Integration policy in Denmark & Sweden:
A
comparative study on problem representations in ‘Regeringens
långsiktiga strategi för att minska och motverka segregation
2018-2028’ and ‘Ét Danmark uden parallelsamfund- Ingen
ghettoer I 2030’
Fadumo Abdi
Department of Global Political Studies
Bachelor of Arts with a major in Human Rights 12 points
Abstract
Sweden and Denmark are both welfare states sharing a unique bond and similarities. However, attitudes in integration policies are a world apart. Whilst Denmark has gained a reputation of having a strict and harsh immigration policy seeking to uphold cultural homogeneousness, Sweden proudly announces its welcoming stance on immigration embracing cultural diversity. This study offers an insight into problem representations in integration policies in Sweden and Denmark. Existing literature in this field is mainly concerned with post-integration policies leaving literature on problem representations that are more recent unexplored. This thesis seeks to fill that gap by describing the similarities, differences, and underlying assumptions in integration policies in the respective countries. By applying a ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ approach based on a Foucauldian discourse analysis, the findings of this study show significant differences in problem representations and underlying assumptions
Keywords:
Comparative study, integration policies, Sweden, Denmark
Table of Contents
1. INTRODUCTION ... 5
1.1. PREAMBLE... 5
1.2. HUMAN RIGHTS RELEVANCE ... 6
1.3. AIM AND RESEARCH QUESTION ... 6
1.4. LIMITATIONS ... 6 1.5. DELIMITATIONS ... 7 1.6. RELIABILITY... 7 1.7. PREVIOUS RESEARCH ... 7 1.8. ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS... 8 1.9. CHAPTER OUTLINE ... 9 2. MATERIAL ... 9 3. METHOD ... 10 3.1. RESEARCH DESIGN ... 10 3.1.1. COMPARATIVE POLITICS ... 10
3.1.2. CASE SELECTION:‘MOST SIMILAR SYSTEM DESIGN’ ... 11
3.1.3. SELECTION BIAS ... 12
3.2. THE ‘WHAT’S THE PROBLEM REPRESENTED TO BE’ APPROACH BY CAROL BACCHI ... 12
3.2.1. APPLICATION OF QUESTION 1 AND 2 OF A’WHAT’S THE PROBLEM REPRESENTED TO BE’ APPROACH 13 3.2.2. QUESTION 1:WHAT IS THE ‘PROBLEM’ REPRESENTED TO BE IN A SPECIFIC POLICY? ... 14
3.2.3. QUESTION 2:WHAT PRESUPPOSITIONS OR ASSUMPTIONS UNDERLIES THIS REPRESENTATION OF THE ‘PROBLEM’? ... 14
4. THEORY... 16
4.1. THE THEORETICAL UNDERPINNING THE ‘WHAT’S THE PROBLEM REPRESENTED TO BE’ APPROACH:A‘FOUCAULDIAN ANALYSIS ‘ ... 16
4.1.1. PROPOSITION 1:WE ARE GOVERNED THROUGH PROBLEMATIZATIONS;... 16
GOVERNMENTALITY ... 16
1.1.1. PROPOSITION 2:STUDY PROBLEMATIZATIONS THROUGH ANALYZING THE PROBLEM REPRESENTATION THEY CONTAIN, RATHER THAN ‘PROBLEMS’:... 18
DISCOURSE ... 18
5. BACKGROUND... 19
5.1. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ON INTEGRATION IN DENMARK ... 19
5.2. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ON INTEGRATION IN SWEDEN ... 20
5.3. DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS ... 21
5.3.3. SEGREGATION ... 22
6. ANALYSIS ... 23
6.1. DENMARK ... 23
6.1.1. QUESTION 1:WHAT’S THE PROBLEM REPRESENTED TO BE? ... 23
6.1.2. QUESTION 2:WHAT PRESUPPOSITIONS OR ASSUMPTIONS UNDERLIE THIS REPRESENTATION OF THE ‘PROBLEM’? ... 25
6.2. SWEDEN... 30
6.2.1. QUESTION 1:WHAT’S THE PROBLEM REPRESENTED TO BE? ... 30
6.2.2. QUESTION 2WHAT PRESUPPOSITIONS OR ASSUMPTIONS UNDERLIE THIS REPRESENTATION OF THE PROBLEM ... 32
6.3. THE FINDINGS ... 37
7. CONCLUSION... 39
7.1. DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS AND CONCLUDING REMARKS ... 39
7.2. EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL VALIDITY ... 41
7.3. FUTURE RESEARCH ... 41
7.4. BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 41
7.4.1. PRIMARY SOURCES ... 41
1. Introduction
1.1. Preamble
In today’s world, nation-states are different in many ways: historical, cultural size, economic, political, institutional, demographical, and national identity perceptions (Hedetoft, 2010:122). Sweden and Denmark have for a long time considered themselves as ‘relatively homogenous nation-states in terms of ethnicity’ (Green-Pedersen & Odmalm,2008:368).
They are similar in many ways: small welfare nations and constructed by akin universal welfare state ideology. Despite these similarities they have taken divergent approaches in integration policies(ibid,6). The question remains why the study that this thesis offers should be of interest for anyone? The answer holds that it is striking that two countries only separated by a bridge, both egalitarian welfare state and shares a unique bond has an opposite stance on integration processes in terms of the duty and obligations immigrants have to integrate into their new home country, and where the state should locate its efforts in promoting social cohesion. The existing literature in this field is mainly concerned with post-integration policies leaving literature on problem
representations that are more recent unexplored. This thesis seeks to fill that gap and is unique as there is yet to be found a comparative study on problem representations and underlying assumptions in ‘The Long-term strategy against segregation 2018-2028’ and ‘’ A Denmark without parallel
societies – No Ghettos by 2030’. This study will hopefully provide an insight for those interested in
1.2. Human rights relevance
Problem representations are important to study as they have potentially negative implications for individuals.
Integration policies can in some cases restrict the human rights of immigrants and refugees.
1.3. Aim and research question
This thesis aims to describe differences and similarities in problem representations and underlying assumptions in integration policies in Denmark nd Sweden. The research question is therefore formulated as following:
What are the differences and similarities in problem representations and underlying assumptions in ‘Regeringens långsiktiga strategi för att minska och motverka segregation 2018-2028’ and ‘Ét
Danmark uden parallelsamfund- Ingen ghettoer I 2030’?
By applying the ‘What’s the Problem representation to be’ approach and the theoretical
underpinning the method based on a Foucauldian discourse analysis, the hypotheses of this study expect to find more differences than similarities.
1.4. Limitations
By only focusing on particular policies it leaves out a more nuanced perspective that might influence the findings of this thesis.
However, by only limiting the comparative analysis based on two similar countries, Denmark and Sweden, it will assist in establishing the correlation amongst few variables, and ‘forces greater specificity on the researcher’ (Guy Peters, 1998:4).
