fabrizio Battistelli on Italian armed forces in Albania and Somalia during the early 1990’s. His interest lays within the soldiers’, both voluntary and drafted, motivation for going overseas. He draws on theories formulating the shift made in the 1990’s as one moving closer towards a postmodern way of thinking among soldiers (Battistelli 1997). In his interviews with soldiers, he noted the theme of self-fulfillment being the main reason for the soldiers to go overseas, some even describing it as an adventure. Battistelli contrasts this against previous incensements being mainly contributing to the own country’s defense or helping those in need (ibid).

This is the previous research that this study relates to. This thesis can be seen as a continuation on the work done by Strand where her findings on recruitment material are analyzed in relation to the intended audiences. The effects of recruitment material of the SAF is yet to be researched and will be this thesis’ original contribution. The SAF might conduct internal investigations among their recruits on this topic but what makes this study unique is that it adopts a Governmentality

perspective, analyzing the ways in which the attempts to govern soldier identities are understood - embraced and/or resisted by the recruits.

1.3 Limitations

The study is limited to the concept of the “entrepreneurial soldier”, not focusing on the other aspects of the SAF recruitment material researched by Strand, for example the SAF’s LGBT and

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feminist strategies or how male and female recruits might understand the messages differently.

This is partially due to practical reasons as this would not be practically possible given the short time frame of the study, but also, as we will see later on, the amount of for example women recruits in the material is too small to be able to draw any reliable conclusions. As the concept of the “entrepreneurial soldier” appeals to both men and women, we can more easily draw conclusion without having to take other variables into account. Great considerations should be taken into account when trying to generalize the results of the study to the greater population of all SAF recruits due its small sample pool.

1.4 Disposition

Following this introduction and presentation of the research question, the previous research on this subject will be introduced in chapter two. As mentioned in the introduction, the reception of the SAF recruitment strategies has yet to be researched. However, in this analysis of reception, this study draws on previous research on SAF government technologies. The second chapter will also introduce the theoretical framework and the concepts of “Governmentality” and “process of subjectification”. Chapter three will consist of an extensive discussion on the methodological aspects of the thesis alongside its limitations and delimitations. The results of the survey will be presented in chapter four. As I will expand on later in the thesis, the study’s qualitative character was somewhat challenged by the large number of respondents. Hence, chapter four will concern itself only with presenting the statistical results of the survey alongside some brief comments on the recruits’ freely formulated answers. I will return to the concept of Governmentality in chapter five when trying to draw conclusions on the results.

2.1 Theoretical framework – Governmentality

Having done a brief exposé of the previous research done on the subject field I will now embark on discussing the first key theoretical concept of this thesis - Governmentality and what this implies for the present study. Introduced during a series of lectures conducted in the late 1970’s

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by the French philosopher Michel Foucault, it has been understood, used and modified by subsequent scholars (Strand 2019b:19).

2.2 Governmentality as a general theoretical and analytical framework

In its core meaning, the term can be understood as “the conduct of conduct”. Not being a sufficient definition in itself, Dean (2010:17) clarifies and explains that the several aspects of the word “conduct” must come together. Both the verb, as in “to lead” or “to guide”, but also as the noun – our own conduct, the way we chose to act, must be part of the equation. This, according to Dean will help us to grasp the meaning of the term, stating “Putting these senses of conduct together, government entails any attempt to shape with some degree of deliberation aspects of our behavior according to particular sets of norms and for a variety of ends.” (ibid:18).

Rose remarks that the Foucauldian notion of government works by appealing to freedom on behalf of the subjects and that the process of governing should be understood as an interaction between rulers and subjects (Rose 2004:62). In this line of thinking, the one governing becomes more of an umpire drawing up the structures of the game in an effort to influence the subjects to embrace a desired set of values or behaviors, rather than a ruler recklessly enforcing his or her will. This shift in perception of the public as active participants, rather than passive subject developed during the 19^th century with the coming of the modern world.

Strand, and I, use the term in this analytical sense, meaning that it is used as a tool to conceptualize the actions of government. In the case of Strand’s 2019 study, these are the ways through which the SAF tried to portray their work in recruitment material. As alluded to in the introduction, the SAF appealed to a new soldier identity, mainly that of the “entrepreneurial soldier” focusing on personal development and fulfillment, partially by helping others and improving ones resumé with the possibility of getting a better job in the future. This can be contrasted to a traditional soldier identity alluding to patriotism, violence, war and discipline (Strand & Berndtsson 2015). This is, in the analytical sense of the term, a form of Governmentality. Sometimes referred to as “governing through the appeal of freedom”, the aim for the neo-liberal state is to create self-regulating subjects (Hansson & Hellberg 2014:21). The SAF, playing the role of the aforementioned umpire, sets up different rules and structures that they want the recruits to embrace via the recruitment

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material. The recruits, in our analogy, play the role of the players being subjected to the rule through a process of subjectification which I will expand further below.

2.3 The process of subjectification

As explained above, Governmentality works through the appeal of freedom. The process of subjectification has been studied from different viewpoints by scholars from different fields. One of these is the aforementioned Michel Foucault who embraced this way of thinking and applied it to subjects varying from the history of sexuality to the development of prisons.

The core meaning of the phrase is that people go through a process to become a subject, being something different from what they used to be (See for example Rebughini 2014).

