Syrian Secondary Migration
A study on push and pull factors behind the irregular migration of Syrians
from Turkey to Europe
Mohamad Kouider
International Migration and Ethnic Relations One-Year Master’s Thesis
15 Credits January 2021
Supervisor: Anne-Sofie Roald
Abstract
This research aims to gain a detailed understanding of the push and pull factors that lead many Syrians in Turkey to migrate to Europe. Syrians are pushed to migrate for various reasons, including socio-economic difficulties in Turkey. It explores the Syrians’ experiences in Turkey and the elements that have deterred them from gaining the fundamental rights of accommodation, access to the labor market, and refugee status. The pull factors refer to the gains that the Syrians might achieve when migrating to Europe. These gains are socio-economic gains that assure a better future for them in Europe in comparison to their presence in Turkey. In this case, this research also explores how the Syrians plan to migrate to Europe by employing the influence of their social networks to conduct their secondary migration. This qualitative study uses seven semi-structured interviews and analyzes the experiences of the interviewees in order to reach concrete conclusions. The results of this study, according to the interviewees’ experiences, show that restrictive Turkish policies and procedures have pushed many Syrians to migrate. At the same time, the Syrians are attracted to migrating to Europe for better protection for them and their children. The findings also demonstrate that social ties influenced Syrians in their decision to migrate to Europe and avoid being deported to Syria.
Key words: Syrian migrants, Turkey, push-pull factors, social network theory, secondary migration, Europe
Table of Contents Abstract 2 List of Abbreviations 5 CHAPTER 1 6 1.1 Introduction 6 1.2 Aim 6 1.3 Research questions 6 1.4 Delimitations 7
1.5 Relevance & contribution 7
CHAPTER 2 8
2 Contextual background 8
2.1 Turkish policies towards Syrian refugees 8
2.2 The situation for Syrians in Turkey 10
2.3 Syrians and irregular migration 11
CHAPTER 3 12
3 Literature review 12
3.1 Motivations for secondary migration 12
3.2 The irregular migration journey to Europe 14
CHAPTER 4 15
4 Theoretical framework 15
4.1 Push-Pull Model 15
4.2 Social Network theory 17
CHAPTER 5 19
5 Methodology and method 19
5.1 Research design 19
5.2 Philosophical considerations 19
5.3 Semi-structured interviews 19
5.4 Sample 21
5.5 Ethical considerations 21
5.6 Role of the researcher 22
5.7 Reliability and validity 22
5.8 Introducing the interviewees 23
CHAPTER 6 25
6 Analysis and Findings 25
6.1 Main push factors 25
6.1.1 Deprivation from regular means of migration 25
6.1.2 Refugee and citizenship rights 26
6.1.3 Economic factors and labor market 26
6.1.4 An ambiguous future in Turkey and deportation fear 27 6.1.5 Increased hostility and lack of protection 29 6.1.6 Multiple factors that push Syrians to migrate 30
6.2 Main pull factors 31
6.2.1 Multiple factors that pull Syrians to Europe 31
6.2.2 Why Europe as a destination 32
6.2.3 Residence permits and family reunification 33
6.2.4 Human rights reputation 34
6.3.1 Financial costs of migrants’ journeys 35
6.3.2 National and international policies 36
6.3.3 Travel routes 37
6.3.4 Problematic routes between Turkey to Greece 38
6.3.5 Transit in Greece 39
6.3.6 The role of smugglers 40
CHAPTER 7 42
7 Discussion 42
CHAPTER 8 45
8 Conclusion 45
8.1 Suggestions for further research 46
Reference List 47
Appendix 53
List of Abbreviations
HRW Human Rights Watch
ILO International Labor Organization ICG International Crisis Group NRC Norwegian Refugee Council NGO Non-Governmental Organization
UN United Nations
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
WB World Bank
SCW Syrian Civil War
IS Islamic State
MENA Middle East and North Africa
UN United Nations
AKP Justice and Development Party IDP Internally Displaced Person R2P Responsibility to Protect
CHAPTER 1
1.1 Introduction
Millions of Syrians are affected by the ongoing war in their home country. Turkey has hosted approximately four million Syrian refugees that have settled there since 2011 (UNHCR, 2015). In addition to this, Turkey has created the so-called “safe zone” in northern Syria, which has been designed to relocate approximately two million Syrians, according to the claims of the Turkish government (Human Rights Watch, 2019). The current policies of the Turkish government have aimed to impose restrictions on Syrian migrants in reaction to the growing number of them in Turkey. These restrictions have included prohibiting Syrians from accessing the labor market, denial of refugee status, and deprivation from the healthcare system and education (Koca, 2016).
Syrians cannot return to the so-called “safe zone” in northern Syria for various reasons, due to the insecure situation and destruction in this region, and the lack of basic standards of living. The IS “Islamic State” also has a strong influence and presence in this region (Stubblefield & Joireman, 2019). Many Syrians who are settled in Turkey will encounter the punishment of the Syrian regime if they return. The Syrian head of Air Force Intelligence reported that there are 3 million names on Syria's wanted lists. Such lists include citizens required for compulsory military service, and those considered disloyal towards the Syrian regime (European Institute of Peace, 2019; European Asylum Support Office, 2020). Consequently, many Syrians in Turkey are preparing for a secondary migration to Europe. The current accelerated situation— in particular the invasion of northern Syria by Turkey—has affected Syrian refugees in Turkey who are fearing deportation to Syria (Baban et al., 2017). This has led many Syrians to decide to conduct a secondary migration as a solution to their difficult situation in Turkey.
1.2 Aim
The aim of this research is to shed light on the motivations behind Syrian refugees’ plans to migrate on to Europe despite having settled in Turkey, how they plan to do so, and their expectations of gains they hope to achieve in their destination countries.
1.3 Research questions
1. What are the main factors that push Syrian migrants to prepare for a secondary migration to Europe?
2. What are the pull factors that attract Syrians to migrate to Europe? 3. How do Syrian migrants prepare for the onwards migration to Europe?
1.4 Delimitations
This research focuses on Syrian refugees that have been settled in Turkey for more than four years and are planning to migrate from Turkey to Western European Union countries. I chose to focus on those Syrians that have lived in Turkey for a minimum of four years in order to understand the motives behind making a secondary migration rather than looking at Syrians that have chosen to use Turkey as a transit country. This study is meant to understand the motives behind migrating after working for several years to establish a life in Turkey. Women and men between the ages of 25 and 45 were interviewed. The age range was chosen in order to study adults that were old enough to be independent from their parents and young enough to still be hoping to build a better life somewhere. Turkey was selected for this study because it has hosted the largest number of Syrian refugees since the start of the conflict. The interviews were conducted via Skype due to Coronavirus measures prohibiting travel.