It is important to establish that this thesis does not seek to argue in favor of any of the chosen policies.
Another limitation that might affect the findings of the thesis is the language barrier in terms of translation. The chosen materials are written in Danish and Sweden. There are unfortunately particular words or expressions that cannot be translated directly from Danish or Swedish to
English. This means that certain words in particular statements in the material words that were closely related was used instead.
1.5. Delimitations
To provide a focused analysis, certain choices have been made. Although policies are often located within a web of other policies that are interrelated, the only policy document used as material are: ‘A Denmark without parallel societies – No Ghettos by 2030’ and ‘The-long-term strategy against
segregation 2018-2028’. This allows for a clear focus and leaves out unnecessary and unrelated
components that may not be of any use for this thesis. 1.6. Reliability
As one functional aspect of the’ What’s the problem represented to be ‘ approach is to bring out the presuppositions and assumptions underlying a problem representation and provide an interpretation followed by evaluation and comments, depends on the positionality of the researcher and his or hers political motivation, values, assumptions, and presuppositions(Bacchi, 1999:10). Therefore, the findings of the thesis cannot be guaranteed to be reproduced, if others used the method and theory as has been used for this thesis.
1.7. Previous research
The existing literature on civic turns in integration policies in Sweden and Denmark will be explored in this section. They have been selected due to their contributions and influence, and their studies provide an interesting insight into this field.
National identity perceptions
Various scholars have studied civic turns in integration policies in Sweden and Denmark from the perspective of national identity perceptions (Sayed 2004: Borevi 2014: Rytter 2011; Borevi 2008;
integration is from a society-centered perspective. Meaning, ‘an already existing cultural homogeneity and interpersonal trust is considered to be a necessity for a welfare state to not be undermined, and where ‘social cohesion in Denmark is about the value of sameness, in itself and as foundational of trust and the welfare state’( Borevi,2008, cited in Mouritsen 2012: 98). In contrast, the Swedish approach is from a state-centered standpoint. Borevi further asserts that the central idea is that integration processes are best promoted by the welfare state and as the inherent promoter of social inclusion (Borevi, 2008:378). The ‘Danish national identity can be described as
ethnocultural, whereas Swedish national identity as’ civic, less settled, and more open to change’ (Jensen, 2014:571: Borevi, 2017:378). The underpinning aspect of the Swedish national identity is to understand its diversity rather than homogeneity. Additionally (Koefod and Simonsen, 2007:310) asserts that the Danish national identity is connected to questions around the impact immigration and diversities have on Danish culture and identity. The construction of national identity is based on the idea that ‘strangers’ should ‘become Danish’ by adopting such norms and values, as this is essential for promoting and maintaining the homogeneity in society. Hence, the Danish national identity is at stake when facing ethnic and cultural diversity. Borevi et al (2017) further suggest in a comparative study on Denmark, Sweden and Norway on the civic turn in integration policy that two internal factors can explain the divergence attitudes: national identities and public philosophies and party-political dynamics (Borevi et al, 2017:6). The authors conclude that despite each country constructed as a universalist welfare state in national self-imagine and relying on ‘high levels of trust and solidarity, high labor market participation and high taxation levels’, each country has their perception of how social cohesion and the welfare state is maintained(ibid).
The aforementioned scholarly literature on integration policies has been cited extensively in other academic settings which indicates the significance and influence of their studies, and is of high relevance for this thesis, as it offers a theoretical understanding of the different attitudes in integration policies through the lens of national identity perceptions.
This thesis locates itself within the existing literature in this field.
When studying problem representation is it important to bear in mind that the people implied problem representation are human beings with feelings and must be treated with dignity and respect. The primary material of this thesis may contain specific terms that might have negative connotations which must be handled with cautiousness to avoid reproducing the same rhetoric as it might further disadvantage individuals involved in the problem representation. With this in mind, it is vital to utilize the terminology employed in the materials to present as accurately as possible the problem representations postulated in the chosen policy documents.
The materials do not contain any sensitive personal data on any individuals.
1.9. Chapter outline
Chapter 2 will present a discussion of the chosen material, followed by an evaluative and operational presentation of the methodology for this thesis in chapter 3. The theoretical
underpinning the ‘What’s the problem represented to be approach’ will be introduced in chapter 4. The relevant background knowledge will be explored in chapter 5 followed by the analysis in chapter 6. Lastly, chapter 7 will discuss the findings with concluding remarks, and evaluate the external and internal validity of this study.
2. Material
To be able to conduct a comparative study, the material chosen must be comparable. Therefore, the primary material for this thesis is ‘The Long-term strategy against segregation 2018-2028’ and ‘A
Denmark without parallel societies – No Ghettos by 2030’. Both policy documents are
comprehensive strategies against ghettoization and segregation in Sweden and Denmark. Since the drafting and passing of the two government documents, both countries have had elections.
However, this has no implication for this thesis since both strategies are still pursued and implemented by the current governments in both countries.
The approach will be to look for how ‘problems’ are described and problematized and identify specific expressions and key terms to examine the underlying assumptions within problem
representations. The actual initiatives will not be explored in depth besides using them as examples in the analysis. The discussion of the findings will be situated within existing scholarly literature in
3. Method
The methodology of this thesis is Carol Bacchi’s ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ approach. This section will first present the research design of this thesis followed by an evaluative
presentation of the ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ approach.
3.1. Research Design
The research designs that this thesis will be based upon are comparative politics and ‘most similar system design’.
3.1.1. Comparative politics
In the article ‘The Comparative Method’ David Collier asserts that comparison functions as a key instrument of analyses as it “sharpens our power of description and plays a crucial role in concept-formation by bringing into focus suggestive similarities and contrasts among cases” (Collier, 1993:106). ‘Comparative method’ can be understood as “the methodological issues that arise in the systematic analyses of a small number of cases, or a * small N*” (Collier, 1993:105). By focusing on comparison in similarities or difference, the researcher will gain a substantial insight into how governments functions(ibid,37).
Dogan and Pelassy (1984) maintains that the researcher seeking to conduct a comparative study will be prone to examine differences in cases that are similar in many ways or find correlations in political systems that are divergent (Dogan and Pelassy, 1984:127). A central aspect of conducting a comparative political analysis is to choose ‘ a small number of instances of a process or
institutions that appear similar( or at least appear ‘comparable’) in some important ways’ and using them to illustrate and shed light on the characteristics of these process and institutions, or policies in different countries. By doing so, it will provide the researcher with a better understanding of
3.1.2. Case selection: ‘most similar system design’ Two approaches can be utilized to select cases to compare.
The first one which will be the chosen one for this thesis, and also the most commonly undertaken by researchers when conducting a comparative politics study is the ‘Most similar systems design’ by John Miller (Guy Peters, 1998:38). There is a common perception of the ‘Most similar system design’ being the comparative design’ as it seeks to ‘manipulate the independent variables through case selection and to control extraneous variances by the same means’ (ibid). The ‘most similar system design’ will aid the researcher in examining the divergent structures of the interrelation between independent and dependent variables, which makes it seemly for various
investigations(ibid). Moreover, Van der Heijden further adds that the ‘most similar system design’ is based on the assumption that the more similar the cases are, the easier it will be to identify the interrelation between the dependent and explanatory variables’ (Van der Heijden,2013:4).
