Linköping university - Department of Social and Welfare Studies (ISV) Master´s Thesis, 30 Credits – MA in Ethnic and Migration Studies (EMS) ISRN: LiU-ISV/EMS-A--18/14--SE
Problem representations of
'racisms' between people with
migrant background
in online Swedish mass media
Rudeina Mkdad
Table of content:
Acknowledgment: ... 3 1. Introduction: ... 4 Context ... 4 Research questions ... 6 Methodology ... 7Methods of data analysis ... 7
Methods of data collection ... 11
The empirical materials ... 11
The choice of the materials and categorization... 12
Limitation and challenges ... 12
Ethical consideration ... 13
2. Theoretical framework: ... 14
Theories ... 14
Social psychology theory of intergroup relation ... 14
Postcolonial theory ... 20
Critical race theory (CRT) ... 24
Racism ... 29
Literature review ... 37
3. Results and Analysis: ... 43
What is the problem represented to be? ... 43
My problem representations ... 65
4. Discussion and conclusion: ... 69
Bibliography: ... 73
Literature ... 73
Analyzed materials ... 78
Appendix: ... 81
Acknowledgment:
I would like to express my gratitude to:
Professors Anders Neergaard and Stefan Jonsson for their unlimited support and encouragement; REMESO for the two amazing years at the master program; to my friend Hargita Horvat for support and helping me with the translation; my anonymous friend who allowed me to begin the thesis with her narrative, my friend Mavis Hooi for her unlimited encouragement; my parents, partner, friends for their unlimited love.
1. Introduction:
Context
I was on my way on to the tram, when I saw two seats that were vacant. I sat on one of them the other seat was still available. Then two young girls came and one of them sat next to me and the other stood beside her and then a very old lady came and they began to greet each other. The girl next to me stood up to offer her seat for the lady, then the lady said with a low voice in Arabic "Be careful! Do not sit next to her you will become black like her or she will make you dirty!
I turned around and answered her "you should be ashamed!
They were shocked because they did not expect that I could understand what they were saying! I think more people should understand that it does not matter where you come from or what you look like! We are all different and we have to accept that. It does not matter if you are yellow, white or dark, we all share [on] this planet and we should show respect to each other. (Anonyms, 2018)
This story which is narrated by a friend of mine was the starting point to investigate a situation where a migrant expresses what might be considered prejudicial views or racism against another migrant. What enticed me to this subject is that, as a migrant myself, I did not expect to hear such a story. I did not expect that some migrants can reproduce racism or what other might argue is prejudice against other migrants when they themselves are constantly exposed to racism in the host country. For four months, I planned my MA thesis to be about racism between migrants by focusing on the narratives of migrants who were exposed to racism. The more I dwelled on this issue, the more I encountered challenges and started to
Still, I felt I wanted to bring this issue into
1
. racism concept question my understanding of the
light and problematize it. Five months ago, I came across online mass media materials which debate whether migrants can be racist. The debate was triggered by an article by Damon
commenting on a hate crime against a migrant
2
ismen vi sällan pratar om', Rasti, 'Ras
committed by migrants.
2013, a group of young people, identified in the media as migrants,
th
n September 8 O
attacked another person and his one-and-a-half-year-old son, identified in the media as migrants from Africa, and tried to throw him down from a bridge (Rusti, 2013). It was
1 When I refer to racism as a concept I use italics. When racism is used by non-scholars in mass media materials, I put racism with single quotation marks.
considered by the police as a hate crime since the perpetuators expressed racist slurs because of the migrant's color skin (Stensson, 2013b). The incident triggered controversy about
in online
3
migrant groups people with migrant backgrounds/
Afrophobia and racism between
mass media both journalistic and on social media (blogs, twitter, Facebook, social forums). Most of these online mass media materials respond to and comment on Rasti's article. Some arguments focus on how migrants' ethnocentrisms and imported conflicts from their
homelands trigger such racism. Thus, those migrants are perceived as a threat to Sweden and migration should be stopped or decreased. Other arguments warn against shaming migrants and homogenizing them into one group, as this leads to overlook how structural racism and hierarchies function between migrant groups. As it will be argued later, mass media plays a role in circulating representations of migrants and migration. Thus, the above-mentioned arguments have to be investigated in relation to how the migrant figure is constructed in Swedish mass media. One reason is to detect whether such arguments reiterate or encounter representations of migrants and their groups and how this can impact migrants and our understanding of the concept racism.
Since 1970, the migrant figure has been under the light of Swedish mass media which has reinforced certain mainstream representational images of migrant groups in Sweden
(Brune,1989, 2000, 2004). Even though migrants in Sweden are diversified groups, they have been lumped into one homogenic category as "invandrae" even after naturalization (Brune
, y there are hierarchies which sort out migrants in relation to Still, in this categor
4
2004). 2000,
for example, their religions, ethnic affiliations, residency, country of origin, and how much , 2012 Back, Sinha, and Bryan (
in the host country
5
have integrated are perceived to
they
Eliassi 2013). Some scholars argue that such hierarchies establish conflicts between migrants who find themselves in struggle to ascend the social ladder (Back, Sinha, and Bryan 2012, Eliassi 2013). Some scholars further argue that such hierarchies have colonial roots similarly
3 The term 'people with migrant background' is often used synonymously with the terms 'groups with migrant background' and 'migrant group(s)' in the data collected. I use the term 'people with migrant background' because it is more inclusive since it includes second-generation of migrants and who might have cross membership to different migrant groups. If the terms 'groups with migrant background' and 'migrant group(s)' are used, it is in the context of the literature quoted or discussed.
4 It is important to highlight that "[p]opular images and stereotypes of various minority groups shift over time". For example, people from the Middle East were fetishized in oriental discourses where now they are
represented as terrorist (Delagdo and Stefancic, 2012, p. 9).
5 In literature on migration and multiculturalism, there is a debate about the two concepts integration versus
assimilation where some argue that the latter carry with it negative connotations about the one-sided process of
migrant integration (See Fekete 2009, Eliassi 2013). I use the concept integration because it is commonly used broader in scope. If the concept assimilation or integration/ assimilation is used it is in the context of the literature or the data quoted or referred to.
to how Fanon (1967 [1952]) argued about how colored and black people turn against each other and want to pass to whiteness in order to be accepted in the colonial culture ladder (Back, Sinha, and Bryan 2012). Yet, this is rarely highlighted in mass media which usually focuses on racism, Islamophobia, and segregation faced by migrants in Swedish society (Brune 2000, 2004). Mass media has also focused on issues related to multiculturalism and whether migrants are able to integrate in the host societies. At the same time, multiculturalism has been declared dead by some former and current European leaders such as Angela Merkel, David Cameron, and Nicolas Sarkozy (Dahlstedt, Rundqvist, and Vesterberg, 2015, pp. 94_95). Some view migrants, especially Muslims, as unable to integrate in the European societies because their cultures are represented as not as modern and enlightened as European ones. This discourse has been reiterated in Swedish mass media especially in relation to crime rates among migrant groups, terrorism and Islam, and honor killing which are directly
associated with migrant groups (Eliassi, 2013). Bearing this in mind, migrants are facing challenges to show that they are desirable and thus some might differentiate themselves from the newly arrived or undesirable migrants in order to be accepted in Europe (Anderson 2013, Eliassi 2013). It is important to investigate whether acts of differentiation might lead some migrants to reproduce stereotypes and prejudice against other migrants. Whether these stereotypes are internalized in the host country or from their homelands is another important aspect to consider. Still one should be careful of generalization and of representing migrants as being without agency to counter stereotypes about their groups in the host country.