1.5 Relevance & contribution
This paper contributes to an understanding of Syrians’ motivations to migrate to Europe through the interviewees’ opinions and experiences. This paper uses adequate arguments that contribute to migration studies. This is achieved by applying social network theory and the push-pull model, which are highly applicable to migration studies by finding the connection between the theoretical framework and the informants’ experiences. This also requires scrutinizing the real motives of their preparations to leave Turkey after settling there for more than four years. Also, there is a lack of literature that has covered the current situation (after 2019), and no sufficient studies have been conducted recently on this topic.
CHAPTER 2
2 Contextual background
2.1 Turkish policies towards Syrian refugees
The Turkish government’s measures to reduce the Syrian presence in Turkey have opened the gates for Syrians to prepare for secondary migration. These measures were implemented as a response to the large number of Syrian refugees, and the lack of resources and capacity to cope with the flow of Syrians (Kirişci & Ferris, 2015). Also, Turkish policies have markedly increased the amount of unemployment, insecurity, exclusion, and segregation among Syrians who are settled in Turkey. This situation has created dissatisfaction and deprivation on both the social and economic level among the Syrians (Turkish National Police Academy, 2017). Turkey has hosted the largest number of Syrian refugees since 2011 (UNHCR, 2018). It is crucial to note that Turkey has not legally recognized Syrians as refugees. This is because Turkey has assigned geographical limitations to the refugees’ convention of 1951. This means that Turkey grants the right of refugee status only to refugees from European states. Therefore, the status of Syrian refugees who are settled in Turkey is still ambiguous (İçduygu & Diker, 2017).
Despite Turkey having adopted an open-door policy regarding Syrians at the beginning of the Syrian conflict, Syrians have not been granted refugee status. Instead, Turkey offered Syrians temporary protection at the beginning of the conflict (Kınıklıoğlu, 2020). This protection provided Syrians with fundamental rights such as shelter, education, and healthcare. However, this protection is problematic because it did not assure long-term planning policies that would allow Syrians to integrate in the Turkish society (Aras & Mencutek, 2015).
The Turkish open-door policy lasted from 2011 until 2013. After this, Turkey changed its policy towards Syrians and ended its open-door policy in order to seek burden-share with other countries (Memisoglu & Ilgit, 2017). In 2013, Turkey began seeking assistance from international organizations such as the UNHCR in order to cope with the refugees’ expenses (Aras & Mencutek, 2015; Kirişci & Ferris, 2015). While in 2014, the Turkish government introduced long-term planning and more restrictive policies towards Syrians. These policies constitute rigid procedures such as border control and visa requirements for Syrians to enter Turkey. Turkey also introduced the so-called electronic GöçNet system, a migration project that enables Turkey to verify the information concerning Syrians who are under temporary
protection by registering them. This project has been established as a database for collecting Syrians’ biometric information (The Ombudsman Institution, 2018). According to Ahmadoun (2014), Turkey was unable to provide Syrians with aid and basic needs during 2014. These restrictive policies were criticized by humanitarian organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International (Ahmadoun, 2014). Turkey decided to internationalize the Syrian refugee issue between 2013 and 2015 in order to gain assistance from the international community, which led to the refugee crisis of 2015 (Kınıklıoğlu, 2020).
Despite the new procedures that Turkey introduced, many Syrians managed to integrate themselves by learning the Turkish language, practicing new professions, and starting businesses in Turkey. However, they have not been granted refugee status (Federici, 2015). Consequently, it is still difficult for Syrians to find formal jobs due to the difficulties of the legal conditions. Many Syrians in Turkey do not have work permits. These policies force employers to pay higher fees in order to employ Syrian refugees (Kirişci & Kolasin, 2019). According to İҁduygu and Diker (2017), the Turkish government's extra taxing of employers that hire Syrians has led to only 1% of approximately one million working Syrians being in possession of a legitimate work permit. This has led to an increase in informal jobs causing many Syrians to work without regular employment contracts and lower salaries (Makovsky, 2019; İçduygu & Diker, 2017). Castles and Millers (2009) argue that the consequences of poverty and low incomes constitute major factors that push migrants to migrate to developed countries (Castles & Miller, 2009: 22-23).
According to the International Labour Organization (2020), the Turkish regulations are complicated in terms of granting Syrians the right to work and unemployment is higher among Syrians. Also, the Syrians who are working in Turkey are not protected in terms of their labor rights, and they work for long hours with low pay in comparison to their Turkish counterparts (International Labour Organization, 2020). The average annual income in Turkey for Turkish people, according to the World Bank is about 9,000 USD (750 USD per month). The minimum salary in Turkey is nearly 495 USD per month (Countryeconomy, 2020; The World Bank, 2014). However, the average Syrian workers’ salary in Turkey is approximately 170 USD per month. A survey showed that Syrians receive less than 27 percent of what their Turkish counterparts earn in Istanbul (Kirişci & Kolasin, 2019). Additionally, the employment rate among Syrians in Turkey is only 40 per cent. The majority of Syrians (97 per cent) practice their work without official job contracts (International Labour Organization, 2017).
Another procedure that was adopted by the Turkish authorities in 2018 was to stop registering Syrian refugees that have recently arrived in Turkey. This policy has led to illegal deportations and forced returns to Syria (Human Rights Watch, 2018). Turkish president Erdogan requested financial aid from the EU for hosting Syrian refugees and threatened to open their borders with Europe and not prevent refugees from crossing over (Helen & Bilgic, 2019). On separate occasions, Erdogan has also proposed to deport Syrian refugees to the so-called ‘safe zone’ in northern Syria. Erdogan has political motives to deport refugees to this zone, due to his hostility towards Kurdish fighters who are settled in northern Syria (Federici, 2015; Helen & Bilgic, 2019). However, creating such zones is complicated when these zones are established by only one side (state). Establishing a safe zone can be highly dangerous and have negative consequences without an official resolution from the UN or the international community (Kirişci & Ferris, 2015). The majority of Syrians will be deported to the front lines and will be exposed to the dangers of the ongoing conflict in northern Syria between the Turkish military and the Kurds (Federici, 2015: 87).
2.2 The situation for Syrians in Turkey
Different studies have concluded that a high number of Turkish citizens are not content with the Syrian presence in Turkey (Kınıklıoğlu, 2020). Senoguz’s (2017) argues that many Turkish landlords are refusing to rent their apartments to Syrians because of their nationality and their status as refugees (Senoguz, 2017). Therefore, the plausibility of achieving stability for the Syrians, whether in Turkey or northern Syria, is considered ambiguous (Ilcan, et al., 2018). According to Del Carpio and Wagner (2016), the legal status of Syrians in Turkey is problematic, and they have an ambiguous future in terms of their presence. This means that they are not granted residence permits or Turkish citizenship. Makovsky’s (2019) argues that the Turkish regulations and laws, which are limited to granting citizenship for specific categories that benefit Turkish society such as business, and people with higher education and professional qualifications (Makovsky, 2019). Hence, Syrians are vulnerable, and they are not integrated into Turkish society due to the changeable procedures and regulations concerning their presence (Del Carpio & Wagner, 2016).