As with many other research designs and scientific methods e.g. experimental, statistical, etc., which all have their strengths and weaknesses, the comparative method and the ‘most similar system design’ are no exception. One of the weaknesses the researcher is faced with when applying the comparative method to a limited number of countries is to control the quantities of variables. One way of addressing and controlling the number of variables is to locate the comparative analyses on cases that are comparable. What is here meant with ‘comparison’ is the great number of central elements (the variables), that the researcher seeks to remain consistent, but are divergent from those variables that are of interest to make relatable to each other. If one manages to identify such
comparative instances, the comparative method will be of great use ‘as they allow the establishment of relationships among few variables while many other variables are controlled’ (Arend, 1971:687). Conducting a comparative study uncovers the differences and similarities more clearly, which forces the researcher to think more comprehensively which lessens the likelihood of making ‘assumptions about the uniqueness of the chosen cases”(ibid). One of the most significant benefits is the occurrence of a real and complex phenomenon within the selected countries that is of most interest for the student wishing to make a comparative policy study. At the same time, these complex events occurring in ‘real-life politics’ also means that the researcher will be faced with various variables consisting of an abundance of factors which in most case are deeply connected. The researcher must then unravel the sources of variances to contextualize the findings and to provide as useful a story about politics as he or she can (Guy Peters, 1998:2). The benefits of
applying the ‘most similar system design’ is that even if the particular variables cannot be detangled, the method can shed light on how they differ (Tarrrow,2010:234).
3.1.3. Selection bias
In comparative research, the researcher is prone to select cases based on how well he or she knows the chosen countries and attempts to make the theory fit the cases. In terms of interpretation and foreign language difficulties, selection bias is reasonable. However, selection bias can cause challenges for testing theories when cases are based on familiarity as is it not necessarily (Guy Peters,1998:52). However, the aim of this thesis is not to test a theory. The selection of Denmark and Sweden as cases have not been based on familiarity but have been chosen as they are
exceedingly interesting cases to compare due to their similar characteristics as welfare states and yet divergence stance in the relation to integration policies. Hence “Sweden and Denmark are ideal candidates for ‘most similar’ comparative study” (Borevi et al, 2017: 5).
3.2. The ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ approach by Carol Bacchi
The ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ approach by Carol Bacchi will be the methodological of this thesis. The level of analysis is located on discourses in a Foucauldian understanding. In the book ‘Analyzing policy: What’s the problem represented to be?’ Carol Bacchi suggests that the conventional way of thinking of public policy is that governments are trying to set forth the best possible solution for solving a ‘problem’ which is an expression of governments reacting to ‘fixing’ a ‘problem’. When exploring a specific policy, one will notice that the implied problem is
understood as a specific kind of ‘problem’. Thus, policy shapes and construct ‘problems.’ A WPR approach shifts away from the conventional ways of thinking about public policy as governments reacting to a ‘problem’ and towards thinking of governments as active producers of creating a specific ‘problems’ problem representation (Bacchi, 2009:1). The representations of a ‘problem’ is centered around discourse defined as’ the language, concepts, and categories utilized to construct problem/ issue (ibid, 2). The Foucauldian discourse analysis embodied in a WPR approach will be explored more in details in chapter 4.
A WPR consists of 6 questions: what is the ‘problem ‘represented to be is; what assumptions underlie this specific problem representation: how has this representation of the ‘ problem’ come about: what is left unproblematic: what effects are produced by this representation of the problem: how/where is this problem representation produced, disseminated and defended?. The WPR does not intend to limit discussions on any given policy or proposal. Instead, it seeks to open for an analysis that would allow us to think of a ‘problem’ from other perspectives (ibid,12).
Why are problem representations important? They are important as the ‘problem’ represented creates implication for how an ‘issue’ is thought about, how individuals involved are treated and how they come to about think about themselves (ibid,1).
The choice of using a WPR approach as a method for this thesis is that it motivates to conduct a cross-cultural and cross-national comparison to bring about the differences in problem
representations. For instance, to be able to fully comprehend and identify how ‘problems’ are constructed and represented in a specific problem representation within one's own country,
scrutinizing how the ‘problem’ is giving shape to and represented differently in another country will assist in this task (ibid).
The following section will operationalize question 1 and 2 before application to the chosen material. Although Bacchi encourages a full application of all the 6 questions, selectivity was necessary as the remaining questions require more space and time beyond the capacity of this thesis.
The WPR approach contains 3 propositions: We are governed through problematization(ibid,25): study problematizations through analyzing the problem representations they contain rather than the ‘ problem’(ibid,32) and interrogate existing problematizations through scrutinizing the premises and effects of the problem representations they contain(ibid, 39). Propositions 1 and 2 will be explored further in chapter 4.
3.2.1. Application of Question 1 and 2 of the’ What’s the problem represented to be’ approach
The central focus of a ‘What’s the problem represented to be ‘approach is not trying to identify real problems, but rather to focus on problem representations (Bacchi,2009: xxi). It is highly important to keep in mind the risk of conducting’ single-issue analysis’ and consider that policy areas are often interrelated and integrated (Bacchi,1999:12).
3.2.2. Question 1: What is the ‘problem’ represented to be in a specific policy?
Question 1 is straightforward as the aim is to identify the ‘problem’ implied in a specific policy proposal. To help identify the ‘problem’ Bacchi suggest examining how ‘funds are targeted within a proposal’. For instance, if money is poured into lowering the abuse of the so-called ‘illicit drugs’ e.g. heroin and meth than reducing the abuse of alcohol, ‘illicit drugs’ is the implied problem. The WPR suggests to ‘work backward’ in specific policy propositions to be able to identify what the ‘problem’ is represented to be (Bacchi,2009:4).