I have not encountered research literature that explores whether migrants in Sweden can be called racist or can reproduce racism against each other, with the exception of literature discussing anti-Semitism by Muslims, Arabs, and Middle Eastern (see Tossavainen, 2003). In the literature review in the theoretical chapter, I present some research in nearby fields and of relevance to the thesis.
Research questions
My aim in this thesis is to explore, identify, and question how Swedish online mass media problematize and represent the issue of 'racisms' between people with migrant
background/migrant groups and the implications of theses representations on their lives. This is important because it challenges structural racism which creates hierarchies between migrant groups, undermines stereotypes and homogenization of migrants, and questions the use of the concept 'racism'. More specifically, I ask:
1. How is the problem of 'racism' between people with migrant background is represented? Are there counter-representations?
2. Can people with migrant background/migrant groups be called racist when committing discrimination or express prejudicial attitudes against other migrants?
3. Do such representations strengthen, problematize or undermine stereotypical images of migrant groups in Sweden in view of the theories selected? And how?
4. What can the implications of these representations be for people with migrant background?
Methodology
In the previous section, I formulated the aim and research questions. In this section, I
introduce methods of data analysis and selection needed to carry the analysis systematically. I motivate my choice of the methods, data, and categories.
Methods of data analysis
1. The WPR approach: what's the problem represented to be?
Because I am interested in how racism and conflicts between people with migrant background is represented in the mass media and how to contest such representations, I find that the WPR approach: what's the problem represented to be? as a suitable approach to carry out the
analysis. Additionally, this approach provides me with a way to reflect on my own problem representations and my position both as a researcher and a migrant in Sweden. This critical refection is provided in the analytical chapter where I dwell on my personal experiences and my academic studies which has to some degree shaped my conceptualization of the problem represented.
The WPR approach has been developed by Carol Bacchi, in 1999, to analyze policies. However, the aim is not to solve a problem or problems presented in the policy but to
problematize and interrogate taken for granted claims and assumptions, especially because the use of the term 'problem': "implies a given or fixed state, and which denies the shaping that goes on the process of problematization" (Bacchi, 2009, p.271). Interrogating how a problem is represented, gives space to undermine, question, and contest how a problem is conceived by the state and society in order to make a change. What we propose to do about a problem, indicates what we think is problematic and what should be changed in society. Therefore,
problematization is an "analytic practice" which is influenced by the two meanings of
problematization by Foucault: "thinking problematically" and "how objects are constituted in practices" (Bacchi, 2014). Bacchi's approach has three key prepositions:
1. We are governed through problematizations.
2. We need to study problematizations (through analyzing the problem they contain), rather than 'problems'.
3. We need to problematize (interrogate) the problematization on offer through scrutinizing the premises and effects of the problem representation they contain. (Bacchi, 2009, p.25)
These prepositions are rendered through a set of six questions which provide the methodology needed to carry out the analysis:
1. What's the 'problem' (for example, of 'problem gamblers', 'drug use/abuse', 'gender inequality', 'domestic violence', 'global warming', 'sexual harassment', etc.)
represented to be in a specific policy or policy proposal?
2. What presuppositions or assumptions underpin this representation of the 'problem'? 3. How has this representation of the 'problem' come about?
4. What is left unproblematic in this problem representation? Where are the silences? Can the 'problem' be thought about differently?
5. What effects are produced by this representation of the 'problem'?
6. How/where has this representation of the 'problem' been produced, disseminated and defended? How has it been (or could it be) questioned, disrupted and replaced? (Bacchi, 2009, p. 2)
Bacchi highlights how all these questions are interconnected, overlapped, and one can apply some or all these questions since this depends on the purpose of the analysis because WPR approach is a "tool" and not a "formula", and thus it can be adapted to one's need (Bacchi, 2014).
The role of discourse in a problem representation is influenced by Foucault where
"specific knowledges, discourses, shape what is possible to say… and produce us as kinds of governable subjects" (Bacchi, 2014). It is important to view discourses as practices which have the ability to accomplish things and they are plural and contradictory (Bacchi, 2014). The WPR approach is also influenced by Foucault's ideas of power as a productive force and not as a property possessed by some people. Therefore, "we need to study how it operates and what it produces" and its effect (Bacchi, 2009. p. 38). The four intellectual traditions which the WPR approach draws upon are: social construction theory, poststructuralism (including
poststructuralist discourse psychology), feminist body theory, and governmentality studies (Bacchi, 2009, p. 264).
The WPR approach has been applied in other fields such as in psychology, occupational sciences, health sciences, geography…etc. Fields of possible application are "pieces of legislation… governmental technologies… theories and concepts, websites and other form of texts (media reports) … interviews" (Bacchi, 2014). Even though this approach is used for analyzing policies through problematization and looking how policy proposals construct a problem, other materials can be read as a proposal for changing something in society as argued by Bacchi and other researchers who use her methodology (Bacchi 2014). Therefore, I propose to read the data collected as proposals in relation to 'racism' between people with migrant background in Sweden. Bacchi does not only consider how we are governed through policies and the state, but also what is beyond that (2014). How we are governed shape our conception about the world; therefore, I propose that her concept of governing can be associated with how we are governed through mass media. This is in line with her following quotation:
In a WPR approach, the media is a significant site of 'knowledge' construction. That is, the media is considered to be a dominant force in influencing how issues are perceived and how political subjects come to think about themselves. In this view, the media in their diversity does not simply 'report' news or ‘reflect audience preferences. Rather, they are active in the creation of 'problems' and people. Hence, they play a significant role in governing-constituting problem representations and influencing citizen
subjectivities. (2009, p. 242)
Therefore, media productions, especially the mass media, construct our conception
of reality(s); thus, investigating their effects and influences are vital for understanding how a problem is represented. Lastly, the importance of the WPR approach stems from "offer(ing) both an original methodology and scholarly paradigm, by providing tothe social sciences a mode of critical enquiry which simultaneously engages to contemporarypost-structuralist accounts of power, subjects and social change" (Bletsas and Beasly, 2012, p. 2).