In this case I will thus study how the government technologies of the SAF have been embraced by the recruits, in other words how well the process of subjectification has gone. In this thesis, the process of subjectification begins with the recruits first coming in to contact with SAF recruitment material and/or other SAF contact in one way or another. In the material, the SAF has an agenda and a message that they want to convey, constructing a somewhat new soldier identity/ideal to aspire to.² As stated in the introduction, the new “enterprising soldier” identity which SAF has tried to create describes soldiering as a self-fulfilling experience, something to list on a résumé and being something that the recruits will gain from in their personal life after completion. These qualities and values are then – ideally - to be embraced by the recruits, making them want to join the SAF and embody the soldier identity proposed. This is a key aspect of a Governmentality view of the process of subjectification, that the one governing gives up some degree of control over its subjects. The agency of being governed in a neo-liberal state, like Sweden, is to be seen as an interaction where the subjects may choose not to embrace the rational of the one governing (Hansson & Hellberg 2014:25). The reasons for these potential dissonances and thus failure to make recruits embrace the soldier identities proposed may of course differ. Given that the military as an organisation and institution is so old, it might be difficult or even impossible to steer the

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perception of it in a different direction, a kind of path dependence. As mentioned above, traditional soldier identity is often described to be associated with strength, patriotism, violence, war and discipline. (Strand & Berndtsson 2015). As feminist research shown, such traits are firmly associated with masculinity and the military has often been described as a place where “boys learn to be men” and which produce a macho violent form of masculinity celebrating violence (Baaz & Stern:2008). This combined with the portrayals of the military/soldiers in for example war movies makes up a challenge for the SAF to reform its organisation. In other words, the collective understanding of the SAF among the Swedish population and potential recruits as a context where boys become men, focusing on the war and hierarchy, might be so consolidated making reform difficult.

In other words, government technologies appealing to subjectivities are not always successful. In the discussion chapter of this thesis the process of subjectification will be discussed using the terms resonances when the recruits have embraced the message and ideals of the SAF (the “enterprising soldier”), and dissonance when they seem to have rejected an ideal in favor of another.

3.1 Method, operationalization and limitations

In this chapter, the methodological concerns of the thesis will be presented as well as the

operationalization based on Strand’s research. This first section deals with the practical aspects of the study whereas the connection between the method and the theoretical notion of process of subjectification is described under rubric 3.3 where the survey is being presented.

3.2 Practical aspects and limitations

This study was carried out by a survey conducted at Ärna Air Base (previously known as F16), just outside of Uppsala, where approximately 120 recruits, both voluntary and drafted side by side, currently are being instructed in their basic military training. When the survey was conducted (middle of November 2019), the recruits had finished almost half of their training making them suitable for the study as they needed to be able to reflect both on the soldier ideals and the SAF.

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Preferably this kind of study would be done using (group) interviews, as it is important to be able to ask follow-up questions to the interviewee(s). This was also the original ambition of this present study. However, it was concluded early in the process that this would not be a possibility due to different practical problems, mainly that it would not be possible to get the time necessary with the recruits. As an alternative, an extensive survey was chosen. By doing this I was able collect a lot of answers while being efficient both with my time and the recruits’. The number of recruits

choosing to answer the survey caused some trouble for me when I had to analyze the material making this thesis somewhat of a mix between a qualitative and quantitative study. The theoretical framework of Governmentality requires a more qualitative approach, analyzing the recruits’

freely formulated answers, but the since the response was so overwhelming, the statistical results of the survey will be presented as well. In the following chapter (3.3), the survey will only be described. For the survey (in Swedish) in its entirety, see Appendix I.

Ärna is in itself an interesting subject of the SAF as it was shut down as a wing (flygflottilj) in 2003, came under threat of being closed down completely in 2009, but is now being considered to be re-opened as a wing in 2019 (Sandhammar 2019). The choice to study the recruits at Ärna is mainly a practical one, it is situated in the vicinity of Uppsala and I also have the necessary contacts there to be able to get access to the recruits. It is, however, also one of the limitations of the study. The sample pool of recruits is small which may cause problems when trying to

generalize to a wider population. However, given the short timeframe of the study, these limitations might have been necessary to make either way, even if I would have had access to a bigger sample pool.

I will not differentiate between those who have applied voluntary and those who have been drafted.

There are several reasons for this. The main reason, however, is that in line with a 2016 State Public Report (Statlig offentlig utredning), the potential recruit’s own motivation is to be taken into consideration when choosing whether he or she is to be drafted (Government 2016:15). This means that since the SAF is so early in the process of the compulsory drafting, there is no reason to differentiate between drafted and voluntary recruits since the drafted recruits might still have

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applied to the basic military training even if they would not have been drafted. The drafted recruits’ level of motivation is also subject to the SAF recruitment strategies through different channels. It will however be a question in the survey as I might as well get as much information as possible, despite the chances of any major differences being very slim. Seen as the SAF is by its definition a hierarchical organization, where recruits are the ones at the absolute bottom level, they might be hesitant to answers questions honestly if it somehow means criticizing authority, fearing some kind of punishment. Therefore, the anonymity of the survey must be stressed. However, it is still something to take into consideration when drawing conclusions of the analysis.