Additionally, Many Syrian children in Turkey do not have proper access to education. According to Human Rights Watch, more than 400,000 children of Syrian refugees who are settled in Turkey do not attend schools (HRW, 2015). Also, it is difficult for Syrian children to join the schools because of their families’ low-incomes and the lack of resources. These families
cannot afford the basic materials for their children, and many of them cannot manage to pay the tuition of the schools (Yavcan, 2016). Consequently, many Syrians avoided settling in Turkey (Kirişci & Kolasin, 2019).
2.3 Syrians and irregular migration
It is worth mentioning that the Dublin Convention is an agreement between EU member states that determines which member states are responsible for the applications of asylum seekers. The Dublin Convention is used to determine which country will investigate the asylum application if a non-European citizen arrives in an EU country and seeks asylum. Dublin does not involve the asylum process itself, but rather the country in which asylum procedure will be performed (Dublin III Regulation No. 604/2013).
Many Syrians who are settled in Turkey are determined to flee to Europe through Greece. The geographical position of Turkey as the main path for refugees to pass from Syria to Europe has also played an essential role in migration (Nielsen, 2016). A relevant example and significant evidence of their migration is a declaration by the Greek government, which stated that more than fourteen thousand Syrians had arrived from Turkey between May-October 2019 (Reidy, 2019). It is crucial to note that the migration and asylum policies in Greece do not offer migrants permanent residence, financial support, or the right to gain citizenship (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, 2008: 45-48).
Additionally, the regulations concerning Syrian refugees in many European countries have been changed. This is due to the restrictions and migration policies that European countries have implemented towards Syrians (Valenta et al., 2020). For instance, Sweden’s policies concerning Syrians have changed, and Syrians have to prove that they have jobs in Sweden, accommodation and enough salary to sponsor their families in order to renew their residence permit and the right to family reunification (Swedish Migration Agency, 2020). Ekmekci (2017), argues that most of the developed countries require applicants to have financial sponsors in order to get a visa. Also, they need to provide bank statements to prove that this person can support himself while residing in or visiting these countries (Ekmekci, 2017).
CHAPTER 3
3 Literature review
3.1 Motivations for secondary migration
In order to understand the situation of Syrians in Turkey and their desire to conduct a secondary migration to Europe, this research is designed to fill a gap in the literature that has not covered this issue. Most previous literature covering Syrian refugees in Turkey has primarily focused on their situation in terms of education, employment, healthcare, legal status, and Turkish procedures and legislative systems regarding Syrians, but has not examined this in relation to secondary migration. These elements are all connected to the motivation behind Syrians migrating from Turkey to Europe.
Hoffmann and Samuk (2016) argue that the Turkish policies towards the Syrians can be described as unstructured and disorganized policies that take into consideration only the interests of the Turkish government. According to Hoffmann and Samuk, Syrians in Turkey are exposed to poverty, segregation, and social exclusion. Hoffmann and Samuk refer to several substantive issues that the Syrians are encountering during their presence in Turkey. These issues are mainly related to education, poor camp conditions and discrimination in the labor market. The Turkish government has also created obstacles to prevent Syrian families from entering Turkish territories (Hoffmann & Samuk, 2016). Their study used a qualitative research method based on conducting 15 semi-structured interviews and document analysis. The interviewees were mainly Turkish officials and non-governmental actors who specialized in the Syrian refugees’ case in Turkey. The document analysis concentrated primarily on official reports regarding Syrians in Turkey. The findings of this paper show that the Turkish policies towards Syrians are characterized by an unorganized pragmatism on both local and regional levels. Also, the study shows that many Syrians are encountering poverty and social exclusion in Turkey (Hoffmann & Samuk, 2016).
Another study, conducted by Kirişci (2014), focused on the informal employment of Syrians in Turkey. He examined the exploitation of Syrians in the labor market. This refers to the low-paid jobs and long working hours that the Syrians have to accept in order to survive. Kirişci (2014) further argues that Turkish employment regulations and policies are complicated for Syrians when it comes to offering them work permits in the regular labor market. These
regulations create a real obstacle against Syrians in obtaining jobs. Syrians need to have a valid passport and a residence permit in order to work. Also, to employ a Syrian, the employer needs to prove to the Turkish employment office that a Turkish citizen cannot fill the vacancy. Subsequently, these hindrances have forced the Syrians to work illegally, without employment rights and benefits. Syrians have accepted low-paid jobs and worked in heavy labor such as construction, agriculture, and textile manufacturing. Kirişci (2014) further mentioned that Syrians are paid much less than their Turkish counterparts. This study used a qualitative research method analyzing two previous reports that dealt with policy implications towards Syrians in Turkey. The results of this study show that Turkish policies are mainly focused on short-term integration rather than introducing longer-term integration policies. The Turkish government also reacted slowly towards the basic needs of Syrians who settled outside of the camps (Kirişci, 2014).
İçduygu & Şimşek (2016) focus on education, housing, and healthcare for Syrian families. According to many statistics from UNICEF, more than 74% of Syrian children settled in Turkey lack access to schools. The Syrian families who are living outside the camps are encountering difficulties in providing healthcare and education to their children. This has made them vulnerable and suffering from poverty because they are deprived of gaining the fundamental rights represented by housing, education, and healthcare (İçduygu & Şimşek, 2016). The authors used a qualitative research method based on conducting eight unstructured interviews with Syrian refugees and activists in Turkey. The results of this study show that there is a lack of public policies to handle the situation of Syrian refugees settled in urban areas (İçduygu & Şimşek, 2016).
Öner and Genç (2015) conducted a study with special focus on Turkish government procedures and how the Syrians’ situation is characterized by classifying them as what they call guests. In other words, the Syrian presence in Turkey is perceived with an ‘expectation of temporariness’. This reinforces the push factors for Syrians to migrate from Turkey after being settled for almost eight years there (Öner & Genç, 2015). This study used qualitative content analysis which mainly focused on related legislation analysis and analyzing reports from NGOs and governmental departments. This paper also used secondary literature that dealt with the migration and asylum regime in Turkey. The results of this study show that the expectation of temporariness is a major reason for Syrian refugees to migrate from Turkey (Öner & Genç, 2015).
Zimmerman (2009) looks at secondary migration to Europe in general and argues that migrants decide to continue their migration not only to the nearest zones of safety but also, further places that they consider the safest countries that fulfill their needs. In the case of European countries, they enjoy a welfare system that can support them, and they can be considered the safest places in terms of gaining social and economic benefits. In other words, these countries constitute a stable life for migrants (Zimmermann, 2009: 92-93).