As stated earlier, it is important that the researcher reflect on his/her own problem
representation because "we are immersed in the conceptual logics of our era and because who we are… is at least in part shaped through the very problem representation we are trying to analyze" (Bacchi, 2009, p.19). I acknowledge that my personal experiences in Syria as a person from a minority background and as a migrant myself here in Sweden, and my academic studies have contributed in shaping my understanding of tensions and conflicts
between migrant groups. Therefore, it is vital to apply some questions on my proposal in order to question taken for granted representations and assumptions.
2. Qualitative content analysis
, I conduct
6
for question three s
In order to establish a genealogy of the problem representation
a qualitative content analysis of the Swedish online mass media. I also use qualitative content
engages
WPR approach " the
. It is important to mention that
7
analysis to answer question six
to contemporary post-structuralist accounts of power, subjects and social change" (Bletsas and Beasley, 2012, p. 2), while content media analysis is originated in quantitative content
analysis, but they both have roots in discourse analysis (Bacchi 2009, Mayring 2014). Additionally, I came across a research paper that actually combines the WPR approach and content media analysis in order to study the problem representations of equal pay in Finland (see Saari, 2013). Thus, it seems both possible and fruitful to combine the WPR approach and content media analysis.
Content analysis has been developed and used in communication science, especially in analyzing mass media productions in order to know the public opinion in quantitative way with the aim of analyzing huge textual corpuses, such as newspaper articles (Mayring, 2014, pp. 17,19). It is worth mentioning that ''content analysis facilitates understandings of the messages being presented to the public but cannot determine the extent to which audiences' understandings are influenced by media representations of specific issues'' (Patterson et al., 2018, p.1). Content analysis has also been used in different disciplines such as in psychology, sociology, and historical science (Mayring, 2014, p.19).
Later, qualitative content analysis has been developed in order "to retain the strengths of quantitative content analysis and against this background to develop techniques of systematic, qualitatively oriented text analysis" (Mayring, 2014, p. 17,19, 39). Qualitative content
analysis assists me in analyzing online mass media (newspaper articles, radio broadcasting, social media etc.) efficiently and systematically. Additionally, this helps me to analyze the materials within their context of communication, and this precisely plays an important role in investigating the genealogy of the problem representations and where the 'problem' has been disseminated, defended, questioned, disrupted and replaced (when answering question three and six in WPR approach). Mayring points out that "[c]ontent analysis is not a standardized
6How has this representation of the 'problem' come about?
7 How/where has this representation of the 'problem' been produced, disseminated and defended? How has it been (or could it be) questioned, disrupted and replaced?
instrument that always remains the same; it must be fitted to suit the particular object or material in question and constructed especially for the issue at hand"(2014, p. 39). Therefore, I conduct the content analysis in a way that is suitable for the selected materials.
I follow both inductive and deductive category application in order to facilitate data analysis and systematizing them in a way that goes in hand with the WPR approach Basic steps can be summarized in two figures for both applications (see the appendix). In the results
category
8
columns: category label, three
two tables containing lysis chapter, I present
ana and
definition, and anchor example. There are important elements to consider before starting the and 10 ,
)
s of text segment ( analytical units -content 9analysis which are: sampling techniques,
11
interpretation technique (of the result).
Methods of data collection
I used google engine search and one databases available at LiU library (Mediearkivet). In some materials, there were references of other similar ones which I included. The key phrases were searched in both Swedish and English: racism/prejudice/ tensions/conflicts/ (racial) (religious)discrimination between/inside migrant/migrant group(s)/minority/ people/group(s) from/with migrant background in Sweden/Swedish cities. The last date for collecting the data was March 10th 2018.
The empirical materials
The empirical materials consist of online mass media productions: newspaper articles ccounts, ), articles in websites, posts on social media (blogs, twitter a
13
and tabloids
12
(quality
social forums) between 2000 and 2017.
8 The materials are categorized in relation to the subject matters (topics) As highlighted by Mayring, the categories are formulated "in terms of the materials" or "bringing them in connection" to the materials in case of a deductive category application (2000, par. 10, 13).
9 My samplings techniques are identified and described in the results and analysis chapter.
10The content-analytical units are proposition which are: "similar to a paraphrase, the content of a sentence, the logical statement, independent from the language form'' or/and paragraphs which "are (usually) two or more consecutive sentences which have a common meaning or theme" (Mayring, 2014, p. 33).
11The interpretation technique selected is called summary where "(t)he object of the analysis is to reduce the material in such a way that the essential contents remain, in order to create through abstraction a
comprehensive overview of the base material which is nevertheless still an image of it" (Mayring, 2014, p. 63). 12 Quality newspaper (same as quality paper) is "typically a broadsheet, that is considered to deal seriously with issues and to have high editorial standards"('Quality paper', 2018).
13 A tabloid is "[a] newspaper having pages half the size of those of the average broadsheet, typically popular in style and dominated by sensational stories" ('Tabloid', 2018).
All materials are in Swedish with exception of an article in English. Translations are made by me and checked by a native speaker of Swedish who is fluent in English. The materials are divided and analyzed in 3 categories. First, Damon Rasti's article 'The racism we rarely talk about' (2013) is analyzed. Second, I analyze a random sample of materials produced between 2000 up to September 10th 2013 in order to establish a genealogy in relation to question number three (the choice of period of time is motivated in the chapter analysis). The third category is all the materials I found available on the internet which respond to Rasti's article and the latest material found dates to December 20th 2017. Further description of the materials is provided in the in the results and analysis chapter. The length of the materials varies in relation to the genre. Approximately, journalistic articles are between 2-3 page long and if they have commenting section, it is around 1-2 page-long. Bloggs with or without
commenting section, twitter accounts and threads, and posts on social form vary between minimum 2 page-long to max 10 page-long.
The choice of the materials and categorization
As stated early in the introduction, mass media plays a vital role in communication,
disseminating news and ideas, and can reach a large audience. Online mass media is easily accessible and including materials from social media provides me with wider perspective about where and how the problem representated has been disseminated. The reason why the qualitative content analysis was carried out for analyzing online mass media in general is because the aim is not to compare between online journalistic materials with the ones from social media. Additionally, I want to highlight the interconnectedness and dialogical aspect between journalistic and social media materials in relation to how they responded to the problem representations. It is worth mentioning that some articles have a commenting section and can be shared on social media, and therefore making a clear distinction between media genres is a difficult work to carry out and serve no beneficial purpose to this thesis.