3.3 Operationalization

As mentioned above, what is to be operationalized in this thesis is the findings in Strand’s 2019 study. The operationalization will be done through the survey as Strand’s findings will be reflected in the questions and the different alternatives will be linked to a specific finding, i.e.

something that the SAF has emphasized in their recruitment material. The general setup was to capture the research question – i.e. how the recruits appear to embrace or contest the self- enterprising soldier created by SAF – by several differently formulated questions but which capture the same qualities: qualities associated with the self-enterprising soldier created by SAF versus more traditional soldier traits (e.g. strength, violence, war/weapons etc). As Hagevi and Viscovi remarks, (2016:33) it is through the survey that the theoretical definitions or concepts (in this study the concept of the “enterprising soldier”) get operationalized. The questions and alternatives have to be linked to different traits of the theoretical framework and definitions (Ibid:36). This is done in the following section as all alternatives correlates either to rejection or embracement of the soldier ideal. The questions do not have a “I do not know” or “I do not want to answer”, other than when asked about their gender³, as this does not affect the amount of

“substantial answers” (Krosnick 1999 quoted in Esaiasson et al. 2017:256). That is answers an answer that are well-grounded in the respondents’ honest opinion (Ibid). As the literature does

3 None of the recruits answered anything other than “Male” or “Female”.

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not give any suggestions whether or not to include such an option I chose not to, in order to

“force” the recruits to make a decision (Ibid). The reason for including the alternative “I do not want to answer” on the gender-question is because I assume that recruits identifying not as either male or female is very small making identification of such recruits unnecessarily easy if one were to take part of the survey answers.

In the below I will go through the survey in its entirety, describing what questions are being linked to what recruitment strategy or emphasized quality or value. Following some basic questions regarding the recruits’ personal information and whether they applied voluntary or were drafted, they were asked what made them want to get involved in the SAF. They will be asked to rank different alternatives, 1 being the most important reason, and 2 being the less important. The alternatives are as follows

It is a good education and merit that will help me in my professional life.

I want to travel and/or get new experiences and develop as a person.

Having a meaningful job where I can make a difference for others is important for me.

I needed a break from school or other work.

I had no choice.

The first two answers correspond to the “enterprising soldier” whereas the others reflect other values and derive from a more traditional view of the military. As this is partially a qualitative study, the sample pool will not be unmanageable to analyze more “freely”, differencing between the individual answers in a later stage. As noted previously, the respondents will be able and asked to expand on their answers in their own words on every question. Depending on what the recruits answer I will be able to see whether the different SAF recruitment campaigns were successful or not. As mentioned previously, this is one of Strand’s key findings is the ambition of the SAF to portray the basic military training as a career steppingstone, something that will benefit the recruits regardless if they continue in the SAF or if they go back to civil work (Strand and Berndtsson 2015).

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The fifth question concerns the qualities of a good SAF-employee. The recruits were asked to rank on a scale from 1 to 2 (1 being the most important and 2 being the less important) what qualities that are necessary for being a good employee in the SAF. As Strand remarks, the SAF has tried to widen its field of qualities that are necessary in the SAF, downplaying traditionally physical attributes in favour of more altruistic values (Strand 2019). The recruits were able to choose from the following alternatives

Physical strength Discipline/Self-control A will to develop as a person A will to make a difference Competitiveness

This question will help to understand whether the recruits have embraced the SAF more inclusive efforts regarding their promotion of different types of soldiers, or if they are stuck in “old” ways of thinking. If the recruits answer either “A will to develop as a person” or

“Competitiveness”, as embracement of the “new style of soldier” whereas “Discipline/Self- control”, “Physical strength” and “A will to make a difference” constitutes the more traditional view of a soldier.

In the next question, the recruits were asked to explain whether their view of SAF has changed during the course of their instruction. Either way they are asked to formulate their own answer and further explain in detail in which ways their views has changed or not. It also attests to whether the recruits have embraced, or understood, what they are to embrace or understand.

The last question is somewhat similar to the fourth one. However, here the recruits are asked to rank on a scale from 1 to 4 (1 being the most and 4 being the least) what picture/piece of

recruitment material from the SAF that they think reflects the SAF most accurately. The pictures are all from different SAF sources. If, for example, the recruits rank the picture with the text saying, “Defending freedom looks good on your résumé” or “An extraordinary job”, we can

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conclude that the SAF has been successful in their attempts to govern. The other two “We do not stand down” and “Training” represents old military ideals. It is also somewhat similar to the fifth question as it to some degree it will attest to what the recruits themselves think is important for the SAF, is it the more self-centred aspects or more altruistic ones. As noted previously, the recruits will be asked to expand on their answers in their own words. The key point in all of the questions is that the SAF has tried to downplay the warrior aspect of the military work in favour of self-centred portrayal – have the recruits embraced this message?