3.2 The irregular migration journey to Europe
Papadopoulou-Kourkoula (2008) argues that migrants want to arrive in Greece because it constitutes the quickest path for migrants to reach the rest of the European countries. Therefore, once the migrants reach Greece, they think that they can move freely to Western European countries. According to Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, migrants believe that Europe is a place where people can enjoy liberties, respect for human rights, welfare, protection for refugees and access to job opportunities that fulfil their needs (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, 2008: 80-81). It is crucial to note that migrants in transit countries are encountering difficulties, and they are marginalized and excluded from gaining their fundamental rights. This is because they are living in camps, or they are facing detention that could affect their health and expose them to psychological pressure and difficulties (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, 2008).
Irregular migrants who are passing through transit countries are always exposed to danger and deportation to their countries of origin (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, 2004). In addition to this, irregular migrants can be considered marginalized groups who lack fundamental rights in the transit countries. The transit period might affect the migrants because it is exhausting and might take a long time to reach the destination country (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula, 2004: 174-175). Koser (2003) states that refugees and migrants will also encounter economic and political problems. They are vulnerable and might be exposed to exploitation in their smuggling journey due to the danger of being deported and being apprehended by the police in the transit countries (Koser, 2003: 183-185). Moreover, refugees and asylum seekers constitute the main group of smuggled migrants. Thus, the need for smugglers to assist the migrants while migrating has increased recently in order to facilitate the arrival of the migrants to the destination countries (Koser, 2003: 184-188). However, smuggling for smugglers is free from danger (Castles & Miller, 2009: 205-206). Hence, human smuggling can be defined as the illegal transportation of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers. Irregular migrants get assistance from the smugglers so that they can reach the destination countries.
CHAPTER 4
4 Theoretical framework
This paper uses both a theoretical model and a theory to deal with the situation of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The push-pull model and the social network theory apply to the Syrian refugees’ case. It is crucial to note that there is a connection between the pull model and the social network theory. The pull factors primarily focus on the factors that attract migrants to migration. While the social network theory reflects the social ties that assist migrants with that migration. They overlap and are interrelated in terms of employing the influence of social ties to conduct a secondary migration. This is the axiomatic connection between the pull model and the social network theory.
Applying this theoretical framework would provide an adequate understanding of what pushes the Syrians to migrate from Turkey and what attracts them to migrate to Europe, as well as how the Syrians are preparing for secondary migration. The push-pull model is used to examine the case of Syrians in Turkey because it is an appropriate theoretical tool to explore the motives and factors causing Syrians to plan to migrate from Turkey. The social network theory is also pertinent to Syrian migration because the majority of Syrians who are planning to conduct a secondary migration from Turkey already have social connections, relatives and friends in Europe (Mallett & Hagen-Zanker, 2018). Thus, the social network theory helps to reveal how migrants are preparing for secondary migration, and which routes they are going to follow in order to reach the destination countries (Massey et al., 1993). It also analyzes how social ties have contributed effectively in attracting them to migration (van Liempt & Doomernik, 2006). This reflects the correlation between both the pull model and the social network theory.
4.1 Push-Pull Model
The push and pull model is inspired by the work of Ernst Ravenstein (1885), who argued that migration is affected by the push and pull factors (Samers & Collyer, 2016). The push factors are mostly related to the degrees of oppression, frustration, inequalities, and severe economic situations that are pushing the migrants to migrate to an appropriate destination. While the pull factors can be perceived as something that has to do with the destination countries. The pull factors, therefore, manifest the gains that the individual believes can be achieved in the destination countries, such as job opportunities, freedom of choice, education, healthcare, and
freedom of movement (Ravenstein, 1885; Samers & Collyer, 2016).
Moreover, Ravenstein contributed to this model by formulating laws and regulations related to migration. The essence of his contribution emphasizes that migration is affected by the host countries in terms of economic development (Ravenstein, 1885 cited in De Haas, 2010: 228). It is still crucial to note that economic factors reinforce migration. This perspective refers to the opportunities and gains that many migrants would like to achieve when they migrate to developed countries (Parkins, 2010: 13). The push-pull model enables an understanding of the reasons why migrants are leaving their countries of origin. It can also be considered multidimensional because it combines different substantive factors such as economic, political, cultural and social (Samers & Collyer, 2016).
According to Lee (1966), this model has evolved to include the significance of the rational decision-making role, which allows the individual to select between either staying in the country of origin or migrating to the destination countries. Lee’s argument illustrates reasons for migration which include factors that are connected to the home countries and the destination countries (Lee, 1966 cited in Parkins, 2010: 13-14). Lee (1966) considers various factors that affect the individual’s decision to migrate. These factors are connected to the destination countries that the migrants intend to migrate to and the gains that they believe they will achieve when migrating. Additionally, some factors are related to the obstacles that the migrants might encounter while migrating. These obstacles include migration laws and regulations, the physical distance from their home countries, and personal factors (Lee, 1966).
Lee introduced the so-called ‘plus’, ‘minus’ and ‘zero’ in order to illustrate the process of migration. The ‘plus’ refers to certain factors that motivate the migrants to migrate. In other words, it refers to the gains. While ‘minus’ refers to the factors that do not encourage the migration process. The ‘zero’ set is related to indifferent factors that certain individuals may find positive and other individuals may find negative. It relies on personal factors (Lee, 1966; Makakala, 2014: 32). Thus, the set of ‘plus’, ‘zero’ and ‘minus’ are related to the individual’s evaluation and calculation. In other words, the same variable and factor can be interpreted differently in the origin and destination countries depending on the personal reasons of the individual.
Lee’s analysis concerning intervening obstacles can be divided between the migrants’ origin countries and the destination countries. It clarifies that in the origin countries, there are
obstacles that prevent people from migrating. These obstacles include the costs of the trip or migration, poor health, and the geographical distance between the origin countries and the destination countries (Lee, 1966). Additionally, migration policies constitute a major intervening obstacle that has intrinsic effects on the migrants in the destination countries (Lee, 1966).
This paper looks at Europe as a typical migration destination that has attracted thousands of Syrians. This is relevant and reminiscent of Lee’s model concerning the factors (including economic gains) that influence migrants in choosing their destination countries. According to Lee, migrants used to estimate the advantages and disadvantages of a potential destination country in terms of job opportunities, education, legal status, and social life. However, some migrants find out that they have not taken into consideration the difficult circumstances that they might encounter in their destination countries (Lee, 1966). This will be explicitly developed by analyzing the views and experiences of the interviewees. The push and pull model is an influential model that has made remarkable contributions in terms of understanding the factors that cause migrants to make decisions concerning migration (De Haas, 2007). However, it does not reveal the influence of migration and how it affects both the destination and the origin countries.