Limitation and challenges
One of the limitation in this thesis is not providing an intersectional approach to the problem representations. It would have enriched the thesis to interrogate the interplay among
categories of race, class, gender and age, but it was not possible due to the limited space. Another limitation is that I cannot make generalization about conflicts between people with migrant background because they are historically specific, and therefore they are changeable
over time as I argue later in the thesis. Moreover, as stated earlier in the introduction, the boundaries between inter and intra group shifts according to affiliations and whether migrants have cross membership; therefore, it is challenging to have clear cut classification of migrant groups. Still, it is important to highlight that like, for example, racial groups, migrant groups are socially constructed (See Castles, Haas, and Miller, 2014).
Ethical consideration
The research I am conducting pertains to a sensitive issue, so it is highly important to
carefully using academic and legal terminology which is usually used to categorize migrants, their ethnic and religious affiliations, and legal situation. It is important as well to explore and problematize the construction of such categories. In some media reports about Malmö's incident, the group of people identified as having a migrant background are ethnically categorized to belong to a specific group. I decided to leave out this to avoid reproducing stigmatization, categorization, and generalization.Another issue considered is not to be in violation of copyright policy on the internet.
2. Theoretical framework:
In this chapter, I provide the theoretical framework used when conducting the analysis of the empirical materials. This chapter is divided into two parts where the first one includes discussion of three theories: social psychology theory, postcolonial theory, and critical race theory and it includes a discussion about the concept of racism. The second part of this chapter is the literature review of some academic works of interest to the thesis.
Theories
Social psychology theory of intergroup relation
My starting point is with Social psychology theory because the theory of inter-minority racism (Christiansen, 2013) and the theorization of intergroup conflicts has been
conceptualized from this theory. However, the view that prejudice, discrimination and racism are individual attitudes studied from psychological perspective in this theory has been
contested by some race scholars (See Bonilla–Silva 2015, Omi &Winant 2015, Martinez 2014). Therefore, in order to explore some of the main debates concerning racism and conflicts between people with migrant background, it is vital to explore this theory critically. Social psychology is a subdiscipline of psychology (Brewer and Miller, 1996), yet with
century and it
th
roots in sociology and anthropology (Rogers, 2011). It has its origin in late 19
was labeled in 1930s, at a time when techniques for measuring social attitudes were being developed in order to reach a scientific objective approach (Billig et all, 1996 [1989], p. 164). There are three levels investigated in social psychology research: "the individual, the
interpersonal, and the group" in order to understand the links between individuals and social groups (Brewer and Miller, 1996, p. 2).
It is worth mentioning that social psychology has racist origins in relation to the study of 'racial psychology' which aimed at providing evidence for the superiority of the 'white race' over the 'black one' and this was also used to justify the superiority of one race over the other during Nazism (Rogers, 2011, pp. 384-386). However, this scientific racism had opponents and had been challenged in later stages (Rogers, 2011, p.388). Additionally, social
psychology had certain prejudices in relation to who was included in the experiments; for example, women had been ignored (Rogers, 2011, p.388). Therefore, I exclude any literature, especially the ones produced in the early of the twentieth century, which discusses racial and ethnic conflicts by using explicit racist arguments.
The Social psychology theory of intergroup relation aims at studying how ingroup and
The study of intergroup relations
14
outgroup are formed and the relationship between them.
did not attract wide attention in social psychology in particular and in sciences in general because of the focused attention in studying the polarity between the two political
superpowers during the Cold War era. Also, intergroup conflicts, such as ethnic and religious ones, were overlooked or supposed to be resolved in most cases, yet that has changed after the dissolvement of the Soviet Union and the rise of ethnic conflicts world widely in 1990s (Brewer and Miller, 1996, p. xii).
Before dwelling on the main theories which tackle intergroup relations, I want to highlight a prevailing approach to studying ingroup bias and prejudice associated with Sumner's (1906), who coined the term ethnocentrism, arguing that ingroup love and outgroup hate is reciprocal. However, as highlighted by Brewer and in line with Allport (1954), there are findings from cross-cultural research and laboratory approach that contest such approach: "ingroup identification is independent of negative attitudes toward outgoups and that much ingroup bias and intergroup discrimination is motivated by preferential treatment of ingroup members rather than direct hostility toward outgroup members" (1999, p. 429). Brewer further argues
that discrimination against outgroup can be motivated solely with or without ingroup
preference or loyalty and "it is an individual attitude, parallel to antagonisms or phobias with respect to any social object"(1999, p.432). Yet, she does not deny the widespread of outgroup hate as a social problem, but she undermines the assumption that ingroup favoritism results in
n later subsections. o
s argument will be further elaborated
'
outgroup hate. Brewer
The following subsections focus on established theories tackling the formation of intergroup relations and social hierarchies, main approaches in relation to the social psychology theory of prejudice, and finally I conclude with a general assessment of social psychology theory of intergroup relations.
Contact theory vs conflict theory
Contact theory states that interaction with outgroups reduces hostility and aggression. Therefore, diversity in societies can contribute to reducing ethnocentric attitudes and improving intergroup relations. Still, there are four necessary conditions: "common goals, inter-group cooperation, equal status, and authority sanction and support "(Putman, 2007, p.
14 Ingroup is defined as "the group to which a person belongs" and outgroup is defined as "any group other than a person's ingroup, but usually refers to the comparison groups(s) in a study of social identity" in social
166). On the other hand, conflict theory suggests that diversity lead to hostility and aggression between groups especially in relation to fighting over limited resources. However, there are empirical evidence which suggests that fighting over resources can deter conflicts instead of leading to aggression among groups (Brewer, 1999, p. 433)
.
All in all,there is a balance of empirical evidence that actually support both theories and what the theories have in common is the belief that ingroup love and outgroup hate is negatively correlated (Putman, 2007, p.143).Social identity theory
Social identity theory was developed by Tajfal in the late 1970s and states that belonging to a group like a sport team, class, ethnic minority …etc. is an important source of pride for the individual who needs a social identity. Consequently, individuals enhance the status of their group in order to boost their self-image. This results in dividing the world between 'us' and 'them' and in some cases this division can lead to discrimination against outgroups. Hence, stereotypes and prejudice about the outgroup is constructed in order to enhance the self-image and the status of their social group. It is important to note that members who belong to low-status group and cannot pass to a higher-low-status group develop strategies to console their inability to pass (Rogers, 2011, p. 369). One of these strategies is to belittle and undermine lower groups in the social hierarchy (Rogers, 2011, p. 369). This strategy is quite of interest in connection to whether conflicts and tension between members of migrant groups, which occupy lower status in the ethnic and racial hierarchy in Sweden can be triggered by some individuals who are unable to pass to a higher social group, in this case as an ethnic Swede.