3.2.3. Question 2: What presuppositions or assumptions underlies this representation of the ‘problem’?
The focus of question 2 in a WPR approach is to scrutinize and analyze the ‘conceptual logics’ underpinning a problem representation. What is here understood as ‘conceptual logic’ are the
meanings that must be established to make specific problem representation to adhere to? The task of question 2 is to tease out the assumptions or presuppositions underlying a specific problem
representation. The notions of ‘presuppositions’ or ‘assumptions’ can be understood as to the background ‘knowledge’ that is taken for granted. It is by examining the presuppositions or
assumptions that will allow us to identify the ‘conceptual logics’ underpinning a particular problem representation. However, it is important to stress out that the goal of question 2 in the WPR is not to pinpoint the presuppositions or assumptions of policymakers or any biases. Instead, the aim is to identify the assumptions or presuppositions that ‘lodge within problem representation’
(Bacchi,2009:5). Bacchi acknowledges that the line between doing that is a fine line and argues that the separation can be explained by how the level of analyses fostered by the WPR is concerned with how the arguments are shaped, and the knowledge they dependent on, and the different shapes of knowledge that are imperative for statements to appear comprehensible. Relying on Foucault (1932), Bacchi states that the interest here is, ‘what could be thought and what is possible to think’(ibid.) What this kind of analysis also entails is to look for what Bacchi calls ‘deep-seated cultural views- a kind of social unconsciousness- that underpin a problem representation, which is ‘basic or fundamental worldviews’. This is very similar to the notion of ‘episteme’ by Foucault (1973), which he later re-named ‘archive’. Thus, the aim of question 2 is to expose the assumptions underpinning a particular problem representation from a’ Foucauldian archeology’ standpoint(ibid).
The premise of the WPR is that since the policy is about creating meanings, the aim here is to identify how such meanings are created. To help in this task, Bacchi suggests directing our focus to the key concepts, binaries, and categories underpinning a particular policy document.
“The point is not to identify some ‘promises’ as empty, but to draw attention to the assumptions and presuppositions that made it possible to make those ‘promises’ and to develop those policies”
(Bacchi, 2009: xix). The theoretical aspect which lays the foundation for questions takes on a Foucauldian discourse analysis will be examined in the theory chapter.
“Archaeology fleshes out the forms of problematization through which an issue is thought” (ibid,43). Thus, the aim of question 2 is to expose the assumptions underpinning a particular problem representation from a’ Foucauldian archeology’ standpoint(ibid). the premise of the WPR is that since the policy is about creating meanings, the aim here is to identify how such meanings are created by directing our focus to the key concepts, binaries, and categories (conceptual logics underpinning a particular policy representation. The task here is to shed light on the functioning of the ‘conceptual logics’ that could restrict how we understand a ‘problem. (ibid,7).
The weakness is also the analyses it provides are based on single-case policies. By only focusing on particular policies it leaves out a more nuanced perspective. As policies are often interrelated and intertwined, being selective can risk leaving out other vital policies that may influence a particular problem representation in a policy document. Therefore, it is with this in mind, that the chosen materials have been analyzed. The one-dimensional aspect of problem representations in public policy by using a WPR approach is crucial to keep in mind when applying it to any given policy.
4. Theory
4.1. The theoretical underpinning the ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ approach: A ‘Foucauldian analysis ‘
The theoretical underpinning a WPR is inspired by the French philosopher Michel Foucault( 1926- 1984) and consist of 3 propositions: We are governed through problematizations(Bacchi,2009:25): study problematizations through analyzing the problem representations they contain, rather than ‘ problems’(ibid,32), and interrogating existing problematizations through scrutinizing the premise and effects of the representations they contain(ibid,39).
This section will present proposition 1 and 2 propositions as they are most relevant for this thesis.
4.1.1. Proposition 1: We are governed through problematizations;
Governmentality
The interests of a WPR approach is how rules take place, and how we are governed. It seeks to gain an understanding of how society is organized and with outcomes it has for people. According to Bacchi, ‘Government’ in this context “is not a definite and uniform group of institutions but an inventive, strategic, technical and artful set of ‘assemblages’ fashioned from diverse elements” (Bacchi,2009:25, cited in Dean and Hindess, 1998:8). The central focus of a WPR approach is on the ‘knowledge’ rule is exercised through (Bacchi,2009: 26).
“[M]y problem is to see how men[sic] govern (themselves and others) by the production of the truth” (ibid, 26 cited in Foucault 1991a: 79).
This relocation of focus leads us to Michel Foucault (1926-1984), who was also interested in the rationales in how the government took place by the end of the 18th century. According to Foucault, ‘Governmentally’ refers to different types of rules, and can be understood in two ways: “the kind of rationales and or/ mentalities of rule (govern-mentalities) and the kind of rule which was concerned with the population beginning in the late 18th century”(Bacchi, 2009: cited in Foucault 1991a:79). In Foucault’s view, this form of power can be compared to other forms of power, mainly sovereign
power1 and disciplinary power2. According to Bacchi, the government’s ‘need to know’ about the population emerging is evident today as governments continue to keep track of birthrates, death rates, abortion rates, etc.(ibid,27). Foucault was particularly interested in how different forms of power converges and asserts that governmentality was not superseded by sovereign power or discipline power. Instead, the three forms of power are placed in a triangle he calls ‘a triangle of rule’. Furthermore, Foucault speaks about two kinds of ways in where power over life is exercised: biopower or also called biopolitics3 which is centered around the entire society as a’ (species) body’, and the one called anatomic-politics or discipline, which is centered around the bodies of individuals. The intention of governments practicing the different forms of rules is an attempt to uphold order within the population. The premise of a WPR approach holds that the rationalities and techniques of rules must be assessed. The way to identify different forms of rules or what Bacchi refers to as ‘government rationalities’ is to by scrutinizing problematization. The term
problematization in a Foucauldian understanding is to bring out the taken-for-granted assumption, and the thinking that lays behind certain forms of rules (Question 2 of the WPR approach). A WPR approach refers to problematizations to ‘the way/s in which particular issues are conceived as ‘problems’, identifying the thinking behind particular forms of rules. To shed light on the rationalities behind different forms of rules, one must first examine how specific ‘problems’ are thought about and problematized(ibid). A WPR approach establishes that problem representations offer a way into studying how different forms of rules take place. Every policy comprises of problem representations hence ‘we are governed through problematization rather than through policy’ (ibid, 31).
1 “A mentality where the problem is how to perpetuate one’s rule over a given territory and its subjects ” ( ibid, 16 cited
in Walters and Haahr, 2005: 9) “where the ‘privileged instruments’ are law, violence and pageantry” (ibid, 16 cited in Walters and Haahr, 2005: 10)
2 disciplinary power is concerned with bodies of individuals, through which surveillance techniques “produces useful,
calculable subjects” (ibid,27 cited in Walters and Haahr 2005: 10),
3 Biopolitics refers to ‘a form of politics entailing the administration of the processes of life of population’
(Bacchi,2009:28 cited in Dean, 1999:98). It is the ‘endeavor, begun in the eighteenth century, to rationalize problems presented to governmental practice by the phenomena characteristic of a group of living human beings constituted as a
1.1.1. Proposition 2: Study problematizations through analyzing the problem representation they contain, rather than ‘problems’:
Discourse
To be able to identify problem representations Foucault suggests locating our focus on ‘prescriptive texts’ or ‘practical texts’ (Bacchi,2009:34), “the supposedly minor texts of those who made policy and wielded power” (ibid cited in Rabinow 2003:49). Policies are ‘prescriptive texts’ in a WPR approach as they tell us what to do, hence is it through policies that provide an insight into the problematics and problem representations that should be put up for examination. Similar to Foucault, the WPR approach is focused on the “practices based on which problematizations are formed (Question 3) and the thinking that ‘guides or justifies’ those practices” (Question 2) (ibid, 34):
“Problematization doesn’t mean representation of a pre-existing object, nor the creation by the discourse of an object that doesn’t exist. It is the totality of discursive or non-discursive practices that introduces something into the play of true and false and constitutes it as an object for thought( whether in the form of moral reflection, scientific knowledge, political analyses, etc.”( ibid, 35 cited
in Foucault, 1998b:257).
Problematization is referred to as ‘the practices through which things take on meaning and values’ (ibid, cited in Shapiro, 1988: xi). Thus, problem representations are the way ‘in which particular ‘problem’ is constituted in the real’. According to Foucault, problem representations take place in discourses. In a WPR approach ‘discourse’ is not to understood as the language or the conventional discourse analyses which study the utilization of language. Discourses are powerful as they are generally accepted as the ‘truth’. Relying on Foucault once more, a WPR approach postulates that discourses ‘form a practice which is articulated upon other practices. Therefore, discourses make things happen as a result of their ‘truth status’. “We should not underestimate the role of language in constructing worlds, problems and persons as governable entities” (ibid, cited Dean, 1999:64). The kind of discourses that Foucault was especially interested in, or also what he calls ‘truth claims’ is ‘discursive formations’ linked to human sciences and the professions. “These truth claims can be described as ‘knowledges’, rather than as the ‘knowledge’ to assert their contested status” (ibid,35).
The role these knowledges play in how rule takes place (governing) is central to Foucault and the WPR approach. Question 2 of a WPR approach examines the ‘discourses and discursive
formations’ by bringing out their underlying conceptual logics which are the binaries, concepts and keywords within a specific problem representation(ibid,35). Hence, the WPR invites us to reflect on problem representations, and how they are thought about(ibid,39).
“A critique does not consist in saying that things aren’t good the way they are. It consists of seeing what type of assumptions, of familiar notions, of established, unexamined ways of thinking the accepted practice are based” (ibid, cited in Foucault, 1994:456). It is through Question 2 that Foucault’s proposition is explored. By identifying underlying assumptions or presuppositions within a specific problem representation, the researcher will discover ‘the political rationalities’ lodging within a particular problem representation (ibid:39).
5. Background
A historical overview on integration in Denmark and Sweden will be presented to gain an understanding of how integration is understood conceptually and have transformed throughout history.
5.1. Historical overview on integration in Denmark
Integration is no longer a concept exclusively referring to abstract principals for social inclusion and exclusion, regarding every human being. Today, it is included in the average language, even more so in the meaning of a political project, seeking to admit a specific group of people in the society (Olwig & Pærregaard, K, 2007:10). The word ‘integration’ is old and new in Denmark. According to the Danish Language Council, which registers the Danish use of words in the general language sources such as newspapers, it has been well-known since the 18th century. Previous references to integration show that the term has been used as a relatively alien word that had to be defined before its application. Such definition was often, that integration meant ‘incorporate or adapt something or someone as part of a greater unit’ (ibid). In the 20th century, integration became part of the ordinary public debate in Denmark and has shifted between various meanings
mid-twentieth century and has been ascribed different meanings to it. Since the establishment of the ‘Integration Act’ of 1999, integration has become the sole ambition of numerous Danish governments and became the ‘ever-present buzz word and ambition’ of various politicians and media, to refer to immigrant’s religious and cultural practices in Denmark in the 1990s(ibid). In the 1960s and 1970s, the first guest-workers arriving in Denmark originated from Pakistan and (former) Yugoslavia and were predominantly male. Their existence in the Danish society and their everyday lives was giving very little attention from the public and politicians. However, as the families of the aforementioned guest- workers started to expand during the 1970s and begun to appear increasingly in welfare institutions, e.g. day-care, schools, health care system and social service institutions, the Danish welfare system faced unforeseen challenges of cultural problems, which was further
exacerbated by the large intake of refugee groups from the Middle East, Sri Lanka, Bosnia and Somalia. In the 1980s and 1990s, integration became predominant in the Danish public and political discourse, where immigrants and refugees were faced with demands of integrating
themselves into the Danish society and adapt Danish norms and standards that are vaguely defined. Thus, integration became a synonym for assimilation. Legislation and policies have been altered and changed several times, as the Danish attitudes towards immigrants and refugees have gradually shifted away from being liberal, towards a restrictive standpoint. Integration has been a’ fixture-mobilizing strong opinions’ in the Danish political discourse and election campaigns since 1994(ibid).
5.2. Historical overview on integration in Sweden
In 1965, immigrants were introduced to the first Swedish course, and in 1996, Sweden eventually shifted away from immigration policy to integration policy(Wiesbrock, 2011:51) marked by a new bill set forth by the Swedish government in Riksdag a year after called ‘ Sweden, the future and diversity- from immigration politics to integration politics” with its original title ‘ Sverige,
framtiden och mångfalden-från indvandrarpolitik til integrationspolitik( ibid, cited in
Prop.1997/98:16). The newly established integration policy sought to promote ethnic diversity by aiming at pursuing an inclusive integration policy that would promote the human rights of members of the society and eliminating racism and ethnic discrimination.
A new law in 2009 suggested making improvements to the national integration policy called ‘The
Law on the establishment of certain newly incoming immigrants om etableringsinsatser för visa nyanlända indvandrare’ on December 2010(ibid). The aim was to encourage newcomers to
integrate into society and gain employment(ibid,50). The integration policy in Sweden as a response to guest workers coming to Sweden in the 1960s was characterized by principles attributed to a welfare state, such as equal opportunities for everyone, protection of the social and economic well-being of citizens (including guest workers, immigrants, etc.). The kind of a welfare state which provides welfare goods and benefits to its citizens is also known as a Social Democratic welfare state (Borevi, 2008:710). An essential part of the Swedish integration policy in the 1960s and forward, was the emphasis on granting citizenships rights to immigrants early on, especially social rights, as it was considered as a precondition for a successful, or at least building a solid foundation for good integration into the Swedish society, and cultivating kinships. Inspired by universal
egalitarian principles such as equal social and economic rights, Sweden granted instant membership in terms of citizenship, to immigrants and their families, on the same basis as native Swedes, which became official in 1968. The backside of this ‘right-based integration model’ was that immigrants were expected and obligated to be self-providing in terms of being employed. This was also a precondition for gaining residence permits. This resulted in immigrants per automatically becoming an integrated part of the labor market, and ‘the work line was built into the system of immigration control and the regulation mechanism therefor constituted a basic prerequisite for the Swedish adoption of an egalitarian integration approach’(ibid:711).
5.3. Definition of key terms
This section will define the concepts that will appear in this thesis. Although the analysis conducted will come to show that the definition of segregation and ghetto will deviate from how it is defined below, it is still however important to establish a more common understanding on these terms.
5.3.1. Integration as a concept
According to anthropologist Grillo, integration is a ‘fuzzy concept with multiple interpretations. The phrase integration is defined differently in different countries. How Denmark defines and
integration. This is also evident when used in public and political discourses. Thus, a definite description of the term integration is not possible in this context. According to Rytter (2018) “integration is part of the vocabulary of the nation-state” (Rytter,2018:681, cited in Sayad 2014:216). Since the concept is based on and promotes specific perspectives on the nation,
immigration and the relationship between majorities and minorities’ Hence, ‘integration is always embedded in specific national social imaginaries and must be approached and studied as
such’(Rytter,2018:681).
5.3.2. Ghetto
The concept of the ghetto is characterized by 4 elements: Stigma, social and economic constraint, forced spatial boundary, and forced institutional boundary (Larsen, 2011:52 cited in
Wacquant,2000:377). The ghetto can be understood or defined as a social and organizational invention, that uses a physical room to amend conflicting principles to maximize the material profits extracted by a social group that appears self-inflicted for their misery, and to minimize the close and intimate contact with members of the aforementioned social group to avoid a potential spread of the ‘social and symbolic anomy’ this group is attributed with(Larsen , 2011:52, cited in Wacquant 2004:2). Thus, a ghetto is a secluded psychical area with their separate institutions to maintain the inhabitant's basic needs in the absence of conventional or governmental institutions- as seen in the case of the collective black ghetto in up until the 1970s (ibid, cited in Wacquant 2008a: 51, Wilson 1987:3). The ghetto potentially serves as a barrier to integration as it produces ‘both material and symbolic isolation (Wacquant, 2004:6).
5.3.3. Segregation
The term segregation means getting separated from something to be more accurate is can be defined as:
1. “The action or state of setting someone or something apart from others
2. “The enforced separation of different racial groups in a country, community, or establishment” (Lexico).
6. Analysis
To be able to identify problem representations Foucault suggests locating our focus on ‘prescriptive texts’ or ‘practical texts’ (ibid, 34). “The supposedly minor texts of those who made policy and wielded power” (ibid cited in Rabinow 2003:49). The ‘practical text’ in this study will be the ‘The Ghetto Plan’ and ‘The long-term strategy against segregation.
6.1. Denmark
6.1.1. Question 1: What’s the problem represented to be?
Question 1 is straightforward as the aim here is to identify the ‘problem’ implied in ‘The Ghetto
Plan’. As a starting point, question 1 suggest to ‘work backward’ by identifying the proposals set
forth.
Following are the central initiatives:
• Psychical destruction of public housing in exposed areas • Lower benefits for those moving to ghetto areas
• Those receiving integration benefits wishing to reside in ghetto areas will be denied • Higher punishment in certain areas
• Strengthened police force in exposed housing areas (Regeringen, 2018:8).
The stated proposals are the main focus areas and are a result of former failed initiates for eliminating ‘ghettos. The aim is to transform exposed housing areas 4 where 12 billion DKK has been earmarked to finance the proposals set forth. ‘The Ghetto Plan’ contains far more effective actions in obtaining a better resident composition5.
There are three implied ‘problems’ represented. The first implied problem asserts that very few citizens6 have not seized the opportunities Denmark has offered them. “To integrate into their new homeland, very few have seized the opportunities, which Denmark offers although Denmark is a society with safety, freedom, free education and good job opportunities” (ibid,5). A majority of
immigrants and their descendants have acquired Danish language skills or obtained employment and become part of the local community. The statement is that it is first and foremost the individual’s responsibility to learn Danish and actively participate and contribute to society. To integrate into their new homeland(ibid,5).
“There are holes in the Denmark map. Many live in more or less isolated enclaves. A majority of them does not adequately take on responsibility. They do not actively participate in the Danish society and on the labor market. We have received a group of citizens who does not embrace and
acquire Danish norms and values” (ibid,5)
The implied maintains that too many immigrants and their descendants with a ‘non-western’ background’7 do not actively contribute to the Danish society that has resulted in parallel societies and ghettos. “Too many immigrants and descendants of immigrants are without a connection to the surrounding community. Without education. Without jobs. And have not mastered the Danish language” (Regeringen, 2018:4). The second implied problem is that the Danish society has for several years expected too little from refugees and immigrants coming to Denmark in terms of being self-providing. “We as a society have for many years not made the necessary demands” (ibid,). As a result, a large number of immigrants in Denmark have ended up in long-term inactivity(ibid). The third problem and last implied problem is the large intake of refugees and family reunifications and their failure of integrating into the Danish society. “They have been allowed to ‘lump together’ in the ghetto without contact with the larger community. Despite living in Denmark for several years. “This has been allowed to continue as Denmark has not clearly demanded them to become part of the collective community” (ibid). As a result, parallel societies and ghettos are expressions of a failed integration in which ‘The Ghetto Plan’ seeks to uphold the social cohesion in Denmark which has been disrupted by ghettos and parallel societies. (ibid,4). The conceptualizing of ‘social cohesion’ in this context will be assessed in question 2 further down. For now, it is enough to establish an understanding of what is constituted to be the ‘problem’.
“In those areas where parallel societies have occurred, Denmark must become Denmark again” (ibid.6). Ghettos and parallel societies must be eliminated once and for all, and it must be ensured
7 The term immigrants with ‘non-western background’ is a term used frequently in Danish political discourse to
that new ones do not occur so that’ Denmark can remain as Denmark’8. The last implicit problem is that parallel society and ghettos are a threat to modern society in Denmark when freedom,
democracy equality, and tolerance are not accepted as fundamental values9. Ghettos and parallel societies are also an enormous economic burden for society due to immigrants and their
descendants’ lack of contribution to society(ibid,5).
6.1.2. Question 2: What presuppositions or assumptions underlie this representation of the ‘problem’?
Question 2 of the WPR approach aims at identifying the underlying assumption that ‘lodge within
problem representation put forward in ‘The Ghetto Plan’. This section will identify the underlying
assumptions to shed light on how arguments are shaped, the knowledge they dependent on, and the different shapes of knowledge that are imperative to be in place to make the problem representation appear justified and legitimatized from a’ Foucauldian archeology’ point of view. The interest here is, ‘what could be thought and what is possible to think’. The premise here is that policy is
concerned with creating meanings, to where the task is to identify how such meanings are created. The term ‘problematization’ as examined previously (see chapter 4) in a Foucauldian understanding is to bring out the taken-for-granted assumption and the thinking that lays behind forms of rules. By doing so, we must first examine how the ‘problem’ is problematized to reveal the ‘political
rationalities’ that lies behind ‘The Ghetto Plan’.