4.2 Social Network theory
Social network theory developed with contributions from different scholars. Massey et al. ’s
(1993) work reveal migrants’ motivations by analyzing the influence of their social ties and how they enable migration. Social network theory illuminates the connections between countries of origin and destination countries (Massey et al., 1993). The networks, or social ties, refer to friends, relatives, smugglers, and acquaintances. These networks are the bonds that connect migrants with immigrants that have already migrated. They are helpful in acquiring adequate information, financial support, shelter, logistical support, facilitated services and the shortest migration routes (Boyd, 1989; Samers & Collyer, 2016).
Van Liempt and Doomernik (2006) argue that the immigrant’s choice of certain destination countries relies on expectations and imagination. The information and the good reputation of a particular country can come from the previous immigrants who have migrated to that country. These positive impressions are mainly related to various norms such as democracy, freedom of expression, the welfare system, and better incomes. Social networks are also connected to the
decision-making process by giving adequate information about the gains that the migrants will achieve in the destination countries (van Liempt & Doomernik, 2006).
The social network perspective is helpful in investigating the sets of interpersonal and social ties that link migrants with their relatives and prior immigrants by revealing the types of relations that connect them such as kinship, friendship, cultural background, and neighborhood (Samers & Collyer, 2016). Granovetter (1973) states that there are two sorts of social connections. The first refers to strong connections or ties such as relatives, family members and local organizations. While the second refers to weak connections or ties—people who do not have direct connections such as previous migrants, a friend of a friend, and smugglers (Granovetter, 1973).
The networks of migrants are beneficial because they entail various elements that help migrants in accomplishing their journeys to their destination countries. These benefits include financial contributions for their journey and connections to simplify the most suitable accommodation. They also offer adequate information about education systems, as well as an opportunity to introduce social security systems (Esveldt et al.,1995). Networks also reduce deportations of migrants (Jennissen, 2004). Additionally, international migration affects the ethnic composition of destination countries due to the influx of migrants and their networks. Large international migration flows are connected to the formation of migrants’ networks (Jennissen, 2004). As mentioned earlier, the push-pull model and social network theory conceptualize the framework and empower the analysis of my paper because of their relevance to my topic. The contributions of these theories give a concrete understanding of what pushes and pulls Syrians to migrate and how they are seeking secondary migration.
CHAPTER 5
5 Methodology and method
5.1 Research design
This study utilizes inductive, qualitative research methods to answer the research questions, employing a descriptive approach in order to reach a concrete conclusion. Semi-structured interviews have been used as the primary method in order to give detailed answers to the research questions. The semi-structured interviews were helpful for scrutinizing and investigating the experiences of Syrians who are preparing to migrate to Europe.
5.2 Philosophical considerations
My perception of how the world operates has formed the way I chose to conduct this paper. This research is based on social constructivism—reality cannot be seen or considered uniform and can be conveyed in the form of a broad social perspective (Tuli, 2010). This model views the world as being experienced, interpreted, and constructed through the interactions among people in the form of a broader social system (Creswell 2007). The social constructivist model is suitable and fits with the objectives of this paper because it gives the interviewees the opportunity to reflect their own realities and experiences in order to assess their constructive knowledge. It is also crucial to take into consideration the impact of different issues, such as the cultural and the social environment of the investigated topic. The findings of this paper rely on the knowledge extracted from the experiences of the interviewees.
5.3 Semi-structured interviews
For this research, various interviews with Syrian migrants have been conducted in order to investigate the push-pull factors of their migration and the impact of social networking. The interviewees were found through Syrian friends who work for human rights organizations in Turkey (Amnesty International and Support Syria Foundation). These organizations specialize in the Syrian refugees’ situation in Turkey. These contacts helped me to select different Syrians who are preparing to migrate. Seven interviews were conducted with Syrians settled in different Turkish cities, such as Istanbul, Ankara, and Mardin. The interviews were carried out via Skype and were recorded, then transcribed and translated from Arabic to English. The possibility of misinterpretations and misunderstandings in terms of language can occur while conducting
interviews; however, it is important to state that being a native Arabic speaker helped me cope with this issue by enabling a more accurate translation.
Semi-structured interviews are highly linked to the interview guide. They provide the ability to use a series of questions that have been designed and formulated before conducting the interviews. The selection of these questions is highly connected to the research questions. The interview guide in semi-structured interviews allows the author to pose in-depth questions for certain interviewees, and to choose other in-depth questions with other interviewees. However, this depends on the interviewees’ answers (Flick, 2009: 172). This study employed an interview guide that combined a list of questions in order to keep the focus on the aim of these interviews.
Semi-structured interviews are characterized by open-ended questions. This offers the opportunity to manage, edit and adjust the order of the questions. Semi-structured interviews offer the interviewees the possibility to talk freely and openly about their situation. This kind of interview is more suitable and relevant in comparison to structured interviews and questionnaires (Flick, 2009: 150-151). Flick (2009) argues that semi-structured interviews are the most suitable types of interviews due to the usage of an interview guide that increases data comparability (Flick, 2009: 172-173).
One of the advantages of semi-structured interviews is that they can aid the researcher in exemplifying the research by offering a variety of examples in the analysis and the structure of the research. These examples can be illustrated through observations while conducting the interviews. The success of semi-structured interviews is mainly based on creating comfortable conditions for the interviewees (Flick, 2009: 170-171). The interviewees in this paper had the opportunity to share their attitudes and opinions openly about the research topic.
Semi-structured interviews have some disadvantages related to the interviewer’s role while conducting interviews. Seidman stated that “…interviewers are a part of the interviewing picture” (Seidman, 2006: 22). Dwyer and Buckle (2009) argue that the utility of being a member of a certain group while conducting a study will lead to trust and acceptance among this group (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009). Therefore, being an insider (from Syria and speaking the same language) has provided me with greater openness and acceptance from the interviewees. This simplified the interviewing process with the interviewees speaking more freely and openly about their experiences. However, I was aware of the need to be neutral and unbiased in order
to decrease the subjective interactions of the interviewees. I avoided the impact of facial expressions, signs, and gestures so that the interviewees could express their opinions openly and freely. In addition, as suggested by Seidman (2006: 22), I worked with the material in a neutral manner in order to explain, define, investigate and examine the content of the interviews.
5.4 Sample
The preliminary plan was to meet the interviewees physically; however, due to the current Coronavirus situation, it was very difficult to travel to Turkey and meet the interviewees. It was in certain ways challenging to find Syrians who want to migrate to Europe. The most challenging part was that the process of irregular migration is clandestine; therefore, the migrants feel uncomfortable talking to strangers about their plans. To combat this, Syrian friends who live in Turkey helped me to arrange these interviews. The interviewees agreed to be interviewed. The interviews were conducted via Skype between 15 May and 15 September 2020. The interviews were recorded and transcribed. The informants were comfortable concerning interviewing them via Skype. The interviews were conducted comfortably, and the internet connection was quite good—there were only two internet interruptions. However, in those cases, I managed to complete the interviews the next day. The interviews were 45-60 minutes long.
