HONOR-RELATED VIOLENCE AND OPPRESSION IN CHILD CARE INVESTIGATIONS : A qualitative study of the challenges and possibilities faced by social services when investigating honor related violence

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Akademin för hälsa, vård och välfärd

HONOR-RELATED VIOLENCE AND

OPPRESSION IN CHILD CARE

INVESTIGATIONS

A qualitative study of the challenges and possibilities faced by social services

when investigating honor related violence

AMINA DELIBASIC

Main subject: Social work Level: Advanced level Points: 30 credits

Program: Master’s Programme in Health and Welfare: Social Work

Course name: Thesis in Social Work Course code:SAA062

Supervisor: Mehrdad Darvishpour

Seminariedatum: [2021-06-02] Betygsdatum: [2021-06-14]

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Author: Amina Delibasic

Mälardalen University

School of Health, Care and Social Welfare

Master's Programme in Health and Welfare: Social Work

Thesis in Social Work, 30 credits

Spring term 2020

Abstract

This Master’s project aims to explore the challenges and possibilities the social services encounter when investigating honor related violence in childcare investigations. Furthermore, the project is investigating social workers’ perceptions and experiences of honor related violence (HRV) and if that aspect of violence makes any difference to the investigation of child abuse. A qualitative approach has been used, where interviews were held with ten social workers. The project’s result and analysis has been divided into three themes: Social workers knowledge regarding HRV, working methods used when investigating child abuse with elements of HRV and the impact of the child perspective on different assessments concerning children in the same families. The results show that the social worker's knowledge has a significant role in how a case is handled by the social services. The lack of in-depth knowledge among social workers regarding HRV can have consequences for the work in various ways. The study also shows that there is a need for social services to develop treatments that are adapted to honor-related violence. Finally, the conclusion of this study shows that the current legislation in Sweden could be further developed.

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1. Introduction

Honor-related violence (HRV) is a topic that has received a lot of attention recently in research, media and in Swedish society. Many people in Sweden have fallen victim to HRV and in several cases it has resulted in murder. Today, the extent of HRV is difficult to map as the authorities have different ways of measuring HRV, but also because there are many unreported cases. Individuals living with HRV do not always seek help and do not always receive the help they need. Furthermore, it´s described that a professional’s knowledge about HRV needs to be developed, but it´s also described that there is a need for development within the help and support offered by the social services to victims of HRV (Socialstyrelsen, 2019).

In Swedish legislation, it is clear that the social services have a responsibility to protect children who are exposed to honor-related violence or live in an honor context. Social services have a responsibility for those who have been subjected to a crime by a relative according to the 5 cap. 11§ social services act (SFS 2001: 453). This applies to people of all ages and includes both children and adults. The social services have a far-reaching responsibility when it comes to children's home environment and the conditions, they grow up in. Children who have been subjected to crime are, according to the Social Services Act 5 Cap.11§, entitled to receive the help and support that both the child and their relatives need. Children who have been subjected to violence or witnessed violence against a relative are specifically mentioned in Swedish legislation. When children are suspected of being subjected to violence, the social services should provide a report on the violence to the police (Socialstyrelsen, 2019).

Baianstovu (2012) describes that social workers daily encounter social problems that are investigated and defined by the social service. Social services carry out their work with families on the basis that the families wish to work on the problems identified at their own free will. When it is not possible to achieve free will, the social services have the possibility to assign intervention for children with coercion (Baianstovu, 2012). Furthermore, Baianstovu (2012) describes the problems that arise when social workers and parents do not have the same view regarding what is considered to be in the best interests of the child. Through the parenting of the child, social and cultural heritages are passed on through generations. Norms about what is in the best interests of the child, how children should be brought up and how children should be treated are thus passed on through generations. These norms are not always appropriate for a modern society. Consequently, social workers and parents can often have different views on what is considered to be in the best interests of the child. When this is the case, and the family’s cultural perceptions

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clash with the central representations of society, the investigative work of social services can become complicated. The social services have an important role in upholding children's rights. According to the current legislation in Sweden, the social services must always work and make decisions based on the best interests of the child. In cases where a conflict arises between parents and social workers, the social services must, based on the legislation, work primarily with the child as a client. What is a child's best is individual and can look different from child to child (Baianstovu, 2012).

As described above, there is limited knowledge regarding HRV among social workers, while the responsibility that the social services have is clear. When knowledge about HRV is limited, challenges arise for social workers in using the Swedish legal system to help children living in an honor context. The National Board of Health and Welfare's (Socialstyrelsen, 2019) report claims that despite the increased knowledge that exists regarding HRV, there is a lack of long-term treatments in this area. The report also highlights that there is a lack of collaboration between different actors. This study therefore wants to draw attention to the social services' work with HRV and the challenges that arise in childcare investigations. HRV is a complex problem that places high demands on social workers' knowledge, as the social services have a responsibility for children living with HRV. How is the existing knowledge regarding HRV among social workers used and how is the theoretical knowledge established in the practical work?

1.1 Aim of the Study:

The purpose of this study is to explore the challenges and possibilities the social services have when investigating honor related violence in childcare investigations. The aim is to find out more about social workers’ perceptions and experiences of honor related violence and if that aspect of violence makes any difference in the investigation of child abuse and how they work with interventions for siblings living in the same honor context

1.2 Research Questions:

• How does social workers knowledge and working methods affect childcare investigations regarding child abuse with elements of honor-based violence?

• How do social workers assess the need for interventions for siblings living in the same honor context?

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1.3 Limitations

Several limitations arose when conducting the study due to ethical aspects and the limited time frame for the study. At the beginning of the study, there was an ambition to also study records at the social services where a social worker may have investigated honor-related violence. This was in order to evaluate the assessment made during the investigation in relation to the current legislation that the social workers use to guide their decisions. Additionally, the studies would have helped to understand how the knowledge about HRV is used in assessments, as well as which risk factors and protective factors are identified in the children's environments and the parents' parenting abilities. The idea was that this could generate a more detailed analysis. Due to the limited time frame and the issue of confidentiality, this has not been possible. The ethical aspect of accessing minors' records for research purposes has also been considered. The geographical area of social workers has also been limited to one municipality.

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2. Background

In this section, I will describe the social services in Sweden and their obligations in relation to child welfare investigations and honor-related violence. The general legislation that the social services work with will be presented. Then, I will provide a background explanation on honor-related violence and oppression.

2.1 Social Services in Sweden

Below is a background description of the social services as an organization, and an explanation of the Swedish legislation regarding the social service demands when working with abused children in Sweden.

The social services are the authority in Sweden that has an important responsibility in helping children that are a victim of HRV. It is also the authority that has the right to use legal support to protect children from these environments. However, despite this, attention has been drawn to shortcomings in the work with HRV at the social services (Socialstyrelsen, 2019). The social services in Sweden are organized by the municipalities in the country. The main responsibility of the municipalities is to help and support the people who live in or are located within the respective municipality. The social services work towards ensuring that all children grow up under safe home conditions (SOL, SFS 2001:453). The Social Services Act in Sweden is formulated in such a way that it gives the municipalities the freedom to form the social services as it finds most suitable in the various municipalities. The act is grounded on seven different principles: (I) comprehensive view, (II) free will, (III) autonomy, (IV) normalization, (V) continuity, (VI) flexibility and (VII) closeness. These principles are the basis of the work the social services do, and the social care provided in Sweden. According to Swedish law, the actions of the social services in families should be shaped and implemented together with the children and their guardians (Socialstyrelsen, 2012: Socialstyrelsen, 2015). The social services must always consider the best interests of the child in their assessments. When the social services make assessments about putting children in foster care, they must always first make an assessment of whether the child can be taken care of by someone else in the child's family (SOL, SFS 2001:453).

According to the social service act (SOL, SFS 2001:453) the social services should initiate an investigation when information is received indicating that a family may be in need of an intervention. When a notification is submitted to the social services, an initial assessment of the information must be made within 24 hours. If it is considered necessary, the social services can

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initiate an investigation against the will of the parents and without their knowledge. The social services can talk to children without their parents' consent (SOL, SFS 2001:453).

According to the regulations and general advice on domestic violence from The National Board of Health and Welfare (SOSFS 2014:4), the social services should always initiate an investigation into a child that is suspected to be the subject of violence or has witnessed violence. The social services have a primary responsibility for investigating a situation, putting in interventions and following up children who have been exposed or witnessed violence. Social workers who work with children who have been exposed to or witnessed violence should have the appropriate knowledge and education about how to talk to a child experiencing violence, and the consequences a home environment with violence can give (SOSFS 2014:4).

In an investigation regarding violence, the social services must assess the need for immediate protection and support. The social services need to decide whether the child can stay in the family or if the child needs foster care. The social services need to investigate the character and extent of the violence, how the violence affects the child, how the violence affects the relationships in the family, what the child's perception of the violence is, the parents' perception of the violence as well as their understanding of the consequences it brings and what interventions the family needs, both in the short and long term. The social services should offer families and children different interventions in the form of therapy, parenting support, information and advice, and provide permanent housing for children (SOSFS 2014:4).

The social services must primarily strive for efforts to be given on a freewill basis, where there is consent from both guardians and children. In some cases where there is no consent, the social services have an opportunity to use the coercive legislation that exists in Sweden, Act (1990: 52) with special provisions on care of young people (LVU). The social services do not only have an opportunity to offer families help, but also an obligation to use this legislation if there is a need for care but the consent is lacking, and the care cannot be provided on a freewill basis. According to § 2 LVU, the social services must decide on care in cases where there is evidence of physical/mental abuse in the home, or if the parents fail in their care to such an extent that it is assessed that there is a significant risk to the child's health and development. The social services can also apply for care according to § 3 LVU in cases where children, through their behavior, expose their health and development to a significant risk through, among other things, crime, abuse of addictive substances or other socially destructive behaviors. The social services can apply for care in court. In cases where the request for care cannot wait for a legal process, the social services have the option to take immediate action in accordance with 6 § LVU. The social services can also, with the

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help of this legislation, decide to keep a child's residence address secret from the parents as well as limit contact between children and parents. In order to increase protection against honor-related crime, the social services have since 1 July 2020 the option to decide on a travel ban according to 31§ LVU in cases where there is a suspicion that a person under 18 years could potentially be taken abroad to enter a marriage or genital mutilation (LVU, SOFS 1990:52).

2.2 The Concept of Honor

The concept of HRV is a broad and complex phenomenon that is based on several aspects.

HRV is based on power, sexuality, gender and cultural perceptions, which in general also is the basis of domestic violence. The differences between domestic violence and HRV can be described by the fact that within HRV, the sexuality of women, regardless of age, has a strong connection to the community. In order to establish honor within the family and the community, the sexuality of girls and women has a central role. Women's innocence or alleged behavior are linked to the family's reputation and honor. Therefore, women and girls may be limited when it comes to, for example, their love life, how they dress, who they marry as well as if they can apply for a divorce (Regeringen, 2007). Wikan (2009) further describes that honor is about self-respect and the respect you get in the society. How to achieve honor can be different within different cultures. Honor is about power and is often associated with men carrying that power. A woman is not able to carry any honor; instead, she is the one who can carry shame, which is usually associated with the woman's sexuality. To better understand honor, it can be divided into two different phenomena: Namous and Shirif. Both of the two different phenomena of honor have their basis in the Turkish, Kurdish and Persian version of honor. Namous is something people are born with. For example, people can be born poor or rich. Namous cannot be increased or decreased, only lost and reclaimed. That means that honor can only be lost and resumed within the families. If the family has lost its namous, everything has been lost and drastic things need to be done for namous to be reclaimed. Shirif, on the other hand, is something that can increase and decrease, such as rank, prestige and reputation. The honor in families is based on respect, community vision and the value that the family has in other people's eyes. For an individual to leave the honor-culture, it can have major consequences, with death as one of the extreme consequences. When a family loses their honor, the rules for what it takes to regain honor may vary based on the culture of the family (Wikan, 2009).