The first assumption is that something has changed in Denmark ethnic-wise. “The last 40 years, Denmark’s ethnic compositions have changed significantly. In 1980 there were 5,1 million people in Denmark. Today the number is close to 5,8 million. The growth in population is due to an expansion of immigrants and descendants of immigrants. A majority of the new Danes have a non-western background” (Regeringen, 2018:4). This statement implies that the ethnic composition in Denmark is at risk of being override by immigrants due to their increasement. “In 1980 there were around 50.000 persons with a non-western background in Denmark. Today there is nearly half a
8 ‘Denmark cannot remain as Denmark if large proportion of immigrants and their descendants isolates themselves in
million. The second assumption is that social cohesion10 is created and constituted by values and identity where social cohesion here functions as a glue holding society together(ibid,5).” They do not take on equal responsibility. They do not participate in the Danish society and the labor market. We have gotten a group of citizens who do not embrace Danish norms and values” (ibid, 5). This presumes that since social cohesion constituted by ‘Danish values and norms’ which is understood as freedom, legal, certainty, equal of worth, tolerance, and equality, social cohesion ensures a coherent society where everybody actively participates and contributes equally(ibid,4). The following statement reinforces the above assumption as “the government “wishes a coherent Denmark. A Denmark that is built on democratic values like freedom and legal certainty. Equality and liberalism. Tolerance and equality. A Denmark where everybody actively participates” (ibid,4). Hence, Denmark can only become a coherent Denmark if everybody embraces and adapt such ‘Danish norms and values. The ghetto is here perceived to pose a threat to the social cohesion, as the ghetto lacks ‘Danish norms and value’s enabling integration (Simonsen, 2016:95). “The government will insist that all citizens seize the opportunities and embrace the values and norms that the Danish society is built on. It shall ensure a unified Denmark free from parallel societies” (Regeringen, 2018:9). By referring to other countries in Europe, and their integration challenges a perception that Denmark will face the same destiny if ghettos and parallel societies in Denmark are not addressed and eliminating. “In parts of West Europe there have occurred major challenges with ghettos and deeply-rooted parallel societies. In Denmark we are not there yet” (ibid,5).
The destruction of housings in areas constituted as a ghetto and where parallel societies prevail, there is an assumption that it will ‘fix’ the ‘problem’ and automatically get rid of ghettos and parallel societies once and for all, so that ‘” Denmark can become Denmark again’. “We wish to break down parallel societies once and for all” (ibid,11). Another assumption underlying the problem representation postulated in ‘ The Ghetto Plan’ is that since it is stated ” [ …] we must restore faith in a society without lawlessness, suppression of woman and lacking contribution to society” (ibid,7) where women are considered to be less of value than men. Where social control and lack of equality limit the individual’s free expression(ibid,5) it is implied that lawlessness and social control prevail in ghettos and where woman a woman is not considered to be of equal worth. The state is perceived as a powerful actor in restoring social cohesion in Denmark as it contains the resources needed to address ghettoization and parallel societies. It is however individuals who bear
10 Social cohesion is desirable for the Government to ensure and uphold as Denmark is built on democratic values like
a greater responsibility to integrate into the Danish society, adapt and embrace ‘Danish norms and values’ and uphold the social cohesion in a society where everybody actively participates and contributes equally.
Keywords
As Foucault stated, discourses are powerful as they are generally accepted as the ‘truth’ and should therefore not underestimate the power of language in shaping and constructing ‘problems’. The ‘knowledges’ (truth claims) play a role in how rule takes place (governing). By identifying and examining the underlying ‘conceptual logics’ underlying the discourse established in ‘The Ghetto Plan’ will assist in opening an inquiry into the discourses and ‘discourse
formation’(Bacchi,2009:35).
The premise of the WPR approach is that specific words and expressions key role in shaping and giving meaning to particular problem representation. This will be achieved by directing our focus to the keywords identified below used to shape the postulated problem representation in ‘The Ghetto Plan’ and how they are conceptualized. The keywords put into practice the form of discourse analyses in the policy document will here be explored and how they function in shaping and giving meaning to the problem representation and how they are conceptualized.
Isolation
The Following statement illustrates the functional role isolation plays in shaping the ‘problem’:
“Many lives in isolated enclaves. Here, a large number of citizens do not take adequate responsibility. They do not participate in the Danish society and the labor market. A large group of
citizens does not adapt to Danish norms and values. Where women are considered of less value than men. Where social control and lacking equality limits the individual’s free expression”
(Regeringen,2018:,5).
The concept of isolation is here described as “families living in public housing areas, where a majority of residents have a non-western background” (ibid). Also, at least member of the family
has not been in the labor market for a very long, and the children are enrolled in daycare or a school where there is a lot of children with a non-western background’ (ibid). As evident, the term
isolation assists in giving meaning to the specific problem representation postulated in ‘ The Ghetto Plan’ by stating that individuals living in the so-called ghettos do not seize the opportunities giving to them by Denmark due to living in’ isolated enclaves’ to integrate and contribute to society, on the same basis as ‘everyone else’.
‘Ghettos’
The second keyword that functions in shaping the problem representation is the term ‘ghetto’. In contrast to the’ isolation’, ghetto has been more utilized more frequently. The terms ‘ghetto’ or ‘ghetto-areas ‘have been utilized no less than 72 times. On some of the pages, the terms have
appeared more than five times. Considering ‘The Ghetto Plan’ consists of 40 pages the frequency of ‘ghetto’ or ‘ghetto-areas’ is quite immense.
A ghetto area is defined as an area with general residential housing were at least 1.000 of the residents if immigrants and descendant of immigrants from non-western countries excess 50%, and where at least two of the following criteria is fulfilled:
• If residents in the age 18-47 years old without any link to the labor market or education system exceeds 40% calculated as the average over the last 2 years
• If residents convicted under the criminal law, weapon law or law of intoxication comprises of more than 3 times the normal average calculated within the last two years.
• If residents in the age 30-59 years old with only initial training exceeds 60% of the overall residents in the same age group.
• If the average gross income for taxable individuals between the age 15-64 years old in the area (excluded education searchers) is less than 55% of the average gross income for the same group in the region (Regeringen, 2018:11).
“A parallel society is a physical or mental isolated and follows its norms and rules, without appreciable contact to the larger Danish society and any desires of becoming part of the Danish
society. It challenges the social cohesiveness, that has been built up and developed throughout generations via the Danish societies, collective educational institutions, good neighboring and
cooperation with colleagues at work” (ibid,8).
The term ‘parallel society ‘is used 18 times in total, which is considerably lower than the utilizing of ‘ghetto’. However, it still plays a function in shaping the ‘problem’ implied in ‘The Ghetto Plan’. “Parallel societies are a great burden to the cohesion in society and for the individual. It is a threat to our modern society when freedom, democracy, equality, and tolerance is not accepted as fundamental values. And when rights and duties do not follow one another” (ibid5). The statement holds that it is impossible to present an exact statistical suggestion on how many persons with ‘nonwestern background’ lives in a so-called parallel society in Denmark, as parallel society is in reality about the individual's identity and values(ibid,1).
6.2. Sweden
This section will follow the same systematic application of question 1 and 2 of the WPR approach as done with ‘The Ghetto Plan’.
6.2.1. Question 1: What’s the problem represented to be?
The implied problem is that “there are several signs of increasing segregation over a longer period, and the number of areas with socioeconomic challenges have expanded” in Sweden
(Ku2018/01462/D:2)
The clefts are evident when looking at school results, incomes, health, education level, democratic turnout, etc., which are crucial components for living a life with quality and living conditions. “There are several signs of increasing segregation over a longer period, and the number of areas with socioeconomic challenges have expanded. Although there are positive signs in recent developments, differences in growth and living conditions, for people living in areas with socio-economic areas and persons living in other areas are still major” (ibid,3)
The following propositions seek to improve the structural inequalities enabling segregation:
• Reduce segregation
• Improving schools’ results • Reduce continual unemployment • Combat crimes.
There are 5 priorities areas which affect one another: Housing
Education Labor market Civil society Crime
Additionally, 5 components are considered to be of significant importance in the efforts against segregation in Sweden:
o Human rights and democracy o Non-discrimination
o Children and youth perspective o Equality
o Agenda 2030(ibid,8).
“Based on previous experiences we have learned that there is no simple or quick solution for segregation. What is needed is a broad, long-term, and sustainable efforts from everybody. Together” (ibid,2) The long-term strategy aims to combat and eliminate segregation by changing the structures that lie behind the socioeconomic challenges fostered by segregation in Sweden and bettering the situation for those affected by such challenges in these areas. “The efforts in
combatting segregation is of high priority for Sweden and is part of an overall plan for a sustainable Sweden. The aim is to reduce the clefts in society, and to create a safe Sweden, that ‘sticks
together” (ibid, 3). The second implied ‘problem’ is that despite positive developments, there are still major structural inequalities between people living in areas with socioeconomic challenges and people living outside these areas. The aim is to change the structures that lie behind socioeconomic challenges fostered by segregation in Sweden and improve the situation for the people implicated. Whilst ghettos in Denmark is believed to be a symptom of failed integration, it is acknowledged in ‘ The long-term strategy against segregation 2018-2028’ that segregation can be a sign of failed integration, but is not a direct cause to segregation as the effects of segregations are often related to social exclusion and peoples opportunities are restricted.
“A good integration contributes to the probability of certain negative aspects of segregation of getting significantly reduced, however it does not necessarily have a direct impact on for instance residency and schools” (ibid). The third suggested problem is a large part of the people living in areas with socio-economic challenges have been discriminated in the labor market due to their background. Hence why the inequalities, on which people are discriminated must be
eliminated(ibid,44). The methods used to gain an overall overview and description of the current development of segregation in Sweden are based on research results, authority reports, studies, and statistics.
The fourth and last established problem is that socio-economic segregation has increased, and ethnic segregation remains unchanged in Sweden. The relationship between socio-economic11 and ethnic segregation12 has become more apparent over time which has resulted in the concentration of low-income earners in certain areas coincides with a high concentration of people with
‘non-European origin’(ibid,15). It is furthermore mentioned that the development of segregation is exacerbated by the discontinuity between people living in segregated areas and the remaining population in growing income and wealth, and due to a reduction in public governance of housings and a strident decreasing rental sector with high pricing rates. High housing prices and prolong housing queues not only the aggravate the prevailing segregation in Sweden, but it also ‘contribute to the districts becoming more increasingly socially homogenous’ (ibid,20).
6.2.2. Question 2 What presuppositions or assumptions underlie this representation of the problem
The first underlying assumption presumes that the state is perceived as a powerful tool with an abundance of resources and capacity who can ‘fix’ the social problems in Sweden. “With the strategy, the government wishes to clarify the state’s role in the work of reducing and combatting segregation” (ibid, 4). It is first and foremost the responsibility of the state to ‘correct’ society by ‘ fixing’ the ‘ problem’ as it is stated that “ [ … ] segregation can only be reduced if the state, municipalities, counties, civil society, business sector and researchers work together” ( ibid, 3). Although civil society is here considered as a central actor in reducing and combatting segregation, the individuals implicated in the problem representation and the role they play in the state’s efforts against segregation is not directly stated. It is however assumed that segregation can only be reduced if everybody works together as a unity. The state, civil society, business sectors and municipalities.
“The work against segregation is of a high priority and is part of the governments work for a sustainable Sweden. The work aims at reducing the clefts in society and create a safe Sweden that
11 Spatial segregation between individuals belonging to certain groups based on education, income and profession
(Ku2018/01462/D:9)
12 Individuals sharing certain “ethnical, religious or bodily characteristics distinguished from persons who have other
sticks together” (Ku2018/01462/D:3). How exactly we are to understand ‘a Sweden that sticks together is not further elaborated on. As segregation has been enabled by existing structural
injustices and discrimination induced by society, the underlying assumption is that social cohesion in society is undermined. Social cohesion is here not understood as ‘norms and values’ but rather it is understood in terms of social and economic factors13. Social cohesion in this context is implied to be disrupted due to the middle class moving from areas with socio-economic challenges (ibid, 15) which “changes the basic features of cities through increased local homogeneity and polarization” (ibid,18). Furthermore, high housing prices and rental levels in certain central cities, and part of the cities that are in central and yearlong housing queers significantly contributes to segregated
becoming more ‘socially homogenous’14( ibid,20). Socially homogenous’ is perceived to be unfavorable and undesirable. Similar to the underlying assumptions within the problem representation in ‘The Ghetto Plan’ the notion of democracy and active participation and their functional role against ghettoization is considered is also presumed to be a central component in the fight against segregation in Sweden. In a Danish context, democracy is a cornerstone of ‘Danish values and norms’ entailing freedom, tolerance, equality, and active participation in a society where the ghettos represent everything that is ‘undemocratic’. In a Swedish context, democracy as
understood more empirical. “Democracy is strong today, but the political influence is not evenly distributed” (Ku2018/01462/D:32)15. There is an over presentation of people that are more socio-economic resourceful and with higher education level participating in civil society organizations and political parties. On the contrary, in areas with socioeconomic challenges, there are “relatively high proportions of residents with low education and foreign backgrounds, where democratic participation is significantly lower than other areas that are not segregated “(ibid, 32). Addressing the unbalance in democratic participation amongst the population, motivating and encouraging democratic participation is perceived to of significant importance in reducing and combatting segregation. Factors such as unemployment, health conditions are considered to factors hindering
13 It is not explained exactly what entails the socio and economic factors however it is suggested that indicators like
incomes, acquisitions frequency, education level and turnout can be traced over time to monitor the development of’ socio-economic segregation’ in Sweden (Ku2018/01462/D:20).
14 Individuals in society seeking other individuals that are alike
15 On 17 July 2014, the Government decided to commission a special investigator to prepare proposals for measures to