5.5 Ethical considerations
In any academic research, it is essential to apply different elements in order to achieve transparency and neutrality. These elements are mainly consent, withdrawal, confidentiality, and anonymity (Simons & Piper, 2004: 56-57). In this study, the interviewees’ oral consent was received before conducting the interviews. The interviewees were informed about the research aims prior to their permission being obtained. They were also informed that they could withdraw at any time. It is crucial to take into consideration confidentiality, which allows the interviewees to share their views privately. Simons and Piper (2004) argue that it is important to exclude certain information upon the informant’s request, if it is needed, such as smugglers’ names and other details while they are preparing for migration (Simons & Piper, 2004: 57-58). This was helpful in protecting and respecting the participants’ privacy. To respect the interviewees’ privacy, the routes that they are intending to choose while preparing to migrate to Europe would also not be included upon request. The confidentiality and privacy of the
interviewees are further protected with the use of aliases. Before conducting the interviews, I informed the informants that the interviews would be audio-recorded, and they consented to that. It is crucial to ensure the reliability of the respondents’ answers and reflections. Therefore, I transcribed the semi-structured interviews and sent them to the respondents. The material that has been used was approved by the informants.
5.6 Role of the researcher
The researcher's position is significant in academic research. This is because the interviewer is the focal instrument in acquiring knowledge. Knowledge is shared between the researcher and the interviewees (Kvale, 1996: 117-118). Since a qualitative research method is an interpretive study and the researcher is engaged with the interviewees’ experiences; it is crucial to mention different characteristics such as personal information, profession and social status that may influence the produced interpretations (Creswell, 2014: 187-188; Lapan & Quartaroli, 2011: 22-23). The reason for choosing this topic was related to my personal experiences. This study has carried out a constructivist perspective, so I was aware of my biases that can affect the study and I have done my best to be objective. Also, I tried to minimize my personal characteristics and focus only on the interviewees' experiences.
Conducting semi-structured interviews exposed me as a researcher to some expectations from the interviewees. These expectations were mainly related to their migration to Europe. This is because I live in Sweden, and I am originally from Syria. They expected some gains or advice to simplify their trip to Europe; however, I was clear from the very beginning that I cannot fulfil any such expectations. Instead, I explained to them that I am a researcher, and I need to conduct these interviews for academic purposes. One may argue that being from the same country will make the paper biased to a certain extent. However, I believe that being from the same country as the participants benefits the aim of this research by facilitating a deeper understanding of their situation and allowing me to engage with the interviewees in a more constructive dialogue. I remained critical and focused on the interviewees’ experiences and I have presented their views and reflections accurately.
5.7 Reliability and validity
Reliability and validity are important to bear in mind when conducting academic research because they support and help to assess the researcher's objectivity. According to Seidman
(2006), reliability can be a difficult issue to be measured in qualitative research methods, especially while conducting interviews. However, reliability in qualitative research is coordinated through different researchers by allowing others to employ the same techniques in order to achieve similar findings (6 & Bellamy, 2012: 20-21). Hence, reliability can be achieved when the researcher clearly documents their research steps to avoid committing mistakes or making mistakes easier to detect while focusing on the themes’ definitions (Creswell, 2014: 203). Therefore, transparency is essential because the researcher shall take into consideration subjectivity and credibility. I tried to be transparent and objective as much as possible. I avoided being biased in this paper by showing the facts and presenting them neutrally. This is because the assessment of any topic depends on the way the argument is investigated and presented. Replicability refers to reaching similar results, using similar methods and materials (Creswell, 2007). This can be achieved by being transparent throughout the paper.
Validity can be understood as a concept which shows whether the researcher has investigated and answered the research questions or not. This study uses a qualitative research method, which focuses on the experiences of the interviewees. Validity also refers to the process of an investigation while conducting research. It is related to a particular issue that needs to be investigated and scrutinized. It is crucial to question, examine and to interpret the findings theoretically (Kvale, 1996: 75-76). I was aware of assuring that validity had investigated the research questions, objectives and relevancy and reflected these elements in the results of this paper.
5.8 Introducing the interviewees
Here is a summary of the Syrian migrants who were interviewed through this research. These are fictive names:
Ahmad is 33 years old. He has lived in Ankara for almost four years with his wife and children. He finished his bachelor’s degree in IT at Damascus university.
Khalid is 36 years old. He has been in Istanbul for almost five years and is married with children. He finished his secondary education in Syria.
Heba is 29 years old. She moved to Turkey six years ago. She is married with children, and she lives in Mardin. She finished a two-year vocational education in tailoring.
Shahed is 42 years old. She has been living in Ankara for five years. She is a widow with children, and she worked as an Arabic teacher in Syria for many years. Now she also works as an Arabic teacher for the Syrian refugee community in Ankara. She has a bachelor’s degree in Arabic literature.
Ayman is 30 years old. He has lived in Istanbul for almost four years. He left Syria while he was in his second year at Homs University, where he studied business administration. He is single and lives with friends.
Mustafa is 26 years old who came to Turkey eight years ago, and he lives in Mardin with his parents. He finished his secondary education in Syria in Damascus.
Sausan is 28 years old. She has been living in Ankara for almost five years. She is married with children. She finished her bachelor’s degree in graphic design in Syria.
CHAPTER 6
6 Analysis and Findings
In this chapter the focus will be based on analyzing the findings that are extracted from the interviewees’ experiences and opinions concerning their presence in Turkey as well as their preparations for secondary migration to Europe. The reflections of the interviewees will be helpful in allowing other researchers to evaluate whether the analysis and findings of this paper will also be used for other studies. Further, I will present all of the relevant results in relation to the research questions that I have posed earlier.
6.1 Main push factors
6.1.1 Deprivation from regular means of migration
All of the interviewees stated that it is difficult for them to migrate regularly to Europe due to the restrictions and migration policies that European countries have implemented towards Syrians. According to the interviewees, the only way for them is to adopt irregular migration. The interviewees have emphasized that there is another path to travel to Europe, such as the UNHCR Resettlement Refugee Program (Priority Global Quota). Ayman, Khalid and Shahed have already applied for this program, and they have been rejected. Sausan and Mustafa have not yet received a response from the UNHCR office. They have stated that they are not included in the most prioritized groups that will be selected for the resettlement quota refugees program, Ayman says:
I have applied for the UNHCR resettlement program for almost three years. I have been in an interview with UNHCR who said that they would answer me, but until now I have not received any answer from them. I think it is almost impossible for me to migrate regularly through the UNHCR resettlement program. Ayman (personal communication, July 27, 2020)
Heba has applied for travel visas to many European countries, and she was rejected due to the new rules of the EU countries which implemented extremely elaborate visa requirements for Syrian refugees. These statements tie back to Ekmekci’s (2017) description of Syrians in Turkey who are deprived of gaining legal entrance to any country outside the surrounding countries that hosted them. This is because of the procedures that have been formulated by the destination countries (Ekmekci, 2017). Therefore, it is difficult for the interviewees to travel outside Turkey regularly.