Worth noting is that the pictures have been modified by me. Whereas a picture says more than a thousand words, the recruit material may have one specific intention, but the choices made by the one composing the pictures might lead the viewer in different directions. Therefore, I have edited the pictures, so the amount of different associations is limited. For example, as discussed above, this study does not interest itself the gender or race aspects of the SAF recruit material, in cases where the recruits risk focusing on these aspects of the pictures rather than the “enterprising soldier”, the pictures were edited to make the gender of the people less evident. What is to be considered as recruitment material is also a matter of definition. The SAF is very active on different social media platforms, for example Facebook, Instagram and Twitter. On these various platforms they communicate with the public on an almost daily basis through pictures and short video clips. This might be regarded as recruiting material as potential recruits might get their interest to enlist through these media. However, the SAF also employ larger campaigns stretching over a few weeks consisting of tv-commercials and billboards. I chose a more generous definition of recruitment material and have taken the pictures from both campaigns and social media. I have only chosen pictures from official SAF pages. Plenty of battalions and companies have their own unofficial social media pages but I have limited my selection to only official, or “verified”, accounts of the SAF. My only real criteria, other than that, is that pictures had to have some kind if written message on them so that the respondents have something else to take into consideration rather than just the picture.

3.4 How the material is approached – the combination of qualitative and quantitative methods

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While the theoretical framework of Governmentality requires a qualitative approach, and since a survey does not enable this to a satisfying extent I will in this section explain the thesis’ “mixed method” between the qualitative and quantitative approaches. Sale, Lohfeld and Brazil argues (2002) that while the combination of qualitative and quantitative approaches is a powerful tool, it is not without its problem. They outline a conflict between scholars representing either side that burst out in the 1970s regarding a combination of the two. Their premier argument is that the two methods can be “combined because they share the goal of understanding the world in which we live.” (ibid). However, the problem, critics argue, is that the two methods have a fundamentally different views of how results are to be approached. While the quantitative method is based on positivism, “all phenomena can be reduced to empirical indicators which represent the truth.”

(ibid), the qualitative approach is based on interpretivism and constructivism, meaning that “there are multiple realities or multiple truths based on one’s construction of reality.” (ibid). The suggested solution being presented by Sale, Lohfeld and Brazil is that the methods are combined for complementary purposes. As they are active in field of health care research, they exemplify with a hypothetical study of burned out nurses where a qualitive approach of the reasons for the nurses being burned out and complement a quantitative measure of burn out (ibid).

Whereas the survey is the way through which the material as a whole is collected, the method by which the material then is analyzed could be regarded as an investigative approach. This approach enables me to systematically go through the survey answers to identify tendencies in the recruits’

answers leaning either towards the embracement of the soldier ideals or the rejection of them. This approach is most commonly applied to longer text such as government documents or political writings, but it was the only way for me to go through with the study while retaining the

theoretical framework of Governmentality (See for example Bowen 2009:27). The recruits were not very extensive in their formulation of the freely formulated answers making extensive analysis on the individual answers difficult. As the answers were formulated briefly, I see no reason to make up an analytical scheme for the investigative approach other than asking whether or not the recruit seems to embrace the ideals. This is of course a deficiency of the study, that the approach does not really fit the material or the theoretical framework.

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Since such a great proportion of the recruits chose to answer the survey, the survey answers will be presented in sheer numbers and in tables as well. As mentioned, the recruits will have the

possibility to rank different alternatives indicating either embracement or rejection of the SAF’s presented ideals. It is an effective way to find out how the recruits prioritize different ideals or reason for enlisting (Hagevi & Viscovi 2016:117). This can be seen as a complement to the investigative approach of the freely formulated answers, giving further understanding of how the recruits as a whole have answered. As a complement, the numbers of the survey will not be discussed within any statistical theoretical framework but rather be presented as they are, giving support to the somewhat lacking material to analyze using the investigative approach. The

methodological ambition is that these two approaches together will suffice to keep the thesis within the boundaries of Governmentality.

4.1 Presentation of the results of the survey

This chapter will present and analyze the findings of the survey. The chapter will be divided into two sections. Firstly, I will present the results of the survey in chronological order, briefly discussing some of the more informative and freely formulated answers. After this, I will discuss the overall results in relation to the theoretical frameworks of the thesis, those of Governmentality and process of subjectification. Before this however, I will start of by sharing some brief comments on the sample pool which in itself could be quite telling, while maybe not being the main focus of this study. What can be said initially is that the responses are widespread, and it is difficult to draw any definitive conclusions whether the SAF has been overall successful or not. The recruits are somewhat uneven in their responses making analyzing them difficult. However, some statistical distributions as well as some freely formulated answers are very interesting both in relation to each other but also regarding the theoretical framework of the thesis.

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100 surveys were distributed among the 112 recruits currently being instructed at Ärna. Out of these 100, 86 chose to answer the survey as they could not be forced to participate. Out of these 86, 15 were women and the rest men. 12 of these women were found in a special platoon that was later to be instructed as officers or other more leadership-oriented positions in the SAF.4 The basic training is however the same as for the other two platoons. The median age was 20 and the majority of the recruits, 50, were drafted as opposed to applying voluntary. However only 8 of these ranked, either as 1 or 2, that they were drafted against their will. It seems like the SAF, in line with Government guidelines, and as discussed previously in the thesis, have taken the

recruits’ own motivation into account when choosing who to draft. The survey in extenso can be found in Appendix I, pp. 29.

4.2.1 Question number four – motivations for enlisting

54 out of 86 respondents, 62 percent, ranked, either as 1 or 2, the first alternative as one of their reasons for going through the basic training. This alternative corresponds to the “enterprising soldier”. We can add to this the respondents who only marked this alternative with an X, however these cannot be included in the statistical presentation. This is true for all the other questions as well. This alternative was “It is a good education and merit that will help me in my professional life.”, and we understand it as a “career stepping-stone” alternative. This means that a considerable majority of the recruits have embraced the SAF message of the basic training being something beneficial in a future career. This is also reflected in the answers that the recruits have been asked to formulate themselves. For example, one recruit answered that “As an employer, I would like to hire a person who has completed basic training because he has learned to work in group and to take crap” (4:4).⁵ Putting himself in the position of an employer, this recruit emphasizes the qualities and experiences gained during the basic training, without being too

4 This observation was quite easy to make with the naked eye and when asked why the gender deployment was this askew, the officer in charge knew of no real reason other than that the physical requirements for the special platoon was a bit lower.

5 All answers being cited are translated into English by me. For all the answers in Swedish, see Appendix II. The first number indicate survey number and the second one what question that is answered.

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specific, and deems them desirable in any work, a clear case of embracing the SAF strategies.

Another one writes “I know that completing basic training looks good on your resumé.” (9:4)

Yet, few respondents are this straightforward, drawing the immediate connection to future employments. In contrast, what seems to be the most common theme in the answers is a desire to develop as a person rather than gaining experience to become an attractive employee. This can still be seen as a being part of the enterprising soldier. Several respondents write about the need for structure, order and discipline, something the recruits think that the SAF can provide. Of course, the reasons for this might still be that the recruits want to become attractive in the labour market, but I think there is a point in differentiating between who sees it as a career opportunity and those who wants to develop as a person as these both are associated with the enterprising soldier ideal. I will return to this discussion later the in essay when the answers to the last question are being discussed. One respondent, who ranked “It is a good education and merit that will help me in my professional life.” first writes that “Orderliness, learning to live with others and practically instructive.” (18:4) or put differently by another recruit “In the SAF, you learn a lot, there is a lot of discipline which helps me develop as a person…” (23:4). Where these desires for more discipline and direction stem from is in itself an interesting question and a topic for its own study.⁶

The second most common reason to go through with basic training is “I want to travel and/or get new experiences and develop as a person.” with 50 respondents, 58 percent, ranking this as either 1 or 2. Among those who have ranked this as the main reason for enlisting, the answers are

somewhat similar to that of those who ranked the previous alternative as the most important. One writes that “For me, basic training was a natural choice as all previous generations have done it. I did not want to miss something that has been so important in so many people’s life.” (14:4).

This respondent sees the basic training as a fruitful and perhaps even exciting experience rather than as something giving a given set of qualities that might be useful later on. This line of thinking, especially his reasoning alluding to previous generation, is especially interesting with regards to

6 One possible answer might lay in the neo-liberal state’s need for freedom as discussed above. Perhaps Sweden has

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Strand’s study on the SAF’s use of veterans in their recruitment material (Strand 2018). While her study focuses on the material, this recruit’s view seems to stem from an understanding of the basic training that has been handed down from e.g. older relatives, which might be based on previous generations’ idealistic memories of their own basic training. Another recruit writes that

“I see it as an experience…” (52:4). These two recruits’ answers illustrate one key aspect of the SAF’s recruitment material and portrayal of themselves, mainly that the basic training is something that can be part of the fulfillment of one’s self. Somewhat bluntly put, for selfish reasons in contrast to more altruistic reasons.

While not particularly well represented in the recruit’s ranking, with only 32 recruits ranking the alternative “Having a meaningful job where I can make a difference for others is important for me.” as either 1 or 2, the freely formulated answers among those who have chosen this alternative are very interesting. Some of these recruits’ reasons for going through with basic training has to do with giving back to society. Two similar answers will highlight this. “Because I am proud of the country in which I live, and I am grateful for what it has given me. Therefore, I want to give back in ways that I can.” (76:4). “It is important to give back to the country that have given you so much.” (78:4). These answers take completely different aspects into consideration, compared to what has been reflected in the previous answers. Rather than focusing on benefits they can gain from themselves; they focus on their own contribution to society. They also argue from a

perspective of patriotism and pride in their country. This is something that is overall very unusual in the survey answers and something that is not emphasized in the SAF recruitment strategies according to Strand (2019). While these surveys have an altruistic hallmark, they leave out any mention of what these contributions may entail, for example putting one’s life at risk. Another recruit is more specific: “Standing up for your country and being there to protect loved ones but also strangers is a must, since we are so fortunate to live in a calm country like Sweden.” (21:4).

This is one of few survey answers mentioning, in one way or another, the realities of having to engage in conflict when being part of the SAF. As previously mentioned in the introduction, the SAF have tried to downplay the “war-aspects” of its organization making these kinds of responses interesting with regards to the question of Governmentality. I will return to these survey answers later in the thesis as they repeatedly show perspectives deviant to the majority.

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The two other alternatives were not ranked to any extent that makes these interesting to discuss and the freely formulated answers leaves no real room for further analysis. Only one recruit claims to be there against his will (71:4) – something that is unusual but possible since partial conscription was reenacted. The following table shows the answer distribution on question 4.

Table 1: Answer distribution on question four, “Reasons to enlist”.

4.2.2 Question number five – qualities of a good SAF employee

When asked to rank the qualities necessary to be a good SAF employee, as we will see in the freely formulated answers, a lot of recruits stress the need for psychological strength. This was not one of the options for the recruits to choose from which might indicate that the operationalization was a bit inadequate and that this category should have included both mental and physical strength, as both are part of traditional military ideals as the military has been sold as an institution that makes boys not only physically, but mentally strong (Baaz & Stern:2008).

Overall, the recruits do not seem to value physical strength as something important for working in the SAF. Out of the 32 ranking it as a necessary quality, only one ranked it as the most important.

35

10

21

6 5

19

36

8 8

4 0

5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40

Resumé Travel Meaningful Break Forced

Reasons to enlist

One Two

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basic training (39:5). What the recruits stress instead is the need for a strong psyche. One recruit writes that “It is very challenging mentally, that is why a strong psyche is the most important quality.” (78:5), another one “Psychological strength makes greater difference than physical strength.” (11:5). Yet another recruit writes “If you do not keep up mentally, it does not really matter how physically strong you are.” (50:5). As the SAF have tried to steer the ideals of the soldier image from a traditional, physically strong man to a more inclusive one, these answers seem to indicate that they have been somewhat successful. Yet, at the same and as mentioned above time both mental and physical strength are part of traditional military (masculine) ideals which means that these answers could still be analyzed as reflecting traditional soldier identities rather than the enterprising soldier. Moreover, physical strength is after all the most selected alternative ranked as 2.

It is the two following alternatives, “Discipline” and “A will to develop as a person”, that are competing for the number one spot as the most important quality. This corresponds well with the answers on the previous question – the desire for discipline and the high ranking of discipline as a necessary quality. One recruit writes that “I think that discipline/self-control is important because you have to keep yourself together and push yourself through situations.” (17:5), or put more bluntly “Without discipline, you will not have a clue what you are doing.” (34:5). As a lot of recruits enlisted to get more disciplined, this quality must be regarded as something that is

necessary to gain during basic training. Beating “Discipline” marginally is “A will to develop as a person”, something that, in contrast to discipline, seems to be something that has to be present before enlisting. This seems to be a very fundamental quality for many recruits. One writes

“It is not possible to be in the SAF without a will to develop as a person. It is all you do.”

(39:5.). While not written out explicitly in any of the freely formulated answers, what the recruits might mean by the development as a person, is to get more disciplined. Few respondents are specific in what ways they think it is necessary to develop making further analysis difficult. One recruit writes that “It is beneficial if you are willing to change your patterns.” (37:5). This indicates that what is understood by development is to be adaptive to new routines and ways of doing things. As this alternative has been used to examine whether the SAF’s portrayals of the basic training as something character-developing, we can conclude that they have been somewhat

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successful in their efforts. This message has been embraced by the recruits – while it is still unclear in what ways they think it is important to develop.

The alternative that sticks out the most is the fourth quality, “A will to make a difference.” with only 21 rankings either as 1 or 2. As this alternative to some degree stands in contrast to the ideal of the “entrepreneurial soldier”, this result means that the SAF have been somewhat successful in their communication – the recruits have embraced the message of entrepreneurial soldier at the expense of more altruistic values, helping others or making a difference. The altruistic values represent a more traditional soldier ideal – something that the new recruits seem to have

abandoned. We shall however go through some of the freely formulated answers among those who have ranked this quality as important. “[I chose this] because the tasks that the SAF works with aims to make a difference…” (51:5). This response aligns itself with a perceived understanding of what the task of the SAF is, it does not however give us an understanding of the opinion of the recruit. A bit more informative is the following answer “With life at stake, it is important to feel that it has a higher purpose.” (58:5).

As previously mentioned, it is very rare that the recruits talk about the potential dangers of enlisting and working in the SAF – in line with the SAF’s recruitment strategy to down-play war-aspects and potential dangers of their work (Strand 2019). The recruits that have answered in this manner does not stand out in any way. They do not come from a specific age group or gender that can be used as an explanatory factor.

Our last alternative, “Competitiveness”, was not something that the recruits ranked to any great extent. This quality was meant to correspond to the “entrepreneurial soldier”, as in a desire to perform better than your fellow recruits. However, out of the two that chose to formulate their own answers one understood this quality as a desire to out-perform a potential enemy in combat (31:5), and the other as a desire to perform his best at all times (45:5). In other words, this way of

operationalizing was not very fruitful. The following table shows the answer distribution on this question.

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Table 2:

Answer distribution on question five, “Qualities of a good SAF employee”.

4.2.3 Question six – shift in perception of the SAF

Regarding the recruits’ perception of the SAF, a clear majority of the recruits (55) answered that it has changed since enlisting. A lot of these have answered that they now know more about the SAF. This should be taken for granted as the overall knowledge should increase when enlisting, anything else would be strange. In other words, not all shifts in perception are as interesting for the study. One recruit had the perception that the SAF would be full of “macho guys” but has been positively surprised by the variation of different personality types he has met (9:6). Overall, the recruits that have changed their perceptions of the SAF are positive. Many of the recruits had a perception of the SAF as tougher and that, for example, the relation between instructing officers and the recruits would be more uneven. A lot of recruits emphasize the good social climate of the SAF as something surprisingly positive. Some recruits return to the previous theme of the need of psychological strength. One recruit writes “…but I realized rather soon that if you have the psyche, then your physical abilities makes littles difference (14:6). Among those who answered that their perception had not changed, some attributed this to previous engagements in SAF youth programs. However, none of the recruits seem to base their perception of the SAF on the SAF’s commercials or campaigns. Rather, what seems to be a factor is what is discussed in chapter 2.2 as

1

29 30

13

2 27

20 18

8

2 0

5 10 15 20 25 30 35

Strength Discipline Develop Difference Competative

Qualities of a good SAF employee

One Two

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“collective understanding”, namely that the public has an understanding of the SAF and when it comes to our main interest, that of the entrepreneurial soldier and whether the SAF lives up to its claims, this question did not show to be particularly useful. It is the question that got the least freely formulated answers making further analysis difficult.

4.2.4 Question seven – pictures best reflecting the SAF

In question seven, the recruits were, as described in the methodology asked to rank on a sale from 1 to 4 different pictures taken from official SAF sources, which ones they best thought reflected the SAF. The pictures represented different aspects of the SAF recruitment material. Picture number one was coded as containing a “career stepping-stone” message.

This was the picture receiving by far the worst reception among the recruits. Only 6 ranked it as 1 and 47 ranked it as 4. Yet, those who ranked it as 1 were very straightforward with their intentions with the basic training, they see it purely as a career stepping-stone, or it seems to be an acceptable discourse among the recruits. One recruit writes that “I do this only for my CV.” (16:7), another one “I know a lot of people who do the basic training only for their CV.” (9:7). As the career stepping-stone message was an important part of the SAF recruitment material according to Strand, this scattered result is very interesting. It seems like this message did not resonate with the recruits at all. On the contrary, they seem to be hostile against this line of thinking. This shows not only in how they have ranked the pictures but also in the freely formulated answers. “The SAF is about defending freedom and not improving your CV.” (2.7), or “A military defense is not about improving your CV, it takes courage, strength and a will to make a difference for Sweden. But also, the world.” (14:7). While this is interesting in itself from a Governmentality perspective, something we will return to in the next chapter, it is also interesting with regard to the answers on the fourth question. As described above, the career-stepping-stone alternative on that question was by far the most important reason for the recruits to enlist. Yet, when confronted with the same message more directly, they seem to dismiss it. There are many potential reasons for this, e.g. the setup of the image itself, the bluntness of the message or the assumed gender of the person portrayed or her ethnicity, which while partly masked could be surmised. However, this does not

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seem to be the overall case – the editing of the pictures seems to have the desired effect, namely drawing the recruits’ attention to a specific message.

Only one recruit that seems to have understood one of the pictures differently from my intention, at least this is the conclusion I draw when reading the freely formulated answers.⁷ The

misunderstanding was in the second picture, the one receiving the most ones, i.e. the highest rankings.

Representing an old SAF mentality contrary to that of the entrepreneurial soldier, this message resonated well with the recruits. One recruit puts it as following “The fighting spirit coming through the first picture ‘We do not stand down’ correlates with the attitude expected of you.”

(45:7). Receiving the most number one rankings, this picture with very visible and heavy arms seems to be the one best reflecting the work of the SAF. Some recruits draw a connection to specific things they have learned during instruction. One writes “The SAF should never give up, I think of the soldier rules where it says that we are not allowed to give up.” (56:7), another one

“The most important thing about the SAF, according to me, is that it should have a great step change (tröskeleffekt) as possible.” (79:7). The later response is interesting as tröskeleffekt is one of four words describing the SAF’s “vision”, others being together (tillsammans), accessibility (tillgänglighet), and credibility (trovärdighet) (SAF).

As previously stated, this picture was used to allude to an ideal contrary to that of the

entrepreneurial soldier – an old soldier ideal. The number of recruits ranking it as 1 combined with the some of the freely formulated answers indicates that the message being conveyed through this picture is the one best resonating with the recruits. Overall, the recruits seem to focus on the defense of Sweden as the SAF’s main task and the answers indicate a dissonance with what the SAF employee had remarked and that was quoted in the introduction of the thesis. For example, one recruit writes that “Weapons makes it look tougher and that is what I associate the SAF with.” (6:7).

7 The recruit (42:7) focused on the gender of the person being portrayed on the picture, who was a woman, and based his answer on this rather than the intended meaning. As only one recruit did this, I still think the results are reliable.

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The third picture, the one with the message of the uniqueness of working in the SAF was, alongside the previous picture among the most popular. Not receiving any number 4 rankings, it seems to be a fairly uncontroversial message that everyone seemed to have embraced. In what ways work in the SAF is different from other work differs quite a lot among the recruits. Returning to one of our recruits answering the fourth question, she writes “It is a job different from others because of many reasons, the main one being that we are prepared to die on duty.” (78:7). As stated previously, this reasoning is very unusual. Few recruits write about the realities of the potential dangers of working in the SAF, war is only mentioned in three of the answers in the entire survey and this recruit is the only one mentioning the payment of the ultimate price, death.

A more common theme among the freely formulated answers correlates to the answers on question four. It is the potential to develop as a person that seems to attract the recruits. This is something that the recruits think that the SAF can do better than any civil institutions. One recruit puts it as

“It is a different job because you develop a lot as a person.” (12:7). This picture was coded as a

“career stepping-stone” correlating to the “entrepreneurial solder” and the majority of the recruits seem to have understood it as such. This is interesting since they seem to reject the message of the first picture. There may be several reasons for this. The first picture might be too obvious with the message of the “entrepreneurial soldier”, or perhaps it is the uniformed soldiers of the third picture that makes this picture resonate better with the recruits.

The survey’s fourth picture, also corresponding to an old soldier ideal, seems to be, together with the first picture, the one that reflect worst the SAF. Among those who ranked it as number 1, one writes that “Training is fairly obvious. It is something you can do anywhere as well.” (24:7).

This answer is interesting since it correlates to one of the campaigns studied by Strand. In 2016 the SAF launched a training app with this specific message – physical exercise is something that can be done anywhere, in an attempt to recruit more soldiers (Strand 2019). Another recruit who ranked this as number 1 writes “My view of the SAF is that you should train to become a strong soldier and dangerous to the Russians.” (15:7). Yet, overall – the recruits are somewhat sceptic to this message. One recruit puts it as “The fourth picture feels way too macho and does not give

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base, these types of answers indicate that they have been successful (Strand 2019). The following table show the answer distribution on question seven.

Table 3: Answer distribution on question seven, “Pictures best reflecting the SAF”.

5.1 Conclusions - The results in relation to the concept of Governmentality

The two research questions of this thesis that this chapter will try to answer were formulated as: 1.

Drawing upon original empirical material collected for this study, in what ways do the recruits appear to embrace or contest the military identities /subjects created by SAF (and make it their own)? And 2. How may the resonances and dissonances between government technologies and military identities created by the SAF and processes of subjectification/internalization be understood?

How we are to understand the results of the survey is not entirely clear, as the answers show a great variety. Returning to the theoretical framework of the study, namely that of Governmentality, this chapter will discuss the answers in relation to Governmentality. According to this theory, as the modern state developed, so did its ways of governing, now concerning itself with steering its citizens’ behavior in a specific direction via “the conduct of conduct” (Dean 2010:17). This

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38

30

4 9

26

35

8 16

8

12

41 47

5

0

23

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50

Resumé Persistent Different Training

Pictures best reflecting SAF

One Two Three Four

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line of thinking is now applied to the SAF and its recruits. As mentioned previously, the answers are too widespread to draw any definitive conclusions on. One might say that the fact that the answers are widespread is in itself an indication that the SAF has failed in making the recruits embrace the entrepreneurial new soldier identity. While this might be true to some extent, the extent to which some recruits have embraced parts of the message indicate that they have been somewhat successful. The reason for this is that we can draw a clear line between the values and opinions expressed in the freely formulated answers and the recruitment campaigns. When it comes to the narrative of the “entrepreneurial soldier”, what seems to be the deciding factor of whether the recruits embrace it or not is the way in which they are exposed to it. The fourth question gave the impression that the majority of the recruits enlisted to get benefits later on in their careers, but when faced with a more direct message, as in question seven, this was shunned.

As discussed above, this contradiction in the material might be a result of how the category of the entrepreneurial soldier were captured and posed in these two questions. It may also reflect an ambivalence among the recruits around this question. Yet, the overall discourse among the answers seem to indicate that it is seen as acceptable to go through with the basic training for purely

“selfish” or “entrepreneurial” reasons, while a majority seem to do it for other reason for many.

The combination of the SAF being a big organization and the short time frame of the

(partially-)AVF-system might be contributing reasons for this dissonance both among the recruits but also between some of the recruits and the SAF soldier ideal. One factor discussed in chapter 2.3 is the collective understanding of the military. The dissonances might be caused by a centuries old understanding of the military that one decade of media strategies can do away with. As discussed previously, the military have for a long period of time been associated with masculinity, physical strength and an overall manly jargon. Another factor, that this study has not taken into account, is the role of the instructors, a key role in the process of subjectification of the recruits.

When I was at Ärna, I had the opportunity to converse with the instructing officers in charge of the platoons that participated in the survey. They expressed that they had a high degree of freedom in planning the recruits’ days and work. Naturally, the overall instruction is the same for all recruits,

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the conclusion that the instructors have a great potential to shape the recruits and in the long run, their perception of what it means to be a soldier and the roll of the SAF. If the instructing officers do not embrace the SAF’s ideals, the chances of the recruits embracing them are very slim. This thesis’ main contribution is that it has shown that SAF recruits has quite different understandings of fundamental aspects of both the SAF as a whole and their role in the organization. Lessons have been learned for further studies on the subjects, for example that modifying pictures for the survey was successful or that psychological strength should be taken into consideration.

6.1 List of references

Battistelli, F. (1997) Peacekeeping and the Postmodern Soldier. Armed Forces & Society, vol. 23, pp. 467 – 484.

Baaz, M. E., & Stern, M. (2008). Making sense of violence: voices of soldiers in the Congo (DRC). The Journal of Modern African Studies, 46(1), 57–86.

Bowen, G. 2009. Document Analysis as a Qualitative Research Method. Qualitative Research Journal, vol. 9, no. 2, pp. 27-40.

Dean, M. (2010) Governmentality: power and rule in modern society, 2 edn, SAGE publications, Thousand Oaks, CA.

An entrepreneurial military force? Political Science C