Optimal distinctiveness model of social identity
Optimal distinctiveness model of social identity is an "evolutionary argument for bounded social cooperation" developed by Brewer in the 1990s (1999, p. 434). It is based on the premise of an 'obligatory independence', among members of the ingroup, which justifies the need for groups and the ethnocentric attitudes. There is a differentiation through symbols and behavior between the ingroup and the outgroup in order to "reduce the risk that ingroup benefits will be inadvertently extended to outgroup members, and to ensure that ingroup members will recognize one's own entitlement to receive benefits"(1999, p. 433_434) .Thus, optimal distinctiveness model of social identity postulates that there are opposing needs for social identity; the need to be included in an ingroup and the need to differentiate from an
outgroup. Consequently, loyalty and love to ingroup does not necessitate hate or
discrimination against an outgroup. And even in the context of limited resources, Brewer argues that boundaries between groups can function as a prevention of conflicts (1999, p. 433). If there is discrimination against an outgroup, it is as "a matter of relative favoritism
toward the ingroup and the absence of equivalent favoritism toward outgroups"(1999, p. 434). Still, Brewer does not deny that differentiation can lead to conflicts, but in certain conditions such as competition over political power. What is important is that conflicts cannot be viewed solely in relation to conflict over resources or ethnocentric attitudes. Therefore, I want to investigate the possibility that ethnocentrism in migrant groups does not necessitate hate against outgroups, whether against the dominant group or other migrant groups.
Social dominance theory
This theory was developed in order to understand the formation and maintaining of social hierarchies within societies with stable economy. As summarized by Snellman, social dominance theory categorizes three main universal types of hierarchies in human societies: gender, age, and arbitrary hierarchies which can be racial, ethnic, religious…etc. and which is socially constructed (2008, p.11). How to measure the tendency to accept and maintain social hierarchies is through social dominance orientation which is "an individual difference variable linked to social dominance theory" (Snellamn, 2008, p. 11). Social dominance theory provides empirical evidence of how social hierarchies can lead to social discrimination and prejudice not only taking into consideration psychological factors but also socio-cultural ones and power relations (Pratt, Sidanius and Levin, 2007). Therefore, social dominance theory postulate that:
[G]roup-based social hierarchy is produced by the net effects of discrimination across multiple levels: institutions, individuals, and collaborative intergroup processes. Discrimination across these levels is coordinated to favour dominant groups over subordinate groups by legitimising myths, or societal, consensually shared social ideologies. (Pratt, Sidanius and Levin, 2007, p. 275).
Social hierarchies are not only maintained by dominant groups in the same order, but also by subordinate groups (Snellman, 2008). Social dominance theory does not deny that individuals are different and that they have agency to contest and change social hierarchies, but it urges us to see how the societal structure plays a vital role in facilitating discrimination by individuals (Pratt, Sidanius and Levin, 2007).
The social psychology theory of prejudice
In social psychology literature, one cannot help but noticing the difficulty in defining prejudice and covering all the different explanations for it (Rogers, 2011, pp. 379, 395). Therefore, I introduce the main approaches in relation to prejudice: cognitive approach, the socio-cultural approach, and I end it with how Brewer argues about conceptualizing
prejudice.
The cognitive approach to prejudice postulates that people are prejudiced not because of "irrational hatreds" but because "they make prejudgments which are essential to the process of thinking" (Billig et al., 1996 [1989], p. 149). Therefore, constructing categories of 'us' and 'them' is a way to simplify and understand the world around us. We weave stereotypes about others based mainly in our assumptions instead of direct experiences. Yet, one of the major problems with this approach is that they overlook the socio-cultural factor and only
concentrate in the psychological and cognitive part. On the other hand, the socio-cultural
approach argues that stereotypes and assumptions are part of cultures and socially shared
among individuals. However, social psychologists have to investigate how stereotypes are disseminated in a culture to better understand prejudice as a changing and dynamic
phenomenon in society (Billig et al., 1996 [1989], p. 159). Therefore, the interplay between the individual and the social, notwithstanding power relations, should be taken into
consideration; otherwise we risk applying the two approaches in a simplified manner (Billig et al., 1996 [1989], Brewer and Miller 1996).
From another perspective, Brewer argues that in order to understand prejudice, we should break free from the premise that ingroup love and outgroup hate are negatively correlated because "many forms of discrimination and bias may develop not because outgroups are hated, but because positive emotions such as admiration, sympathy, and trust are reserved for the ingroup and withheld from outgroups" (1999, p. 438). Instead, "to understand the roots of
prejudice and discrimination requires first of all a better understanding of the functions that ingroup formation and identification serve for human beings"(1999, p. 429). As mentioned
earlier, she names some of the factors which contribute in leading prejudice to conflict especially in "highly segmented, hierarchically organized societies": moral superiority, perceived threat (imagined or real), common goals, common values and social comparison, power politics (1999, p. 439). In addition, experiments show that discrimination against outgroup can happen even without any previous history of conflict history (Brewer and
Miller, 1996, pp. 80_81). There is also discrimination against one's own group to the favor of the outgroup especially among members of subordinate groups (Brewer and Miller, 1996, p.
95). Hence, three important notions, in relation to Brewer's above-mentioned arguments, are beneficial in relation to this thesis:
1. Ethnocentric attitudes can be related to the love dedicated to the ingroup rather than to hatred of the outgroup.
2. Since conflicts can happen even without any previous history, the argument that migrant groups are importing conflicts from their homelands can be contested.
3. There is not only an intergroup discrimination but also an intragroup one; consequently, this undermines the argument that all ingroup members are ethnocentric and biased against outgroups.
Conclusion
One of the problems with theories of social psychology of intergroup relations is that the empirical studies are in most cases conducted where only one ingroup-outgroup category is analyzed. Yet, in pluralistic and multicultural societies individuals have cross membership to different social categories and in multigroup setting power relations play an important role in enticing conflicts among groups (Brewer and Miller, 1996, pp. 9, 152). Also, an integrated theory is needed where theories and research are not studied and applied in isolation (Brewer and Miller, 1996, p. 152). In other words, none of the theories discussed can alone give sufficient explanations to understand prejudice, discrimination, and conflicts between social groups.
Overall, the importance of social psychology theory of intergroup relations stems from the acknowledgment of: the changeable universal system of stereotypes, conflicts change over time, the importance of belonging to social groups to the individuals, and the existence of social hierarchies which can lead to discrimination. Even so, there are contesting theories that provide different perspectives in relation to understanding prejudice and discrimination which can enrich the analysis of the problem representations in this thesis.
I find social psychology theory of intergroup relation beneficial to the thesis as a starting point to explore some debates about prejudice. And in order to enrich the analysis and
in the social psychology literature, postcolonial studies and critical race theory are also essential to bring into the picture.
Postcolonial theory
"'Connected sociologies' requires starting from the perspective of the world by locating oneself within the processes that facilitated the emergence of that world. By starting from a location in the world, necessarily means starting from a history that enabled that location to be
part of the world; identifying and explicating the connections that enable understandings always to be more expansive than the identities or events they are seeking to explain"
(Bhambra, 2015)
Inspired by Bhambra's postcolonial and decolonial critiques of eurocentrism in her book Connected Sociologies (2014), I argue in this section that interrogating the European colonial history in general and the Swedish one in particular is important to understand the
construction of power relations, orientalism, and the concept of internalizing racism. Again, I do not seek to undermine the agency and resistance of the racialized against power structure, but I argue that the hierarchies established by the dominant group can be and often is partially maintained by the subgroups not only in the local context but also worldwide. To further understand such hierarchies and how they lead to conflicts, especially between racialized groups, groups with migrant background in this case, I argue for the need for a postcolonial perspective. To understand how the concept of racism and race is constructed one cannot ignore its root during slavery and colonization. Furthermore, postcolonial theory assists me in interrogating the rule of the Western media in strengthening hierarchies established during the colonial time between the "liberal" West and "traditional" East.
Some might argue that Sweden does not have a colonial history similar to other European countries such as France or the UK, yet there are academic studies that contest such a view. The introduction of Complying with colonialism: gender, race and ethnicity in the Nordic region, summarizes the aim of a collection of academic articles which seek to examine the colonial ties in the Nordic countries in order to understand how gendered and racialized power relations are shaped by the colonial histories (Mulinari et al., 2009, p. 16). These
ld countries and peace building rather wor
15
countries are viewed in relation to helping 'third'
than in relation to their role in the colonial or empirical project (Mulinari et al., 2009, p. 16).
15 In line with Mohanty, terms like 'third' and 'first' world countries are very problematic in two ways: "in suggesting over simplified similarities between and amongst countries labelled 'third' or 'first' world, as well as implicitly reinforcing existing economic, cultural, and ideological hierarchies"(1984,82). Therefore, in line with Mohanty, I use the quotation marks "to suggest a continues questioning of the designation 'third word'" because "this is the terminology available to us at the moment "(1984, p. 83).
Ulla Vuorela develops the concept of 'colonial complicity' in order to "theorize a situation in which a country has neither been historically situated as one of the colonial centers in Europe, nor has it been an innocent victim of, or stood outside of, the colonial project" (Mulinari et al., 2009, p. 31). The importance of this term in particular and the book in general does not only stem from highlighting the colonial histories in Nordic region, but also in making connection to how the system of citizenship and welfare have links to the colonial histories. The
discourses of inclusion and exclusion in the nation state is constructed in relation to a white nation where racialized bodies, like migrants, are excluded and made other (Mulinari et al., 2009).
In a similar vein, Eliassi argues that Sweden is implicit as well in the colonial histories and, in line with
16
economically from the colonial power structure because it has benefited
Holmberg (1994), adapted stereotypes about the non-Western other (2013, p. 39). Eliassi draws the attention to a plethora of academic research which indicate that: "Sweden is a postcolonial state not only in its approach to its indigenous population but also in the ways post-Cold War immigrants are viewed and treated culturally"(2013, p. 40). Therefore, racism whether practiced by the dominant group or argued to be practiced by people with migrant background/migrant groups has to be reflected on in relation to the Swedish colonial history from a postcolonial perspective.
Definition and overview
Defining postcolonial theory, or what other refer to postcolonial studies or
postcolonialism, is a challenging undertaking since it is difficult to give a clear definition or to draw clear a methodology especially that "[o]ver the last decade, postcolonial studies have emerged both as a meeting point and a battleground for a variety of disciplines and theories" (Gandhi, 1998, p. 3). A basic definition is given by Gandhi: "postcolonialism can be seen as theoretical resistance to the mystifying amnesia of the colonial aftermath. It is disciplinary project devoted to the academic task of revisiting, remembering and, crucially, interrogating the colonial past" (1998, p. 4).
It is worth mentioning that there is a debate over whether this term need to be hyphenated or not. Some argue that hyphenated post-colonialism marks the decolonial process while other argue that such historical marking of independence can be tricky and risk forgetting the
16 For further research, world system theory, dependency theory, and theories of imperialism are additional perspectives showing these interlinkages of power, dominance and exploitation.
colonizing period (Chibbar, 2013, p. 60). Beyond postcolonialism, many previously colonized countries are still being controlled through economy by previous imperial powers. This kind of control is termed as neocolonialism which Nukrumah argues, in his book Neo-Colonialism: the last stage of imperialism, that "[t]he essence of neocolonialism is that State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality, its economic system and thus political policy is directed from the outside" (1965, p. xi). Neocolonialism highlights the inequality between global north and south from a Marxist perspective; thus, the independence of previous colonies is considered problematic (Young, 2016, p. 48). Others argue that postcolonialism as one word underscores the consequences resulting from a long history of colonialism (Gandhi, 1998, p. 3). On the other hand, some suggest that postcoloniality or the postcolonial is a better term than postcolonialism to avoid the academic dogma associated with it (Gandhi, 1998, p. 3).
Postcolonial studies explore, among other things, how the colonized and their culture have been represented in the West as the fantasized inferior racialized other in contrast to the white superior European self. It does not only provide critique of colonial ideologies and
imperialism, but also of nationalism, global inequalities, and capitalism. Some postcolonial writers have been influenced by Derrida' approach to language, and Gramsci's and Foucault's theorization about power and knowledge. Hence, postcolonial studies are not only influenced by poststructuralism and postmodernism but also have links to Marxism. Additionally, postcolonial studies have been applied in some disciplines and academic studies such as psychoanalysis, and feminist and subaltern studies. Some influential postcolonial thinkers are Edward Said and Franz Fanon who I discuss in the next two sections. Other figures are Homi K. Bhabha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Bhabha is an Indian English scholar whose concepts of mimicry, hybridity, ambivalence, and difference have contributed to postcolonial theory not only in stressing the agency of the colonized in resisting the colonizer but also in problematizing the binary thinking and stereotypes about the colonized (Gandhi, 1998). He contends that cultures do not have a single homogenic identity since cultures mix and evolve because of contacts with other cultures. Spivak is an Indian scholar whose best known for her essay 'Can the Subaltern Speak?' (1988) which combines both feminist and postcolonial perspective. One of her criticism is directed against the dominance of Western knowledge and culture. She warns against reproducing Western stereotypes about the non-Western by
Said and Oriental stereotypes
"Ideas, cultures, and histories cannot seriously be understood or studied without their force, or more precisely their configurations of power, also being studied"
(Said, 2003 [1978], p. 5)
In order to investigate how non-Wester migrants are represented in the problem
representations addressed in the thesis, one should explore how the East has been represented in the Western world. If there is an echo of colonial serotypes and binary oppositions in the problem represented, then there is no better starting point than with Orientalism (1978) by Edward Said.
In Orientalism, Said argues that the idea of the Orient and oriental other as violent,
barbaric, exotic, irrational ...etc. is portrayed in Western literature and materialized in Western There is a process of . century th since the 18 rt and media a cultural productions such as in
otherization where the oriental colonized other is in a binary opposition to the Western colonizer who is represented as peaceful, civilized, rational, for example, and onsequently, in a superior position. Such stereotypes and binary oppositions function as a pretext to carry out a civilizing mission to the colonies by the West.
Fanon and internalized racism
"To control a people, you must first control what they think about themselves and how they regard their history and culture. And when your conqueror makes you ashamed of your
culture and your history, he needs no prison walls and no chains to hold you" (
Clarke, qtd in Delagdo, 2017 )
In Black Skin, White Masks (2008 [1952]), Fanon addresses the idea of racism and how Blacks/ people of color/ colonized people develop an 'inferiority complex' towards their colonizers from psychoanalytical perspective. This 'inferiority complex' leads them to assimilate in the colonizer's culture and replicate it in their countries during and after emancipation. They also internalize racism and cultural stereotypes about themselves and about other subordinate groups. In Toward the African Revolution, Fanon gives examples of how internalizing the colonized culture and norms facilitate finding jobs and climbing the social ladder and creates the 'other' who is viewed as a threat in the job market: "[a] Negro worker will be on the side of the mulatto worker against the middle-class Negro. Here we have proof that questions of race are but a superstructure, a mantle, an obscure ideological emanation concealing an economic reality" (1967 [1952], p. 18). There is a kind of
internalizing the class structure and conflict even against people who are considered to belong to the same race. Internalizing racism and the dominant cultural values have been further theorized about by other academics such as Pyke and to be further discussed.
Conclusion
One of the critiques against postcolonial theory is that postcolonial knowledge is produced from the center by nonwestern academics who seek to make their voice heard. Hence, postcolonialism fails to recognize non-western knowledge produced outside the West in previous colonies. The knowledge produced is still framed inside the western academy and should look into other knowledge systems such as the African and the Indian ones (Gandhi, 1998, p. x). Another critique is that postcolonial theory homogenizes the category of
colonialism even though there are different experiences of colonialism and anti-colonial struggle in different colonies (Gandhi, 1998, p. 168). In other words, there is not one vast history of colonialism where the colonized share the same experience, but there are histories and both similar and different narratives shared by the colonized in different colonies.
Still, postcolonial theory has ushered a new epoch in academic studies where colonialism and its effects are being scrutinized critically. Postcolonial theory unmasks power structures and deconstruct hierarchies and stereotypes about the racialized other. Hence, postcolonial theory assists me in investigating the following points in the problem representations:
1. to see if power structures in Sweden are still being shaped by racist colonial ideologies and whether they fuel conflicts between migrant groups.
2. to set the concept of racism within a wider context that debate whether racism is an individual attitude solely studied from psychological perspective.
3. to detect colonial stereotypes about racialized groups in Swedish online mass media and see if there is a kind of internalization of such stereotypes by some people with migrant background.
Critical race theory (CRT)
Definition and overview
Originated in US law schools, critical race theory as a movement aims at investigating the relationship among race, racism, and power in part by critiquing the concept of color
2012). CRT literature has an , Stefancic and (Delgado 18
and white privilege
17
blindness
interdisciplinary perspective where not only the contemporary context of the US is considered but also the historical one (Delgado and Stefancic 2012, Martinez 2014). CRT emerged in the late 1980s, as a reaction to the critical legal studies movement which was being criticized because it failed to acknowledge the centrality of race in the US legal system (Martinez, p. 17). Some CRT scholars underscore the importance of storytelling and "counter stories" to explore the experiences of racial oppression and understand their effect in courtrooms (Delgado and Stefancic, 2012). Important figures in this movement are the scholars Derrick bell, Kimberlé Crenshaw, and Richard Delgado. Some off-shot fields which have emerged from this movement are: Latino critical race studies (LatCrit) and critical race feminism (CRF).
It is important to be careful when using concepts and theories that are originated in a specific context at a specific period of time. However, as proposed by Said, ideas, concepts, and theories travel and this is how our cultural and intellectual life is enriched and nurtured (1983, p. 226). CRT has also been applied outside the context of the US. For example, despite the two different histories in relation to race and racism between the US and England, CRT in England has been emerging in discussion related to race in educational context (Chakrabarty, Roberts and Preston, 2012).
It is important to highlight that the US context is of importance to the thesis. It is not only because of the postcolonial perspective in relation to slavery and the colonies, but also
because of my interest in scholars such as Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Michael Omi and Howard Winant. Those scholars have theorized about prejudice, discrimination, and racism starting from the US context. They highlight institutional racism and criticize how racism is taught in law school "as isolated blatant acts of violence or discrimination toward individuals of color" (Martinez, 2014, pp. 12_13). Therefore, it is vital to understand the context of their
theorization when discussing different theorizations of racism in the academia. I shed more light on this aspect in the last part of the theoretical section.
With this in mind, there are five important notions in critical race theory which assist me in this thesis: the relationship between racism and white privilege, the reproduction of racial inequalities by subordinate groups, the differential racialization theory, internalizing
17 Color blindness is the liberal notion which claims that racial classification does not limit life opportunities of a person (Martinez, 2014).
18 As defined by Delgado and Stefancic, white privilege refers to "the myriad of social advantages, benefits, and courteous that come with being a member of the dominant race" (2012, p. 87).
whiteness induced by binary thinking, and CRT and migration. In the following section, I give an overview of these aspects and, in addition, of the concept of 'racialization'.
To start with, Delgado and Stefancic allude to the Greek and Roman mythology by using the metaphor of the hydra, a sea monster, to underscore the interconnectedness between racism and white privilege:
Our system of race is like a two-headed hydra. One head consists of outright racism— the oppression of some people on grounds of who they are. The other head consists of white privilege—a system by which whites help and buoy each other up. If one lops off a single head, say, outright racism, but leaves the other intact, our system of white over black/brown will remain virtually unchanged. (2012, p.88)
Racism and white privilege are two sides of the same coin. Again, as mentioned earlier, one can relate this idea to internalized whiteness among subordinate groups in order to gain privilege and social mobility. In this view, subordinate groups, groups with migrant
background in the context of this thesis, can reproduce acts of racism. In a similar vein, CRT does not only argue that only whites produce racial inequalities and racist structures, but that people of color reproduce them as well (Martinez, 2014, p. 20). However, one cannot erase such reproduction by subordinate groups without erasing the whole structure of racism. Another key point to consider is that different racial groups are under different kind of racism. Thus, in light of the differential racialization theory developed by Omi and Winant , critical race theory highlights that all ethnic groups are racialized but in different ways
(Delgado and Stefancic, 2012, p. 77). Therefore, one should be cautious of the homogenizing ideas about minority, ethnic, or migrant groups as belonging to one category which are under the same racial structures of inequality. It is important to mention that that the concept racialization, like the concept of racism, has been defined, interpreted, debated from different perspectives by race scholars and social scientist; thus, I provide some definitions of this concept (Murji and Solomos, 2005). Omi and Winant define racialization as "the extension of racial meaning to a previously racially unclassified relationship, social practice, or group" (Omi and Winant, 2015, p.111). Here, racialization is a process of selection of the constructed biological difference, whether real or imagined, and attributing social and symbolic meaning to such differences. On the other hand, racialization can also refer to "to the process of
differentiating people and stabilizing these differences, as well as legitimating power relations based on these racialized differences"(Mulinari et al., 2009, p. 22). What is important in this definition is that it does not anchor racialization to the construct idea of race. Moreover, the keywords in this definition are process and power relations, which means that there are certain
dynamics which enable the acceptance of power structures in society. This means also that racialization is not a natural process. In a similar vein, Miles contends that racialization, like racism, is socially constructed (1989, p. 84) and is not limited to skin color (1987, p. 75). However, Miles' conceptualization of racialization stems from a Marxist perspective where "the process of racialisation cannot be adequately understood without a conception of, and explanation for the complex interplay of different modes of production and, in particular, of the social relations necessarily established in the course of material production (Miles, 1987, p. 7). Therefore, the construction of the categories of races serves to further exploitation of the labor power. From the above, one can see how the concept of racialization has not only been defined in relation to the concept of race, but also in relation to power relations and class.
Now, binary thinking refers to the construction of a hierarchy between two groups where one group is perceived as better than the other one and consequently in a more privileged state such as the white-black binary. Binary thinking of a dominant group in opposition to the subordinate ones enhances such homogenization of subordinate groups. Delgado and
Stefancic argue that binary thinking "can thus conceal the checkerboard of racial progress and retrenchment and hide the way dominant society often casts minority groups against one another to the detriment of all" (2012, p. 79). In order to understand conflicts between subordinate groups, one has to investigate the racial structure constructed by the dominant group. With this in mind, there is a kind of internalized whiteness by subordinate groups where "binary thinking can induce a minority group to identify with whites in exaggerated fashion at the expense of other groups" (Delgado and Stefancic, 2012, p. 80). For example, in order not to attend 'black' school, Asian sought courts in order to be declared whites and consequently attend school for white students "early in one state's history" (Delgado and Stefancic, 2012, p. 80).
In relation to migration, CRT scholars in migration studies underscore how categories of race and ethnicities are not natural ones, but socially constructed by "law, public policy, and people's everyday practices" (Romero, 2010, p. 65). Some CRT literature on migration points out that by studying only negative impacts of immigration laws on all racial minorities, one is able to understand racism in the US (Romero, 2010, p. 70). For example, quoted in Romero,
in his analysis of immigration laws, Kevin Johnson draws a parallel between how migrants are socially and legally constructed as the other and the social construction of race:
It is society, with the assistance of the law, that defines who is an "alien," an institutionalized "other," and who is not. It is a society, through Congress and the courts, that determines which rights to afford "aliens." . . . Like the social construction
of race, which helps to legitimize racial subordination, the construction of the "alien" has helped justify the limitation on non-citizen rights imposed by our legal system.
(Romero, 2010 p. 70)
It is interesting to see the process of otherization as not only imbedded in society, but also in the legal system and immigration laws. Thus, creating the other, the migrant, cannot be conceived as only attitudes by some individuals, but in relation to the society as a whole.
Conclusion
One of the debated issues in critical race theory is whether racism is a question of race or class. In other words, are people of color being subjugated to the material advantage of the whites, or it is "culture of poverty" which causes "minorities to lag behind"(Delgado and Stefancic, p. 120). Thus,CRT needs to develop "a comprehensive theory of class" (Delgado and Stefancic, p. 120). Critiques against CRT comes in part from legal scholars who object to CRT scholars' dependence on narrative and storytelling which disregards the question of objectivity (See Posner, 1997). Still, this criticism comes from a long history of Western tradition which claims striving for objectivity. As argued by Grosfoguel, Oso, and Christou, "[o]ne of the most pervasive myths reproduced by Eurocentric social sciences is the myth of a neutral, universalist, objective point of view", yet we cannot achieve neutrality since
everybody produce knowledge in relation to how we are located in the hierarchies of power, class, gender…etc. (2014, p. 12).
In a nutshell, the importance of critical race theory emerges from bringing back race and racism to the center of the legal, political, and social life in the US. There are "lived material realities" because of the social construction of race and which has consequences on all racialized groups and migrant ones (Martinez, 2014, p.11). Yet, as highlighted before, not all racialized groups face the same kind of oppression and they can reproduce racial structure of inequalities among them. Hence, I argue that by studying the system of racial inequality established by the dominant group, one can explore the hierarchies between people and groups with migrant background which may lead to conflicts and acts of discrimination in Sweden. Additionally, CRT perspective or structural/institutional racism is important to consider when debating against the view that racism is an individual attitude, as this will be highlighted later.
Racism
"The Presence of the Past
From what models have we, living as we do at the end of the twentieth century, formed our conception of racism, which is enshrined in quasi-official definitions? In part from Nazi
anti-Semitism, from the segregation of Blacks in the USA (perceived as a long sequel to slavery) and, lastly, from the 'imperialist' racism of colonial conquest, wars and domination"
(Balibar, 1991, p. 41)
This section is a discussion where I engage with theories and different perspectives on
racisms. Needless to say, it is impossible to cover all perspectives and literature on racism.
Moreover, there is a very little research discussing whether extreme cases of prejudice between people with migrant background can be classified under racism. However, in this section I am not aiming at establishing a theory of racisms, but in discussing some of the main debates.
This section is divided into three parts. First, I clarify three important notions in relation to how we can define racism and cultural racism, racism in migration studies in relation to Europe and Sweden, and the concept of inter-minority racism. Secondly, I engage with the three theories discussed earlier (social psychology, postcolonialism, and critical race theory) in relation to racism and how their notions have been supported and/ or contested. Thirdly, I explore the concept of internalized racism and racial oppression and its dividing effects on migrants and racialized groups. A brief discussion about the link between racism and nation state /welfare state/and class emerges which aims at locating racism in a wider perspective that transcends the conception of racism as an individual attitude or ideology. I conclude with arguing whether racisms/racist acts between subordinate groups, migrant groups in the
context of the thesis, exist.
Racism/cultural racism in migration studies
"'Racism without races"' (Balibar, 1991, p. 21)
In this part, I start with an attempt to define racism and cultural racism. Secondly, I highlight how this concept has been tackled in migration studies. And lastly, I shed light briefly on how racism is located in Europe in general and Sweden in particular. It is important to note that I am not tackling racism just in relation to the concept of race. I argue that "the hierarchy of human superiority/ inferiority can be constructed through various racial markers. Racism can