6.1.2 Refugee and citizenship rights
Shahed and Mustafa emphasized that their legal situation in Turkey is problematic and they have applied for a residence permit. They have work permits in Turkey for only one year, but their applications for residence permits in Turkey have been rejected. They have indicated that they have to apply regularly and every year in order to have their work permits renewed. They also mentioned that the fees are high, the procedures are complicated, and it takes a long time. Mustafa says:
It is difficult to grant Syrians Turkish citizenship even if they have a residence permit in Turkey, and there are few Syrians that can be granted Turkish citizenship. My asylum in Turkey has been rejected by the Turkish authorities because I am a non-European citizen, and I cannot be granted this right. Mustafa (personal communication, August 12, 2020)
This view is reminiscent of Makovsky (2019) and Ekmekci (2017) argument concerning the current situation that the Syrians are encountering in Turkey in terms of denying them refugee status.
6.1.3 Economic factors and labor market
The economic aspect is crucial for the informants who have encountered difficulties in getting jobs in Turkey; even if they are qualified, it is still difficult to access the labor market. Sausan says:
I have finished a bachelor’s degree in graphic design in Syria. I believe that I can teach computers to pupils in Turkey since I speak Turkish fluently. I have applied to work for many schools, companies, and shops. My applications were rejected due to my status as a Syrian refugee. Instead, I work as a salesperson in a clothing shop in Ankara. My salary is approximately 225 USD monthly. I work from nine in the morning until seven in the evening. My job is irregular since my application for a work residence permit has been rejected due to the Turkish procedures and the higher fees of the permission. The rent for our small apartment is very expensive (165 USD) since we live in the city. Also, I am exposed to exploitation from my employer because of my situation as an irregular worker. For instance, sometimes my employer does not pay me on time, and sometimes he pays less than the salary that we have agreed upon. Sausan (personal communication, July 8, 2020)
As mentioned earlier, Kirişci and Kolasin (2019) argue that economic factors affect Syrians in Turkey because of their lack of access to the labor market, which constitutes one of the major factors pushing Syrians to migrate. The Syrian presence in Turkey is categorized as a temporary protection presence. This gives their presence an ambiguous status (Kirişci & Kolasin, 2019). This means that the Syrians are exposed to labor rules and regulations that have restricted their integration in the labor market. Khalid says:
I perform work with very long hours, and it is a tough job. I work from nine in the morning until eight in the evening. The pay is very low. I work in a restaurant and I have to clean dishes, prepare food and my tasks at work are very exhausting with short rests. I work six days per week. I earn approximately 200 USD per month. However, my employer does not pay me on time. Therefore, I have to borrow money the whole time in order to pay the monthly rent for my apartment. The rent is very high; it is 140 USD even though I live outside Istanbul. I have to take the bus every day in the morning, which takes 45 minutes until I get to work. I have to pay 26 USD for transportation every month. I like living here in Istanbul; however, I cannot afford to live here all my life due to the expenses that I am encountering in my daily life. Khalid (personal communication, September 5, 2020)
Makovsky (2019), argued that the Turkish economy is encountering higher rates of unemployment which affects the Turkish people and subsequently has negative consequences on Syrians (Makovsky, 2019). This creates competition in the labor market among both Syrians and Turkish citizens (UNHCR, 2016). According to the interviewees, the priority in the labor market is for Turkish citizens rather than Syrians. All of the interviewees emphasized their dissatisfaction with their economic situation in Turkey due to unemployment, lower incomes, long work hours and exploitation in the labor market, reflecting the statistics gathered by the International Labour Organization (2020) regarding Syrians in Turkey.
6.1.4 An ambiguous future in Turkey and deportation fear
The interviewees stated and reiterated that their return to Syria is challenging and difficult to achieve because of the conflict in Syria. Moreover, all of the interviewees have emphasized that the Turkish government does not have long-term plans and procedures to integrate them into Turkish society.
I work as a car mechanic, and I struggled to get a work permit after long and complicated procedures. I always watch the news in order to assure that I will not be deported to Syria. This is due to the drastic changes in the procedures and regulations of the Turkish government. The opposition parties in Turkey want to deport Syrians to Syria. There is always pressure among these parties to restrict the Syrian presence in different terms such as the legal status, integration, labor market, health care system and public services. Like the majority of Syrians, my situation here is insecure whether I will lose my residence and continue with my job or I will be deported from Turkey. I wish that the opposition parties will not rule Turkey and apply the new regulations of deportation. Mustafa (personal communication, August 12, 2020) Ahmad and Sausan have stated that the Turkish policies are subject to sudden change, adding unpredictability to the fears that they have. Also, they believe that the opposition parties consider the Syrian presence as creating economic and social strains on the Turkish infrastructure. This view is connected to Kınıklıoğlu’s argument (2020), who has emphasized that the Turkish opposition parties consider Syrian refugees as a burden on the Turkish economy. Hence, Syrians, according to the opposition parties, must be deported to Syria (Kınıklıoğlu, 2020).
There are also socio-psychological factors that push Syrians to migrate to Europe for better protection for their families. Shahed says:
My children are still suffering and having nightmares and bad memories due to the bombardments they have seen during our presence in Syria. All Syrian children and women that I know are still living in trauma because they have witnessed the war in Syria—it is still difficult for them to get rid of these memories that have affected them. Shahed (personal communication, June 12, 2020)
Ahmad has emphasized that it was difficult for his children to join the Turkish schools because of the schools’ high fees, and he cannot afford to pay these fees. This view is reminiscent of Yavcan’s argument concerning the difficulties that the Syrians are encountering in terms of affording proper education to their children due to their low income (Yavcan, 2016).
6.1.5 Increased hostility and lack of protection
Social factors related to the difficulties that Syrians are encountering in Turkey are important because they are pushing Syrians to migrate from Turkey (International Crisis Group, 2018). The interviewees have expressed that they do not feel welcome in many cities and neighborhoods in Turkey. Additionally, many of the interviewees are encountering hostility and harassment from the local Turkish people in certain districts in Istanbul and Ankara such as Kucukcekmece in Istanbul and Altındağ district in Ankara. However, the hostility in the Turkish rural areas such as Kahramanmaraş province is reported to be less profound (Erturk, 2020).