Further, Idriss (2017) claims that HRV has similarities with other forms of violence against women. HRV is mainly used against women who are considered to have brought shame on their

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family. Men are not as exposed to HRV as women are; when a man is exposed to HRV, the reason often is that he has dishonored a female. The woman's sexual behavior is often the reason why the family thinks that the woman has caused shame to her family. HRV can be seen as a patriarchal form of violence and is a way to control the behavior and sexual autonomy of women. HRV gives men the opportunity to protect and keep their honor by forcing women to live based on the men’s behavioral norms. HRV also involves female on female violence, as mothers in some cases are involved in the HRV that their daughters are exposed to. In patriarchal communities, the mothers are responsible for their daughter's behavior and are the ones that have to teach their daughters what is considered acceptable behavior and what is not acceptable within their social settings. The fact that women expose other women in the family to HRV can be explained as a strategy to not expose themselves to violence from other men in the family. The mothers in the family are often the first to receive questions when daughters deviate from the patriarchal norms, which is also an explanation of why mothers maintain HRV. The women reproduce their own subordination by teaching their daughters to be afraid and respecting of the loyalty that exists in the patriarchal system. HRV contains elements of both physical, emotional and psychological violence that, in extreme cases, can lead to death (Idriss, 2017). A further explanation of how the debate on HRV has developed in Sweden will be given in the next section.

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3. Previous Research

In this section, I will present previous research that describes the debate around HRV in Sweden. Thereafter, research on children who have experienced violence and HRV will be presented. This general research for children in violent environments affects all children who witness violence within their families, which can be linked to HRV as it is also a form of violence that takes place within the family. Then, a section with research regarding the social services' work with HRV will be presented.

The literature search for this study has been conducted in two databases that I found through the library at Malardalens University: Web of science and Social service abstract. The keywords I used in the first search are:” Sweden”,” domestic violence” and” children.” In the second search, I added the keywords: “honor-related violence” and “social service.” In the third search, I used the keywords: “domestic violence”, “domestic abuse”, “intimate partner violence” and “honor-related violence”.

3.1 The HRV Debate in Sweden

HRV is a phenomenon that also occurs in Swedish society and has recently been very visible in the media. The politicians' debate regarding HRV has been going on for some time, and it has revealed that there are different perspectives in politics to interpret and explain HRV. Wikström and Ghazinour (2010) describe that the Swedish state began to give HRV special attention in 2002. This in connection with a high-profile murder of a 26-year-old woman who openly spoke about the violence and control she was subjected to by her family. The woman also gave a speech before the Swedish parliament, which received a lot of attention from the Swedish media. Before this honor killing, the phenomenon HRV was not really noticed in the same way in Sweden as it is today (Björktomta, 2019; Wikström & Ghazinour, 2010).

However, during the 20th century, there already were political debates on the subject in Sweden as a result of two other honor-related murders that took place in Sweden. In several other countries in Europe, the debate is centered on the religion of Islam. In the Swedish debate regarding honor-related violence, gender has taken the central role, and crimes committed in the name of honor are often considered a failure in adapting to the Swedish gender equality norm. Questions about social integration and the organization of social services in relation to this were included in the previous debate on HRV. There was also a debate about how to interpret HRV. Two perspectives were highlighted: a cultural perspective and a gender perspective. In the cultural patriarchal basis, culture was used as the main explanation for HRV. In the second explanation

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raised, patriarchal power structures that exist in all societies, including Swedish society, was used as the basis for explanation. The Swedish government took a position where they tried to balance the two different explanations through neutral actions and concepts (Carbin, 2010; Wikström & Ghazinour, 2010).

Two researchers who advocate the cultural perspective are Schlytter (2004) and Wikan (2004) who believe that the perspective is applicable in the analysis of honor in families. Culture is described as the starting point for how individuals live their lives and is considered to be equated with group norms and values that have their origins in, among other things, religion, nationality, ethnicity, history and different traditions. Each culture has its own perception of what is considered right and what is not. Honor is thus considered to be part of a culture, where cultures take a stand on how an individual should live and behave (Schlytter, 2004; Wikan, 2004). The gender perspective is based on the discussion of women's exposure to violence linked to men's structural superiority in society. One researcher who advocates the gender perspective in the analysis of honor is Eldén (2003), where HRV does not differ much from the general violence against women in Western public that men use. Violence against women occurs in all societies but also in all cultures. According to Eldén (2003), men's violence against women, regardless of background, should be understood out of context. By distinguishing HRV violence and other types of violence from men, it can lead to “we” as equals and “the other” as patriarchal being maintained. Furthermore, Carbin (2010) describes that by adopting the cultural explanation, a division arose in Swedish society, where the violence committed by immigrant men was assumed to be based on honor while the violence committed by Swedish born men was acquitted of the connection between culture and violence. The concept of intersectionality had its breakthrough in Sweden when honor-related consequences were to be explained. In Swedish politics, the political initiative regarding HRV arose at the intersection between integration policy and gender equality policy. Swedish politics does not link HRV with a specific religious group. The domicile of the culture of honor is considered to come from traditions and value systems in specific geographical regions (Carbin, 2010).

There are also researchers who question the two perspectives stated above, and instead advocate for a third perspective. According to Darvishpour (2011), the cultural perspective regarding HRV aims to increase cultural adaptation and thereby increase equality within immigrant families. The second perspective, gender power perspective, only advocates that the gender aspect is the basis for immigrant women being exposed to HRV. Therefore, Darvishpour (2006) advocates for a third perspective, intersectional perspective, which provides a contextual and multidimensional

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analytical starting point, where the concepts of gender, class, culture and integration are the starting point in the analysis of HRV. Through this perspective, immigrants are not categorized and branded in such a way that exclusion and marginalization arise in society (Darvishpour, 2011; De los Reyes, 2003; Socialstyrelsen 2014).

HRV is a form of violence within the family that authorities have had difficulty agreeing on which measures need to be appointed. In 2012, several motions were submitted to the Swedish Parliament with proposals for increased penalties for crimes with honor motives. All proposals were rejected on the grounds that honor crimes can be handled with the current legislation (SOU 2014: 49). In the state's inquiry “Violence in close relationships - a public health issue” (SOU 2014: 49), several proposals were made for measures in the work against domestic violence and HRV. The Government of Sweden has decided and implemented several of the proposals that the report presents regarding the Social Services Act. Several of the amendments to the law came into force on 1 July 2015. The social services in Sweden were then given increased responsibility for victims of domestic violence, both when it comes to children and young people but also adults. The changes to legislation also meant that the social services must investigate all children who have been exposed to or witnessed some form of violence within the family. The social services were also given a responsibility to offer treatment to the perpetrator who exposes someone in the family to violence.The Swedish Parliament also decided on several other measures in the work against HRV where coercion of marriage, deception to coercion of marriage and misleading a person to a trip aimed at coercion of marriage were criminally classified. These are a few of the measures that were taken following the report's proposal for more effective work against violence (SOU 2014: 49). In a later investigation imposed by the state, the investigation shows that there is a need for further measures to continue the work against HRV. In the honor crime investigation in Sweden “a special honor crime” (SOU 2020: 57), it appears that there is a great and increasing need to counter HRV. The Government of Sweden has tightened the penalty in Chapter 29. 2 § 10 of the Criminal Code, which is aimed at crimes with honor motives, but this tightening is not considered sufficient and there is a need to further highlight HRV in the penal system. The results of the report show that there is a need for a new special type of crime that considers honor crimes. The new legislation would mean an increase in the scale of penalties for the perpetrators who break a contact ban. The punishment is proposed to be converted into imprisonment for one year instead of a fine. The perpetrators who have violated a contact ban must, unless there are special reasons, be provided with electronic monitoring. The new amendment to the law is proposed to enter into force on 1 January 2022 (SOU 2020: 57).

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3.2 Children Who Have Experienced Violence and HRV

Linell (2017) describes that children who witness domestic violence in families can be equated with children who themselves are exposed to violence. Children who live in a violent environment have usually experienced that environment for several years. Domestic violence is considered a form of violence that many children are exposed to. This is because it entails risks of both physical and emotional harm to children who witness violence. Children living in a violent environment do not have the same opportunities as an adult who is in a violent environment. Children cannot choose to get out of such an environment themselves. This type of violence concerning children is not that visible in society and is not mentioned as often as children who themselves are exposed to physical violence (Linell, 2017; Åkerlund, 2017; Överlien, 2016). In Överline (2016) study, she has examined children's strategies in relation to domestic violence. The study is based on 25 interviews with children and adolescents between the ages of 18-25. The results of the study show that children who live in a violent environment find strategies to use, and when one strategy does not work, a new one is developed. Children also act on the basis of habit, anger or other emotions. It was discovered that not all children have the same strategies as most act differently in the different situations. The study shows that older children's strategies, regardless of their gender, include physical attempts to try to stop the perpetrator or act to achieve revenge. Even younger children can use their bodies for the purpose of trying to stop the violence, but not in an equally threatening way as an older child. Younger children can, for example, stand in front of their mother in order to stop the violence (Överline, 2016). HRV is a form of violence that takes place within the family, also called domestic violence, which makes this type of research also important when we analyze honor-related violence. Often there are siblings in a family who witness HRV against other family members but are still not directly exposed. These children are considered to witness different types of violence.

In Jemteborn's (2005) case study, she examined girls' room for maneuver and consideration in connection with a release from a patriarchal honorable home. The author describes that HRV is based on women's sexuality and takes place in the form of threats and coercion when it comes to choosing a relationship and partner. A forced marriage by the parents was described as an act to save the family's reputation or increase the family's status. The results of the study show that the girl who was a minor experienced difficulty when trying to contact the social services when she sought help. This is because the social services needed a permit or a consent from the guardians before they could offer any help. The respondents felt that voluntary organizations were better at handling their cases and when voluntary organizations helped contact the social services, the

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contact with the social services became better. The results also show that the girl who lived with HRV found strategies to increase her room for maneuver, negotiate and resist her family. The results also show that the process of independence for girls takes time and also long-term and continuous support work is required (Jemteborn, 2005).

Björktomta (2019)has further investigated HRV as experienced by eleven girls aged 16-20 with foreign-born parents. The study examines the different forms of violence used and how they relate to each other. Data collection took place through interviews. The study identified four types of violence in the girls’ stories: symbolic, social, psychological and physical violence. The symbolic

violence was based on the girls' context. The girls were associated with norms, obedience and

chastity, where chastity was considered a symbol of her family’s honor. The girls described their relationship with their father characterized by respect. When the girls acted appropriately, it generated pride. In cases where they did not act appropriately, it generated shame, guilt and fear of punishment. The symbolic violence is based on the father's silent anger or angry look. Symbolic violence can also be represented by the parents making the daughter feel guilty or ashamed. The symbolic violence was characterized on latent violence that existed in the patriarchal family structure, which affected the girls' scope for action.The social violence described the girls' limited scope for action in their everyday lives. The goal of the violence was to maintain the norms of honor in the family in a new country and in the context of a new society where there were differing values and norms regarding equality, youth and sexuality. The families demanded chastity from the girls and forbade them to have a boyfriend. There were also limitations in the form of finances, friends, leisure, mobile phone, clothes, make-up and internet accessibility. There were also more demands on women in the family to take on more responsibility with household chores and take care of their siblings. The demands that the girls had regarding obedience limited their choices to choose a life of their own. Björktomta (2019) further describes that psychological violence was based on how the choice of expressions and actions within the family hurt the girls emotionally. The girls' chastity was considered to be the honor of the whole family, which meant that the entire ethnic collective and all family members were involved. The father's way of dealing with the reactions of the family and the ethnic collective affected the scope for action that the girls received. The physical violence that fathers and brothers subjected the girls to was based on punishment after violating family norms and destroying family honor and reputation. Maternal physical violence was usually because of their view of parenting (Björktomta, 2019).

Furthermore, the National Board of Health and Welfare (2019) also describes these four different forms of HRV in their report. But they also mention two specific phenomena that are based on

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HRV, forced marriage and genital mutilation. These two phenomena are also specifically regulated in Swedish legislation as HRV. The National Board of Health and Welfare (2019) also describes that boys and LGBTQ individuals are also at risk of being exposed to HRV by not being allowed to live with a desired gender identity and being forced to marry someone they themselves have not chosen. This is something that Ouis (2015) also describes in her article that boys as victims of crime within HRV are often forgotten by authorities. Only limited research shows their vulnerability, which may include living up to a violent male role or being forced to marry someone they have not chosen. Boys are also expected to be able to support the entire family financially, which can lead to a financial burden. Research has also shown that girls' boyfriends can also be exposed to HRV when entering a relationship with a girl who is exposed to HRV by their family (Ouis, 2015).

3.3 HRV and the Social Services

HRV is a form of violence that is under the responsibility of the social services. It is therefore important for authorities and professionals to have knowledge about - and problematize HRV’s roots and distribution in order to prevent violence in the name of honor (Bhanbhro et.al 2015). Individuals or authorities that establish guidelines and policies on this subject need to possess the right knowledge regarding HRV, in order for the work with HRV to take place in the right way. There is currently no specific legislation that regulates how cases concerning HRV must be managed by the social services. The social services therefore need to use the existing legislation that relates to deficiencies in the home environment, parenting ability and children's behavior (Bhanbhro et.al, 2015; Schlytter & Linell, 2010). Further, Darvishpour (2021) claims that the social services lack the support needed for individuals that have fallen victim to HRV. The social services need to expand their possibilities and resources when it comes to offering support for women and children who are exposed to HRV. Lack of knowledge and collaboration with other actors who come into contact with individuals living in an honor context can complicate the investigation, and lead to uncertainty when handling investigations within the social services. Knowledge in how professionals should treat individuals living with HRV should also be improved in the social services in order to ensure individualized support and help (Darvishpour, 2021) In 2017, the National Board of Health and Welfare was commissioned by the Swedish government to investigate and map the extent of HRV and oppression in all age groups in Sweden. The commission also intended to examine the extent to which people who have been exposed to HRV have received help and support in changing their lives, but also professionals' experience of problems and possibilities in the work with HRV. The National Board of Health and Welfare's

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(Socialstyrelsen, 2019) report shows that this survey has not been possible, as authorities do not report statistics on HRV in the same way. The report also shows that there are several development areas in the work against HRV. The results show that the treatments offered to individuals living in a context of honor needs to be improved. Trauma treatment in these cases needs to be developed, both in terms of knowledge but also the long queues that exist before a treatment is appointed. Finally, the results shows that the access to sheltered housing in Sweden needs to increase, so that individuals living with HRV can access the opportunity to change their lives (Socialstyrelsen, 2019).

Olsson and Bergman (2021) examine in their study factors that affect social workers in their work and ability to handle honor-related cases within the social services and shed light on their current work situation. In the study, 15 social workers participated in in-depth interviews. Olsson and Bergman (2021) describe in their study that norms and values in society together with the current legislation also have a major impact on social work in Sweden. Domestic violence has long been invisible in the Swedish social services and violence including HRV has long been considered a private matter that is to be resolved within the family. Therefore, Swedish social services have for a long time failed to stop violence within families and protect those who fall victim to the violence. The social services in Sweden have a major role in protecting and supporting children and adults who fall victim to domestic violence and HRV. Over the past 20 years, social policy reform has been influenced by international agreements. The social services today need to make risk assessments when they meet individuals who have been exposed to HRV and there are various assessment instruments to assist them in doing so. Olsson and Bergman (2021) further describe the results of their study regarding honor-related violence in the Swedish social services. Social workers describe in their interviews that knowledge about HRV has been very limited. Which entails difficulties in establishing useful routines and guidelines regarding cases involving HRV. It is also described that social workers in smaller municipalities do not have any "specialist" workers that focus on a specific problem area. This meant that social workers had to work with many different problem areas at the same time, and this is something that could affect the quality of the work. The results also show that there is a lack of knowledge in several areas within the social services when it comes to HRV, both within the authority that investigates cases but also within the treatment area. Another aspect that is considered important when handling matters concerning HRV is the consensus on HRV within the organization. When there is a lack of consensus, there is a risk that individuals do not receive the help they need due to the fear of categorizing an individual or family. The study's conclusion shows that HRV is not something that can be reduced through the relationship a social worker and family/client gets. In order to fight

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HRV in the society and protect the victims, legal support is required. Social workers need to have legal support available in situations that require the social services to protect individuals who are exposed to HRV (Olsson & Bergman, 2021).

The purpose of the Schlytter and Linell (2010) study was to learn more about indicators and honor-related problems in a girl's everyday life. The study contains cases concerning girls aged 13-18 who were cared for in accordance with § 2 LVU during the year 2006 in Stockholm County. A comparison group was created to compare honor-related matters with other social problems. Schlytter and Linell (2010) also describe an important aspect in their study regarding the social service approach and methods, where the social service primarily works with “family support”. Which can be questioned when it comes to matters concerning HRV. The social services' measures usually come at a late stage and the use of the coercive legislation we have in Sweden is used restrictively. It has also proved to be a higher requirement on the burden of proof when it comes to cases involving HRV than other cases of violence.It has also been shown that the social services rarely provide care for boys who live in an honor context (Schlytter & Linell, 2010). Results in the study of Schlytter and Linell (2008), show that all girls who were part of the HRV-group, had been exposed to more systematic mental abuse. Mental abuse also occurred in the second group but not to the same extent. The girls who belonged to the HRV group turned out to be more controlled, isolated and had a more limited living space. The study also shows that the girls in the HRV group were subjected to more punishment by their parents and also had to take more responsibility than the other group of girls. The social services often turned out to have limited information about the girls in the HRV group, as these girls were often alone in their problems and lacked social contacts, contact with other professionals or other adults in their network. Another important result in the study was that the social services lacked knowledge about HRV, which entailed the risk that girls living with HRV did not receive the same legal protection as other girls (Schlytter & Linell, 2010).

The Baianstovu et.al (2019) study is described as one of Sweden's largest studies regarding HRV where 235 individuals were interviewed and 6002 answered a questionnaire. The overall results of the study show that HRV is a serious problem in society and that social policy needs to take more responsibility in the matter. Furthermore, the results highlight, among other things, the importance of naming the actual HRV in childcare investigations. Using milder explanations such as conflicts in the home or conflicts between the parents can complicate legal proceedings concerning, for example, custody afterwards. The results also highlight the difficulty in using family therapy in families where HRV occurs. The results show that several girls expressed to the social services that they did not want to go through family therapy but were still forced to do so.

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The parents are described as behaving exemplary during the treatment sessions and not showing their true side. Family therapy is described in these cases as being life-threatening for those exposed to HRV. The working method is not described as being evidence-based and professionals demand more research on family therapy in relation to HRV (Baianstovu et.al, 2019).Svedberg et.al (2013) have also investigated family therapy in families where HRV occurs. Their results also show that family therapy in families where there is HRV entails risks for the child. Therefore, professionals are advised not to use family therapy in cases where HRV occurs. The result shows that parents lack the will and motivation to change their attitude towards children's rights and free will and the attitude towards the norms of honor in which they live. Parents who are willing to change would be required to question the cultural and religious authority in the family, which would lead to a high risk for parents to be excluded from their own network. When the parents lack motivation for change, their position of power in relation to the child also remains (Svedberg et.al, 2013).

3.4 Summary of Previous Research

The literature review shows that there are several perspectives from which to analyze HRV: a gender perspective, cultural perspective and an intersectional perspective. Not all researchers in the subject agree on which perspective is considered the most reliable to present a real result to the question. Furthermore, the previous research shows that children who are exposed to HRV and are witnesses to violence in the family, finds strategies to reduce the violence and to make the violence end. The previous research also shows that there are four different types of violence within HRV: symbolic, social, psychological, and physical violence. HRV is described as based on girl’s sexuality and restrictions on girls' freedom in several different areas. Control is usually exercised by the whole family, both father, older brothers and other women in the family. Sometimes the violence is also perpetrated by relatives or others in the community. The previous research shows that there is a lack of knowledge regarding HRV both among social workers but also among therapists. This in turn can affect legal certainty and lead to individuals not receiving the right help. Research shows that boys and men are a group that is often forgotten by authorities when it comes to honor-related matters. Throughout the legal process, a higher burden of proof is to be met by the social services when it comes to cases with HRV in comparison with the other group where the violence was not based on honor. Finally, research also shows that the Swedish state has made some changes to the law in order to counteract HRV, but that further measures in the legislation are still required.

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4. Theory

In this section, the theoretical framework of the study will be presented. The study will be based on three theories: (I) the intersectional perspective, (II) the child perspective and (III) the social worker's room for maneuver. Below is a more detailed explanation of the three theories followed by a short explanation of why each of the theories are considered appropriate in relation to this study.

4.1. The Concept of Intersectionality

An intersectional perspective that originally has its roots in feminist research fields tries to nuance the image of power relations that cannot otherwise be understood from a one-dimensional perspective based on gender, class, etc. Intersectionality is rooted in post-colonial feminism and aims to illustrate different points of intersection in the power structures that exist. The intersectional perspective studies different power relations and how they affect or collide with each other. The perspective is a purely contextual perspective that focuses on intersections between the different orders of power, such as gender or ethnicity (De los Royes & Mulinari, 2020; Molina, 2016). The intersectional perspective is critical of the connection that exists between the progress of certain groups of women and the exploitation of other groups. De Los Reyes and Mulinari (2012) highlight that socio-economic and political progress in certain feminist issues gives some women in society an advantage, but it has also led to the exploitation of another group of women. Various forms of feminism have been shown to benefit some women but have been an obstacle for others. The intersectional perspective therefore wants to illuminate the Western colonial perspective's connections to nation formation. The connections are considered to have a central role in the understanding of institutional racism and everyday racism. According to De Los Reyes and Mulinari (2012), these connections play a role in the stigma of "the other woman" in feminism. De los Reyes and Mulinari (2005) describe that the intersectional perspective was founded on an anti-racist objective. The term intersectionality means intersection and is based on an understanding that several entities such as gender, ethnicity, sexuality and class are based on the position of power that arises. Therefore, De los Reyes and Mulinari (2005) believe that it is important to analyze power and oppression through an understanding of how these entities interact and are maintained, in order to work with a process of change in an unequal world. Intersectionality enables an understanding of how the connection between power and vulnerability takes place on several levels. This understanding is required in order to be able to see how individual, structural and institutional power is integrated and creates vulnerability and gives certain individuals power.

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This is done through a reproduction of power to those who possess certain entities (De los Reyes & Mulinari, 2005). Intersectionality is further described by Darvishpour (2014) as analysing and problematizing power relations between people when integrating or adapting into a new society by looking at entities such as: class, gender, age, ethnicity and sexual orientation etc. From this perspective, there is a belief that society's attitudes can be a contributing factor in the segregation and exclusion of ethnic minorities. It also has an impact on integration and participation in the society (Darvishpour, 2014).

Mattson (2015) describes that construction is a concept that has a meaning in relation to intersectionality and in the understanding of power structures and entities. A constructivist perspective advocates reality as a socially constructed phenomenon based on human interactions, experiences and interpretations. Based on people's social abilities where experiences are recounted, common interpretations of the world and reality are created, it also contributes to re-creations of our reality. This means that the reality of individuals is what is perceived as truth. It is the individuals in society who create an opinion about what is considered to belong to the different entities such as class, ethnicity, nationality, gender, sexuality and age. Superior groups in society, based on their position of power, have a priority in constructing and recreating the image of reality in society. The rest of society is then affected by the created image regarding the real reality. These positions of power in turn contribute to inequality and injustice in society on a structural level (Mattsson, 2015). This is something that Mattsson (2015) describes as power from society. Society creates categories, adds labels to them and places the different categories in a hierarchical order in relation to the different categories. These structures that are created take place at an overall level and are beyond the control of individuals. Examples of structural injustices include housing segregation in society and the difference in salaries depending on gender. However, these injustices and power structures are something that are recreated and maintained by all individuals in society. Power structures also exist at the individual level and are considered complex. The various power structures are rarely questioned, neither at the structural level nor at the individual level. Not until someone violates the prevailing norm or order in the hierarchy as it is questioned. This means that, when individuals do not act according to the label to which they are assigned, the prevailing power structures begin to be questioned (Mattsson, 2015).

4.1.1 The Social Services' Work Against HRV From an Intersectional Perspective

An intersectional perspective within social work contributes to a more advanced analysis of different power structures within HRV. To be able to understand the basis of HRV, an understanding of power, the exercise of power and vulnerability at the various levels previously

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described is required. De los Reyes and Mulinari (2005) illustrate HRV as an example of where a broader and deeper understanding of power is required, in order to work with the HRV in the right way. According to De los Reyes and Mulinari (2005), the patriarchal structure in society creates space for HRV but also for HRV to be understood as a cultural condition instead of a structural problem. This exacerbates the situation for individuals who are exposed to HRV based on the unequal and racist practices that take place at the institutional level and which are reinforced by society's patriarchal structures (De los Reyes & Mulinari, 2005).

To implement an intersectional perspective in practice, Baianstovu (2017) describes, the social worker needs to understand and reflect on stereotypical images but also the influence of the power and morality of practice in meeting clients. A critical social work needs to be used, where the social worker examines and reflects on how prejudices and ethnocentric attitudes affect the meeting and the conditions in the meeting with ethnic minorities. This is because social workers have the tendency to create images about Muslim families who immigrated to Sweden from countries where it occurs patriarchal and oppressive norms. By founding HRV in ethnicity and culture, there is a risk of missing other problems in the family, such as socio-economic conditions or mental illness (Baianstovu, 2017; Wikström 2012). Darvishpour (2013) describes that it is common for issues concerning ethnic minorities to often end up with “their” culture being problematic and to solve this, “they” need to adapt to “our” culture. Ethnic minorities are rarely seen as a resource (Darvishpour, 2013). Further Darvishpour (2021) claims that the social services' work with HRV should be characterized by an intersectional perspective. From this perspective, attention is be drawn to the intersection between integration and gender equality policy in the work against oppression of honor. The anti-racist feminist and intersectional perspective also contributes to the social services' awareness that vulnerabilities, needs and opportunities are individual. Darvishpour (2021) further describes that the perspective helps the social worker to reflect on his own values and perceptions around the problem of honor, in order to avoid a starting point based on "we" and "the others". Through this, the intersectional perspective contributes to an inclusive perspective in the social work against HRV (Baianstovu, 2017; Darvishpour, 2021). Baianstovu (2017) describes concerns about the social services' use of the term HRV and how the use of the term can lead to encounters with people in the social services being characterized by racist stereotypes regarding the cultural habits of overseas immigrants. These cultural traditions can be considered to extend the oppression of honor. Baianstovu (2017) also describes that the social services can be perceived as threatening by immigrant families, as the social services' actions sometimes involve restrictions in families.

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Furthermore, when it comes to an intersectional perspective in relation to HRV, Darvishpour, (2021) claims that an intersectional perspective is a better starting point in the analysis of power relations within HRV in Sweden. All categories included in the perspective do not necessarily have to be used, but the relevant categories must be selected before an analysis is conducted. Darvishpour (2021) describes that in his analysis of power relations between young people and parents within immigrant families, these four categories have been strategically important: Class, ethnicity and its status, generational conflicts and generational gender relations.

4.2 The Child Perspective

Since the purpose of this study is to examine the social services' childcare investigations regarding HRV, it was considered relevant to analyze the results from a child perspective. The National Board of Health and Welfare (2015) describes that the child perspective is an ambiguous concept that includes 3 different forms: the child's own perspective, the adult's child perspective and

society's child perspective. The child's own perspective is based on the child's own perception and

feelings in relation to the social environment in which the child lives in. The adult's child

perspective is based on his or her own childhood experiences, cultural contexts and knowledge

that the adult possesses. Adults' and children's perspectives differ, and adults cannot see reality entirely from the same perspective as children. Society's child perspective is based on the collective child perspective, which includes children's needs, rights, collective knowledge and values (Socialstyrelsen 2016). Furthermore, a child perspective is described in a decision-making process and its meaning. A child perspective means seeing different decision alternatives from the child's eyes / point of view. How is the current decision perceived from the child's eyes? The decision-maker needs to try to find out how the child may perceive the possible change. A child perspective is not based solely on what the adult person thinks is best for the child. An analysis needs to be made of the consequences that each possible decision may present to the individual child. Sometimes there can be a conflict of interest between the adult and child perspective and where this is the case, then what is in the child's best interests must take precedence (Socialstyrelsen, 2016).

Hallden (2003) describes that the concept of the child perspective is ambiguous and has a great rhetorical capacity. The concept contains several different parts, made up of children's way of perceiving different phenomena, what place a child is given in society, the experiences the child goes through and how the children present these experiences. It also means that adults listen to children's stories. Furthermore, Hallden (2003) describes the difference between the child perspective and the children's perspective, as it is not always the same. A child perspective

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contains the children's perspective, but it does not always have to be based solely on information from the child. The child perspective also contains an analysis of the consequences that may arise for the child's life and an analysis of the conditions under which the child lives (Hallden, 2003).

Lundgren and Sunesson (2020) further describe that in Chapter 1, Section 2 of the Social Services Act, it is stated that in measures concerning children, the best interests of the child must be taken into account. For questions concerning care or treatment initiatives for children, the best interests of the child shall be the starting point. The best interest of the child is a perspective that is rooted in all legislation in Sweden that affects children and is based on the 3rd article in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which became law in Sweden on 1 January 2020. In all measures that affect children, the best interests of the child shall be taken into account. What is considered to be the best interests of the child must be decided on the basis of individual assessments (Lundgren & Sunesson, 2020).

4.3 Bureaucrats and their Room for Maneuver

The term "bureaucracy" is described by Johansson (1992) as being familiar in modern society and has its origins in a government of public officials. The state authorities are today built based on a bureaucracy, where each authority has its hierarchy, and each level has its functions. Bureaucracy is linked to impersonal rules / procedures, strict specializations and the division of responsibilities within the organization. Bureaucratic organizations are based on a mass management of clients over a specific time frame. Officials in a bureaucracy / public service are referred to as street-level bureaucrats. To belong to this group, there should be (1) a direct contact with the citizens of society, (2) a freedom of action in their tasks. The room for maneuver that street-level bureaucrats have consists of the freedom to make their own assessments in cases and to make decisions that affect a client. Street-level bureaucrats that work within the public sector have a responsibility to execute decisions made higher up in the hierarchy (by higher authorities, politicians, etc.). Street-level bureaucrats in a bureaucracy are recruited based on qualifications for a specialized position. Further Johansson (1992) describes that Individuals who come into contact with an authority are transformed into clients (bureaucratic identity), to fit into the organization. Once the identity has been assigned, the authority can begin to handle the case. The bureaucratic identity is a simplification of the individual, where a certain problem is taken care of by a specific organization. An individual can be assigned different identities several times by different organizations. An individual can, for example, be a client in the social services but at the same time also a patient in the healthcare system. The two organizations work with different problem areas and they therefore

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put a label on the client based on the problem area that they work with (Johansson, 1992; Lipsky, 2010).

Street-level bureaucrats work based on a dual role, where they have access to first-hand information regarding a client, but also knowledge about what the authority can help with. The Street-level bureaucrats have a position of power within the framework of their freedom of action / room for maneuver and the client ends up in an inferior position, as a power and dependency relationship arise. Street-level bureaucrats get an advantage over the client as it is the official who must assess and make a decision about whether the client should be rejected or receive assistance. The client's ability to neutralize the power relationship is to gather information about the system and argue for their cause. The client can also ask to meet the same Street-level bureaucrats when they are in contact with the authority and thereby develop a relationship that may be to the client's advantage (Johansson, 1992). Lipsky (2010) describes that it is characteristic of street-level bureaucrats to have a large number of cases that lead to their obligatory responsibility not being fulfilled. The workload of social workers and their high documentation requirements can lead to not all investigative measures being taken, such as home visits. Another difficulty that street-level bureaucrats face is that the organization and the client have different goals and a conflict arises in the role of street-level bureaucrats. Lipsky (2010) further believes that it is impossible to demand knowledge about all problem areas among social workers, therefore specialization fulfills an important function for municipalities that do not have the opportunity to offer all workers the same knowledge. Specialization also contributes to a more efficient business (Lipsky, 2010).

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5. Method and Material

In this section, the research of methodological choices regarding design and structure will be presented. An explanation of the authors pre-understanding, how the study was conducted together with limitations will be presented below.

5.1 Research Design

To be able to answer the aim of the study and the research questions, a qualitative approach has been used. This master´s project will use a qualitative approach that is characterized as a case studydesign to look into the difficulties faced by social services in investigating HRV. Creshwell and Poth (2018) describe that a case study aims to provide an in-depth understanding of a case/cases. Data can be collected from multiple sources about a specific phenomenon that is being examined (Creshwell & Poth, 2018). According to Bryman (2012), a qualitative method provides scope for taking part in the respondents' own views and perceptions, which a quantitative method does not make possible as the research questions are more precise. Qualitative research is described by Bryman (2012) to be flexible, as the researcher has the opportunity to ask follow-up questions based on the respondents' answers. Since the purpose is to examine individuals' own perception of difficulties in their work related to HRV, it is considered more appropriate to use a qualitative method. This is because the study wants to take part in self-perceived difficulties that may differ between the respondents, it also gives the author the opportunity to delve further into what the respondents describe through follow-up questions.

Because the study aims to investigate experiences and knowledge of social workers working to investigate child abuse and HRV, interviews with social workers were considered relevant. Regarding interviews in studies such as this, the quality of the interviews is of higher importance than the quantity. Therefore, it is also considered to be of importance that the respondents in the study have the right knowledge in accordance with the purpose of the study (Bryman, 2011; vKvale & Brinkmann, 2014).

Semi-structured interviews were used in the study and 10 social workers were interviewed. An interview guide was created and used by the author in the interviews. In semi-structured interviews, the author uses prepared questions but can choose the order of these and ask follow-up questions. The interview is flexible and questions that have not been planned can be asked and questions included in the interview study can be excluded. The interview guide should include themes, so that the questions relating to each theme can be asked one after another. The

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questions should allow the respondent to direct their own answer and not be conductive (Bryman, 2011).

5.2 Data Collection

Interviews were held with 10 social workers that ware recruited from a social service office in a municipality with about 150,000 citizens. The information letter (see Appendix B) was sent to 15 social workers and 10 of these were interviewed. The other five didn’t have the opportunity to participate. Bryman (2011) further describes that a targeted sample is a group respondent who is selected by the researcher. The group of respondents is selected on the basis that they can answer the study's questions. Since the possibility of participating in the study does not look the same for everyone, the selection is considered a "non-probability sample" (Bryman, 2011). The place of the interview was chosen by the respondent, which resulted in six of the interviews being held at the workplace where the respondents worked. The other four interviews were held through a digital meeting online. The interviews lasted between 45-60 minutes. The interviews that were held digitally took less time to complete than the interviews that were held at the respondent's workplace. The interviews were based on an interview guide that was divided into different themes and follow-up questions (see Appendices A). The interview guide was the same for all social workers, but the follow-up questions varied in the interviews in order to obtain clearer and deeper answers. The interview guide used was constructed based on the purpose and research-questions of the study in order to produce an empirical material that answers these. Kvale and Brinkmann (2014) describes that thematizations in the interview guide should be based on how the research question and their formulation.

5.3 Procedure and Analysis Method

Data will be obtained through interviews that will be recorded. Recorded interviews have both advantages and disadvantages according to Bryman (2012). He describes that the advantage of recorded interviews is that the researcher can focus on the respondent's answers and ask follow-up questions. The researcher then also has the opportunity to take part of the interview in its entirety again afterwards and hear what has been said. Bryman (2012) also believes that there are disadvantages with recorded interviews as it may affect the respondents’ answer. There is a risk that the respondent does not feel as free in his story as he knows that there is a microphone that is recording. Furthermore, the collected data will be transcribed in its entirety after the interviews. This is to be able to get an overview of the collected material so that important data is not missed. Bryman (2011) also describes that there is an advantage to transcribing interviews in their entirety.

HONOR-RELATED VIOLENCE AND OPPRESSION IN CHILD CARE INVESTIGATIONS : A qualitative study of the challenges and possibilities faced by social services when investigating honor related violence