Heba, Shahed and Khalid stated that they are struggling to find proper accommodation in different Turkish districts; even though they can pay the rent on these apartments. Shahed feels disappointed about her treatment in the neighborhood where she used to live in Ankara. She was almost forced to leave her apartment because of harassment from the neighbors and the landlord. Shahed says:
I suffered a lot until I found an apartment; many landlords refuse to rent their apartments to Syrians. When I got this apartment, I had to bring a Turkish guarantor in order to rent this apartment. I also have to pay the rent of three months in advance. However, my neighbors do not treat us nicely. They avoid my children. They always complain about my children when they play outside. I feel not welcomed in this district, and we are always exposed to harassment. Shahed (personal communication, June 12, 2020)
Many Turkish citizens, as mentioned earlier, are not content with the Syrian presence in Turkey (Kınıklıoğlu, 2020). Sausan has experienced harassment in her district, and she has had a problem with her employer. However, when she complained to the police, her complaint was rejected, and she felt discriminated against because of her status as a refugee. Sausan says:
My previous employer has denied 30% of my salary. I was supposed to be paid for a whole month, but he gave me only 70% of my salary. He complained that he did not earn so much money that month. He did not commit to our agreement concerning the salary. I complained to the police in order to get my money; however, the police did not help me, and I felt discriminated against because of my situation as a refugee. The police supported my previous employer instead. Sausan (personal communication, July 8, 2020)
6.1.6 Multiple factors that push Syrians to migrate
As discussed above, the seven interviewees have emphasized and reiterated in their interviews the problematic situation that they encounter in Turkey. Also, they emphasized the fear that they will be deported to Syria. The interviewees are looking for a new place where they can feel secure and find protection for themselves and their families.
Khalid lives in Istanbul for almost five years and is married with children. He says: “I just want to feel safe and respected. I do not want to stay more in Turkey because of my difficult situation here, nor to be deported to Syria”. The push factors are mainly based on economic, social, political, and environmental factors that push migrants to migrate from their origin countries. This is also connected to the lack of several substantive factors that they are deprived of in their origin countries. These factors include freedom, liberties, security, democracy, and education (Castles et al., 2014: 27-28). The push factors reflect the passive circumstances that the migrants encounter in their origin countries (Oishi, 2005: 5-6). This view aligns with the interviewees’ opinions and experiences concerning their migration.
Also, the interviewees can be perceived as ‘rational actors’ on a micro-level. This means that they have made calculations concerning both the positive and negative aspects of their migration. Hence, migrants focus on the positive aspects and gains of their migration (Portes & Böröcz, 1989: 608). According to Makovsky (2019), many Syrians are encountering difficulties in Turkey due to the high amount of unemployment, lack of political representation, lack of legal status, and problems accessing education and public services (Makovsky, 2019).
These push factors mentioned above are significant and relate to the push model. This is a multidimensional issue that includes various factors such as higher unemployment for Syrians in Turkey in comparison to their Turkish counterparts, and the denial of legal status for the interviewees. The informants also stated that they are experiencing a lack of protection, lack of proper access to public services and the social security system, and a lack of representation. These factors are significant, causing many Syrians to be pushed to seek a secondary migration.
6.2 Main pull factors
6.2.1 Multiple factors that pull Syrians to Europe
The majority of the interviewees that I have interviewed have emphasized and reiterated that they are seeking secondary migration due to the stability in Europe and improving their economic situation. Also, they hope to gain social benefits in Europe. Ahmad says:
Life in Turkey forces you to find a job regardless of what type of job it is. This is because I need to manage myself and survive here. Syrians in Turkey will accept any job opportunity in order to support themselves. Previously, the Turkish government offered educational and health care services for Syrians. However, these services were temporary due to the drastic changes in the Turkish regulations and procedures concerning the Syrian presence. I have to look for a better and safer country, I have to improve my situation, and this is the only reason that makes me think to migrate to Europe. Ahmad (personal communication, August 22, 2020)
Heba compares the living standards between both Turkey and Europe. Heba says:
Europe offers better opportunities for Syrians in terms of a better social security system, better job opportunities that fulfil the migrants’ ambitions and enjoying lots of stability and individual liberties. My sister lives in France, and she used to work in a kindergarten with children. She became unemployed last year. However, she gets a salary right now as being unemployed from the French government. Also, she gets social benefits for her children. Heba (personal communication, July 2, 2020)
Mustafa wants to migrate to the Netherlands because he can be offered better opportunities and recognition of his asylum-seeking in the Netherlands. This would be better for him in comparison to his situation in Turkey. At the same time, Ahmad wants to migrate to Germany so that he can apply for a master’s program in IT and then he can find a decent job after his graduation and get a work residence permit. Also, he thinks that education quality in Germany is advanced and ensures a better future in comparison to Turkey.
Shahed wants to migrate to Sweden where she can enjoy gender equality, liberties, and democracy. She thinks that Sweden offers better rights to women in comparison to Turkey. She does not want to be treated as a second-class citizen like how she feels now in Turkey. She
believes that Swedish people do not treat women as second-class citizens. Shahed thinks that Sweden offers the best social security system and good financial aid in comparison to Turkey.
Ayman also believes that Sweden has a good higher education system. If he is granted the right of asylum, then he can study freely without paying tuition. All of the interviewees have emphasized their desire to gain a permanent residence permit as well as citizenship rights in their destination countries. Ayman and Shahed are motivated to migrate to Sweden because if they are granted a residence permit there, they can get a residence permit for thirteen months. Also, there is a strong possibility to have their residence permits renewed after thirteen-months.
I can study without paying fees in Sweden. I might find a job and manage myself there because it is allowed for students to study and work at the same time. The asylum-seekers will be advantaged by getting the opportunity to work and study once their asylum is granted. However, I work for six days in Turkey in order to survive. I am exploited, and I cannot afford studying as well as paying the tuition for the university. Also, the education system in Turkey is not as advanced as the one in Sweden. Ayman (personal communication, July 27, 2020) All of the interviewees that I have interviewed hope to migrate to Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the Netherlands. It is important to note that there are various factors motivating the interviewees to migrate from Turkey. The overall goal of the majority of them is to gain better opportunities. The information that the interviewees have collected about the destination countries vary and might not fit with the real situation in those countries.
6.2.2 Why Europe as a destination
I posed questions to the interviewees regarding why they choose Europe as their destination. Sausan, who lives in Ankara, says, “I know from my friends and the smugglers that I will improve my situation once I arrive in Europe”. Sausan also mentioned that she had not gotten an obvious idea about life in Europe when she was still living in Syria. She said that she became familiar with the routes to Europe via connections with smugglers. Mustafa says that “smugglers give detailed information about the best countries in Europe which offer financial aid for migrants and refugees”. It is crucial to note that the migrants who are already living in the destination countries play a significant role in giving ideas and information about many European countries. Ahmad says:
