Heroic Soldier-ism: Beautified Power Asymmetry

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Heroic Soldier-ism:

Beautified Power Asymmetry

Vanessa Noack

Supervisor: Alma Persson, Gender Studies, Linköping University

Master’s Programme

Gender Studies – Intersectionality and Change

Master’s Thesis 15 ECTS Credits

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Abstract

The Swedish Armed Forces can be considered a hegemonic masculine organisation with deeply embedded patterns of patriarchy, as well as fratriarchy represented by notions of homogeneity and the male soldier. Women are highly underrepresented and face multiple double standards related to their performance of gender and more precisely performance of femininity. However, the Swedish Armed Forces claim to be an inclusive organisation and advertise this through different recruiting strategies, which display women in uniforms. This thesis uses the methodology of qualitative research by combining the methods of critical discourse analysis and critical visual analysis to analyse the representation and the performativity of gender in a recruiting advertisement for inclusivity by the Swedish Armed Forces. I argue that this advertisement led to a certain form of reproducing stereotypical notions of femininity by representing women who embody certain requirements connected to beauty standards. At the same time, notions of hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy are challenged through the representation of women in military uniforms.

Keywords

representation, gender performativity, femininity, Swedish Armed Forces, ideology, inclusivity, critical discourse analysis, critical visual analysis

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Acknowledgement

I dedicate this thesis to my parents, who are my strongest supporters and most important role models. Thank you for being who you are and for letting me be me.

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1. Introduction

This year marks the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women Peace and Security. There are many events planned to celebrate, acknowledge as well as evaluate the success of the UNSCR 1325 all over the globe. In short, the resolution entails a focus on gender mainstreaming by demanding higher numbers of women taking part in decision-making processes concerning peace and conflict situations (United Nations Peacemaker 2019). These situations include peace enforcement missions, peacekeeping missions, peacebuilding missions, humanitarian missions and further. Along, the resolution underlines the importance of implementing special measures in order to protect women and girls against sexualised violence, mainly in conflict situations (ibid.). Many scholars have conducted research that elaborates and reflects on the circumstances and possible succeeded outcomes concerning the implementation of the resolution.

The Swedish Armed Forces (SAF) presents itself as an open and welcoming organisation with a focus on inclusion, acceptance and diversity (Försvarsmakten 2016a). Moreover, the SAF is one of the few Armed Forces that has a combined recruitment system including both volunteers and conscripts as it aims to be open to everyone regardless of their sex and/or gender (Försvarsmakten 2016b; Radebo 2017). Additionally, the SAF is one of the two Armed Forces worldwide that have conscription for women and men on equal terms (Persson & Sundevall 2019, p. 1039). Yet, the numbers tell otherwise. A survey from 2018 shows, only 534 were women from a total of 5939 employed junior non-commissioned officers, soldiers and seamen (Jürgensen 2020). A large difference could be established for the age group between 25 years old until 29 years old. Here, a total of only 240 employees were women on the contrary to 2124 men (ibid.).

Questions arise on why and how these numbers demonstrate clear sex segregation in the SAF, even though the SAF claims to support aspects of individuality rather than homogeneity. One aspect to look at is the level of representation in the SAF. In terms of, for example, how does the SAF represents itself to the outside world and, more importantly for my thesis, how are soldiers represented in recruitment advertisements in order to gain more me(n)mbers.

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According to Strand (2019, pp. 60-63), the SAF coded their target group in three main segments, namely ‘the world improver’, ‘the performance-oriented individual’ and ‘the excitement seeker’. Through this, the SAF established recruiting strategies that specifically target the world improver as well as the performance-oriented individual as ‘ideal citizens’ mainly because the excitement seeker is already overly represented in the SAF. Here, a special focus is laid on attracting women to level their underrepresentation in the SAF. This, however, turns out to be rather difficult as the numbers have shown. It is argued that already enlisted soldiers have an effect on the image of the SAF through their visual representation. Their representation demonstrates, among further issues, obvious gender inequality in numbers. Consequently, this visible representation of gender inequality in the SAF leads to an issue in gaining new (female) me(n)mbers. Younger generations highly value and even expect gender equality and thus tend to not enter organisations who show obvious gender inequality (ibid.).1

I have never been a member of the Armed Forces nor am I interested in becoming one. Nevertheless, the construction and maintenance of ideologies connected to power, the performance of gender, representational issues, linguistic patterns and aspects of governmental interventions in peace and conflict situations is something that has always highly interested me and somewhat triggered my research focus. Therefore, I have decided to write my thesis on the topic of representation and gender performativity by analysing three images of one particular advertising campaign by the SAF. My chosen title, “Heroic Soldier-ism: Beautified Power Asymmetry” aims to reflect on the situatedness of women in the SAF as they are not only considered as female soldiers (instead of ‘just’ soldiers) but also represent certain stereotypical beauty standards to the public.

For that reason, my hypothesis for this thesis is the following. I argue that the images of the female soldiers are two-fold. On the one hand, they seem to reproduce certain stereotypical aspects connected to the naturalised perception of femininity. On the other hand, these images demonstrate characteristics connected to stereotypical notions of masculinity embedded in the military as well as Western societies. Because of this, I argue that this particular advertisement tempts to break through the notions of stereotypical representation of female soldiers and

1_{There are certainly further reasons why individuals do not enter organisations, such as the Armed Forces, but}

since my main research focus is on representational issues and gender performativity, I have decided to focus on these aspects in my introduction.

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challenges naturalised understandings of gender performativity, yet it reproduces and strengthens them at the same time.

My structure for this thesis is the following. First, I will introduce my aim, the overall research question and the sub-research question and describe certain delimitations. Second, the theoretical framework and previous research will be discussed in chapter three, which is divided into five sub-chapters. The first two sub-chapters, provides the reader with an overview of the main approaches for my thesis, namely gender performativity and cultural representation. Afterwards, the following two sub-chapters introduce certain concepts to ensure a common ground of understanding, namely (1) ideology, violence and the repressive state apparatus (2) patriarchy versus fratriarchy. The last sub-chapter gives an overview of previous research, which discuss the approaches of gender and representation in the SAF. In chapter four, I will introduce my chosen methodology by first, describing the method of critical discourse analysis (CDA), second, elaborating on the method of critical visual analysis (CVA) and third, demonstrating my research design by providing an argument for how I have selected my material. Afterwards, in chapter five, I will conduct my analysis based on the chosen empirical material of the advertising campaign. This chapter is divided into two sub-chapters. The first sub-chapter will give a rather short introduction to the campaign and the main purposes of the campaign according to the SAF. Afterwards, I will conduct the analysis and interpret my results towards the end of the last sub-chapter. In chapter six, I will, first, provide a discussion related to my analysis by reflecting on the theoretical framework as well as previous research. Second, in the concluding part of this thesis, I will answer my research question as well as sub-research question and reflect on the previously stated hypothesis. Third, I will reflect on my analysis in relation to the chosen material as well as methods. Finally, the last chapter provides the reader with an outlook for further research aspects that could not be taken into consideration in this master thesis.

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2. Aim, Research Question(s) and Delimitations

My main aim for this thesis is to provide a contribution to the empirical discourse of representation and gender performativity with a smaller methodological contribution by combining the methods of CDA and CVA. By doing so, I aim to (1) combine the methods of CDA and CVA in order to (2) analyse how female soldiers and their performed gender is represented in one particular advertising campaign by the SAF.

Thus, my research question is the following, “how are female soldiers and their performance of femininity represented in an advertising campaign for inclusivity by the Swedish Armed Forces?”. My guiding concepts are representation and gender performativity. Through this, a sub-research question arose, “can a new form of gender lead to a disruption of the naturalised gender-order by also challenging the concept of hegemonic masculinity?”. This sub-research question is used to support the overall discussion with the main focus on my guiding concepts.

A delimitation of my chosen methods is that the standpoint of the individuals portrayed in the images cannot be taken into consideration and their gender can only be ascribed based on their appearance. Furthermore, my main focus is laid on how the representation of femininity in the discourse of one particular campaign is established without considering further intersecting categories such as, for example, sexuality, class, religion, age, ethnicity, ability and so forth. This then leads to a form of generalisation and possible reproduction of gender stereotypes. Moreover, the language used within my thesis can be argued to be rather binary. I have deliberately chosen to do this in order to mirror the circumstances of the SAF, and Armed Forces in general, which are considered to be very binary and homogeneous organisations.

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3. Theoretical Framework and Previous Research

The following part provides the reader with an overview of the theoretical framework of interpretation by introducing the two main concepts of my thesis and further concepts. This will ensure a necessary common ground of understanding as I will refer to these concepts in my analysis. In the last sub-chapter, I will discuss previous research. First, I will elaborate on the concept of gender with a particular focus on the approach of gender performativity coined by Butler (2007). Second, I will describe the approach of cultural representation articulated by Hall (1997) in a nutshell. Third, an introduction to the concept of ideology with a particular focus on the repressive state apparatus and the interwovenness of violence in organisations, such as the Armed Forces, will follow. Afterwards, I will discuss the concept of patriarchy in opposition to the concept of fratriarchy and the so-called ‘band of brothers’. Last but not least, I will summarise previous research that discusses the topic of gender, gender performativity and the representation of gender in the SAF.

3.1 Gender Performativity

Many scholars seem to have simply interchanged the word ‘sex’ with ‘gender’ which is rather troubling because this can lead to reproducing prejudices and stereotypes related to what it means to be either feminine, masculine, both or nothing. According to the normative discourse on the distinction between sex and gender, it is said that the determination of one’s sex is based on the anatomy they have. One’s gender, which is a social construction, is determined based on this very anatomy (Crossley 2005, pp. 282-283). Moreover, the consideration of gender as a social construction underlines the circumstance that this concept is heavily connected to ideological patterns of a given society. Therefore, it can be argued that the level of how to behave in a normative feminine or masculine manner differs between societies as cultures and ideological thinking differ, too (ibid.).

For my understanding of gender, I would like to draw on the concept of gender performativity as it was coined by Butler (2007). She argues that not only gender is a social construction but the sexed-body is a social construction, too by differentiating between female and male bodies (Crossley 2005, p. 281). According to Butler (2007, pp. 185-208), the normative understanding of gender is based on not only the dualistic relationship between female and male as well as femininity and masculinity but also on the regulation of the heterosexual-matrix. Such heterosexual-matrix indicates a form of regulation, which inclines that bodies only make sense

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through the hegemonic discourse of the sexed-body and gender. Moreover, it implies that a stable sex can only exist through a stable gender and is hierarchically controlled by the compulsory practice of heterosexuality; in other words, an individual with the anatomy of, for example, a female must act in feminine manners (ibid.).

However, Butler (2007, pp. 4-185) argues that gender is performative in the way that we repeatedly and ongoingly ‘do’ gender. The way humans behave, act, articulate, dress, walk and so forth is an act of doing and thus an act of performing in certain feminine or masculine ways. Moreover, this form of identity expression is regulated by the embodiment of signs and further discursive means that determine a certain form of representation. Further, gender and the performativity of such is constructed through a multitude of intersecting categories such as, for example, ethnicity, ability, class, religion, sexuality and so forth. Consequently, the construction of gender differs between societies as normative ideologies based on cultures differ between societies, too. “There is no gender identity behind the expressions of gender; that identity is performatively constituted by the very “expressions” that are said to be its results.” (Butler 2007, p. 34).

Therefore, I argue that we perform gender in a multitude of ways on a daily basis and that the construction of gender is not necessarily bound to the categorisation of one’s anatomy. That is, for example, I identify as a woman, yet can perform in masculine and simultaneously feminine ways through repeatedly ‘doing’ femininity and/or masculinity which heavily depends on the circumstances I encounter as well as situations I find myself in.

3.2 Cultural Representation

The approach of cultural representation is used to give meaning to the material world by using language as a coding method (Hall 1997, pp. 15-19). Representation is essential in the process of sharing meanings amongst social actors. Two systems of representation can be established which function interdependently. The first system refers to a so-called ‘conceptual map’. Such conceptual map implies that we, as social actors, give meaning to the material world by constructing a likeness between certain aspects and, therefore, construct a map of concepts in our heads. The second system of representation, then, is used to translate these constructions in combination with corresponding signs into a common language in order to share the meaning of them. Furthermore, an additional key concept of the production of meaning through language

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is the determination of the relation between concepts and signs. Thus, representation is the overall term that combines the process of all three aspects. Moreover, signs can be a multitude of elements varying from words to images to sounds and many further. Through the translation of signs into language, social actors are able to share common values and meanings connected to different signs. Consequently, a system of meaning in and between cultures emerges (ibid.).

Three key approaches of representation can be established, namely (1) the reflective approach, which implies that language simply reflects already existing meanings inherent in the material world (2) the intentional approach, which indicates that language is used to provide the meaning or intention of the creator of something to the outside world (3) the constructionist approach, which argues that meaning is constructed through the use of discourse and semiotics (Hall 1997, pp. 15-19). I will focus on the constructionist approach, which will be elaborated on in more detail in the methodology chapter.

3.3 Ideology, Violence and the Repressive State Apparatus

In this sub-chapter, I will describe the concept of ideology in a nutshell, by elaborating on the concepts of the ideological state apparatus and, more importantly, the repressive state apparatus with a particular focus on violence. The concept of ideology can be described as a system of beliefs and taken-for-granted assumptions which deem to legitimise naturalised understandings of dominations and power-structures in and between societies (Crossley 2005, pp. 148-154). Such politically inclined systems are used to favour hegemonic patterns of social actors and, therefore, is argued to be neither neutral nor inevitable. Ideological practices are based on structures and dynamics that incline the way we speak as well as reflect habitus, ideas and beliefs. It can be argued that social practices and ideologies function through an interwoven mechanism in terms of social practices being built upon ideologies just as ideologies are built upon social practices. Additionally, social actors form, challenge and re(-)produce ideologies as well as ideological practices as these practices are neither static nor unchangeable. Ideological practices are forwarded by two apparatuses, namely the ideological state apparatus and the repressive state apparatus (ibid.).

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Both apparatuses function in similar ways in terms of that they secure a certain order in societies through the notion of interpellation, yet are rather different from each other. Interpellation inclines a form of conceptualising yourself in a way how others conceptualise you according to social norms and values that stand in the context to ideological practices. “[I]ndividuals are formed by society. They are interpellated by ideology and shaped by ideological practices which constitute the milieu of their life” (Crossley 2005, p. 154). The ideological state apparatus consists of institutions such as, for example, the educational system, religious institutions, the family, media and so forth. It aims to secure an order in a capitalist society by transmitting certain values of the belonging state to individuals through the process of interpellation. In contrast, the repressive state apparatus, which as well aims to secure order, yet enforces it through acts of violence and aggression in times of conflict. The repressive state apparatus, “fights fire with fire” (Crossley 2005, p. 152). Therefore, organisations, such as the Armed Forces and the police, represent the notions of the repressive state apparatus (ibid.).

Decisions of what is right or wrong become rather blurry in situations of conflict (Walzer 2006, p. 326). Thus, ideology enforced by the repressive state apparatus leads to an act of justifying the use of violence and aggression to enforce a certain order. The outcome of this inclines that decision-makers justify their commands and actions taken by interchanging the conjunction ‘or’ to the conjunction ‘and’. Consequently, the dualism merges to a form of combined justification in terms of saying yes ‘and’ no as well as right ‘and’ wrong (ibid.).

3.4 Patriarchy versus Fratriarchy

The following sub-chapter elaborates, first, on the concept of patriarchy and, second, describes the concept of fratriarchy and the ‘band of brothers’, which indicates a certain form homogeneity in the Armed Forces. Patriarchy as a concept is used in a variety of ways, varying from defining it as a descriptive term, an ideology, or a social system (Crossley 2005, pp. 202-207). All approaches define the socially constructed concept in their own way. Nevertheless, the approaches have one particular argument in common, namely that patriarchy leads to the systematic oppression of women by men on all levels (micro and macro) and in all spheres (private and public) on a constant basis. In other words, it justifies the gendered domination by which men and masculinities have the hegemonic standpoint towards their dualistic counterpart of women and femininities. Additionally, many definitions relate patriarchy to both, the system of patrilineal descent and the system of patrimonial descent. A further common argument of all

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approaches is that patriarchy is connected to notions of violence, which legitimate the subordinated position of women to men. “Indeed, a system in which the wishes of men are imposed upon women, patriarchy is violence and these are only its most visible and obvious forms” (Crossley 2005, p. 204).

Moreover, and most importantly for my thesis, patriarchy can be related to the means of representation and linguistics which are controlled by the male gaze (Crossley 2005, pp. 202-207). Thus, the way something or someone is represented and even verbally articulated as well as written can highly reflect the gendered domination that favours the hegemonic position of the male gaze. Nevertheless, it is important to note that any concept related to patriarchy underlines a rather homogeneous status, which reproduces stereotypical and naturalised ideas indicating that the biological anatomy of an individual not only determines their sex but also defines their gender as either feminine or masculine (ibid.). This, however, is rather arguable, which I have discussed in the previous sub-chapter of gender performativity.

Notwithstanding, patriarchy can be found anywhere and the concept varies to a large extent which underlines its highly adaptive capacity to maintain the masculine power and superiority above all (Myrttinen 2019, pp. 565-566). There are many critics towards the concept that also lead to challenging patriarchal normative standards and circumstances of masculine coded and male-dominated spheres on the micro-level as well as macro-level (ibid.). One somewhat challenging concept is, for example, the concept of fratriarchy.

The concepts of fraternity2 and patriarchy have been merged with the outcome of ‘fratriarchy’ (Myrttinen 2019, p. 566). Thus, this concept is based on and shaped by patriarchal values inclined in organisations, such as the Armed Forces, in which individuals strive for autonomy and power (Higate 2012, p. 453). Furthermore, it is indeed possible for younger men and even women to gain respect, acceptance and perform the role in a superior position as this concept is characterised through aspects of rituals, competitive bonding and is based on merits (Myrttinen 2019, p. 566). Informal so-called leaders are chosen based on their fighting skills, leadership skills and aspects of charisma regardless of their age or family status which would

2_{Fraternity can be defined in three way, “[1] a group of people associated or formally organi[s]ed for a common}

purpose, interest, or pleasure [2] the quality or state of being brothers [3] persons of the same class, profession, character, or tastes” (Merriam-Webster n.d.)

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be more relevant in traditional patriarchal formations. Additionally, fratriarchal formations are built upon the so-called ‘band of brothers’, which indicates a form of vertical hierarchical brotherhood instead of a horizontal formation. According to Myrttinen (2019, p. 567), “[t]he fratriarchal group gives the fighters a sense of belonging and camaraderie”.

Nonetheless, the power of patriarchy, in any given form, shall not be underestimated as this power is alarmingly strong and patriarchal values remain consistent in current socio-economic systems (ibid., p. 565; Higate 2012, p. 453). Hence male dominance might occur in fratriarchal formations stronger than ever (ibid.).

3.5 Performativity and Representation of Gender in the SAF

In previous studies, military scholars have focused on themes such as masculinity (Duncanson 2009), gendered organisation in the context of Western societies (Carreiras 2006), women and femininities (Enloe 2016), gender and sexuality (Strand & Kehl 2019; Herbert 1998) and many further. An interesting aspect in previous studies for me was the analyses regarding gendered silences in the Armed Forces. Therefore, I will discuss studies by Kronsell (2006) as well as Eduards (2011) in this sub-chapter. Both scholars elaborate on the conditions of gendered silences in the SAF in their studies.

Kronsell (2006, pp. 108-128) discusses gender relations in the SAF by introducing methods to study silences related to gender with a particular focus on the situation of women in the SAF. She argues that institutions of hegemonic masculinity can be addressed as such in cases where the male gaze not only represents (past and present times) the vast majority of employees but also a certain form of (hegemonic) masculinity defines the normative standards within the organisation. Therefore, Armed Forces can be addressed as hegemonic masculine organisations with a clear framework of how the ‘ideal soldiers’ should be like: white, heterosexual, strong, aggressive, male-bodied and so forth (ibid.).

Accordingly, no clear formal statements have been made which indicate that conscription was solely based on manpower in the Swedish context (Kronsell 2006, pp. 108-128). Interesting, however, is the fact that the naturalised understanding of the ideal soldier is overly represented by the male, white and heterosexual body even though the conscription policies referred to a ‘universal conscription’. Accordingly, she argues that the silence of ongoing gender relations

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and the idealistic assumption of the hegemonic male gaze in the SAF only becomes visible with the inclusion of women and so to say ‘others’ who are opposing the norm. This can be further underlined through ideological linguistic wordings by differentiating, for example, between soldiers and female soldiers (ibid.).

Furthermore, Kronsell (2006, pp. 108-128) argues that women face multiple dilemmas concerning gender identification with the ongoing circumstance of feeling ‘different’ and not quite equally accepted in the SAF. They are facing a certain double standard when it comes to the performance of femininity and feminine gender identities in terms of that women cannot be too feminine and emotionally involved, yet might not be feminine enough. This struggle continues on a daily basis as they are opposing the norm on a daily basis, too. The image of the so-called ‘manly woman’ is in particular considered as rather negative and undesirable. On the one hand, the manly woman would fulfil the image of the ideal soldier by demonstrating physical strength, toughness, violence and aggression; abilities, which are used as arguments against women-in-arms by (falsely) arguing their inability in obtaining these characteristics. On the other hand, she would be addressed as being too unfeminine and too rough in appearance which would lead to blurring the lines between femininity and masculinity and, thus, challenges and opposes a threat to the hegemonic masculine standpoint in the SAF. Nevertheless, the hegemonic masculine norm can only exist through its dualistic opposition of femininity as it would otherwise be meaningless. Furthermore, the author names additional intersecting categories that tempt to challenge the hegemonic masculine norms in the SAF, namely, sexuality, ethnicity and so forth but does not go into depth in her analysis as her main focus is laid on gender relations (ibid.).

Through the inclusion of women in the SAF, the organisation tempts to present itself with pride and as a supporter of change with the intention to shaping-up the image of the SAF (Kronsell 2006, pp. 108-128). However, it is highly arguable to which extent the SAF is open and welcoming to others instead of rather reproducing the stereotypical representation of not only soldiers in general but in particular the image of women in the SAF.

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Eduards (2011, pp. 65–79) argues in similar ways when it comes to the image of the SAF and on how normative ideologies are constructed in the SAF. She raises interesting argumentations regarding the self-claimed image of the SAF. Accordingly, Swedish politicians claim that Sweden is the worldwide leader concerning gender equality and that they try their very best to have a military that represents this high level of equality. Yet, the SAF has a clear underrepresentation of women in their organisation on all levels. Furthermore, women who enter the SAF face a multitude of dilemmas and contradictions. Accordingly, these contradictions can be categorised into three aspects, namely (1) gender is only considered in relation to women and not to men (2) women are sexualised yet shall be considered with honour and respect (3) the claim that everyone is the same yet arguing as being inclusive through the inclusion of ‘different’ social actors (ibid.).

A further outcome of her analysis, which is similar to Kronsell’s (2006), refers to the study of silence. Here, she claims that the invisibility of one social agent is a mirror of the visibility of another social agent; or as Eduards (2011, p. 67) phrases it, “(...) based on the idea that interpellation and silence can be mirroring each other – one’s visibility, the other’s invisibility”. Additionally, she discusses the issue of ‘difference’ versus ‘equal’ in more depth. Here, she refers to the circumstance that the SAF aims to include ‘different/ other’ social actors in order to show inclusivity but once they have entered the SAF they shall be treated as equal. However, this is not quite the case as, for example, women are treated differently constantly. They are under threat of experiencing sexualised harassment, face a double standard when performing gender identities, being obliged to meet masculinised standards and norms in order to fit in, are given uniforms that a measured in accordance to the abled male body and further. According to Eduards (2011, p. 79), “[g]ender, masculinity and femininity are constructed in ways that restrict women’s bodily integrity and agency”. Thus, it should be questioned how well the claimed democratic values and aspects of gender equality can be found in the SAF (ibid., pp. 65–79).

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4. Methodology

For my thesis, I have decided to use the methodology of qualitative research. The methods are a combination of critical discourse analysis and critical visual analysis. I have chosen a mix of these methods in order to highlight certain blindspots and taken-for-granted assumptions related to how me(n)mbers of the SAF are represented to the public as an ideal soldier. Furthermore, a particular focus is laid on the gender performance of femininity. I chose critical discourse analysis to discuss already existing literature on the topic of representation and gender performativity in the SAF in order to analyse my empirical data through the lens of my two key approaches.

Visual representation is a powerful subject and carries a certain meaning through which, for example, stereotypes, prejudices and ideologies can be strengthened, challenged and/or reproduced. Therefore, I have chosen the method of critical visual analysis to study the level of representation in relation to the performance of femininity in one particular campaign by the SAF. Critical visual analysis will be conducted by using semiotics in order to code the image on the basis of denotation as well as connotation.

In the following section I will first, provide an overview of the method of CDA in a nutshell and second, introduce the approach of representation and the method of semiotics with a particular focus on CVA. Last but not least, I will elaborate on my research design and the selection process for the empirical material.

4.1 Critical Discourse Analysis

Language is something very powerful and the use of such is shaped by cultures and, at the same time, shapes cultures, social relations and social identities (Fairclough 2010, p. 92). Therefore, the use of language can be determined as discourse and the study of discursive language is practised in both fields: the study of linguistics and the study of social sciences. Furthermore, semiotics, which is the study of signs, can be included in this discourse in order to analyse the production of language in visual material. Visual material includes, for example, advertisements, videos, non-verbal articulations and so forth (ibid.). An introduction to semiotics will be given in the next sub-chapter.

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According to Fairclough (2010, p. 92), the discourse of language can be analysed through social practices. In order to analyse social practices and the social mode inherent in these social practices, it is important to determine the social and historical situatedness of these practices. Additionally, social practices engage through a dual character, namely, they are constitutive and, at the same time, constituted; in other words, social practices are not only socially shaped but are, at the same time, socially shaping (ibid.).

The method of CDA includes both sides, the constitutive and the constituted in order to determine possible tensions between these two sides (Fairclough 2010, pp. 92-93). This then can be considered as one of the key differences between discourse analysis and CDA; usually in traditional discourse analysis, only one side is taken up for analysis. Whereas CDA, as the name already indicates, aims to critically analyse the relationship between discursive practices on the micro-level as well as social, cultural and relational practices on the macro-level. Through this, an analysis of power and hegemony can take place by analysing (1) how power and power relations are ideologically shaped (micro-level) and (2) how these power relations between discourse and society led to maintaining power inequalities and a hegemonic standpoint for dominant social actors (macro-level). In order to analyse these dimensions, a three-dimensional model for analysis is made (1) the language articulated verbally or through texts (2) the process related to the production and interpretation of discursive practices (3) the social and cultural practices of the belonging event (ibid.; Jørgensen & Phillips 2002, p. 68).

Therefore, critical discourse analysis functions politically by challenging aspects of intertextual truth related to power, ideologies and hegemonies of social actors and societies at large (Fairclough 2010, pp. 95-132). This then can lead to the outcome of contributing to social and cultural change (ibid.). Thus, it is critical in the sense that this type of analysis aims to make certain social processes related to power, hegemony and ideologies (more) visible. CDA as a method includes, therefore, (1) the description of a text (verbal or written) (2) the interpretation of the relation between the text and the discursive processes (3) the analysis between discursive and social processes. Furthermore, an important condition of this method is the analysis between the linkages of a text and the sociocultural practices of which the text is part of (ibid.).

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4.2 Critical Visual Analysis

The circulation of images is faster than ever which makes the visual material not only easily accessible but also somewhat self-evident and their validity unquestioned (Buikema & Zarzycka 2011, p. 119). In order to analyse visual material, the account of cultural representation needs to be taken into consideration which can be conducted through the approach of semiotics. In the following, both approaches, the constructivist approach as well as the approach of semiotics, will be described in a nutshell. Afterwards, I aim to elaborate further on the method of CVA and why this method is of importance for my thesis.

The constructivist approach indicates that nothing by itself has meaning, but receives meaning through the construction by social actors (Hall 1997, pp. 25-36). In other words, this approach does not say that the material world does not exist, however, construction of meaning takes place through symbolic practices based on concepts and signs. Therefore, the meaning of a sign does not depend on its quality, but on symbolic practices which symbolises the concepts behind signs and gives meaning to them through the production of language. Thus, the method of semiotics can be used to depict the signifier and the signified which are the two elements that construct the sign. The signifier is represented by the literal material (sound, image, object and so forth) and the signified is the concept that stands behind the signifier and, thus, gives meaning to it. Moreover, there are no fixed meanings of signs and every meaning is constructed in relation to another which underlines a dualistic character of signs, signifier and signified (ibid.). For example, the concept of war can only be defined in opposition to the concept of peace, or the meaning of femininity can only be constructed in opposition to masculinity.

This can be analysed further by including aspects of cultural representation. Here, a coding mechanism can be used to analyse social ideologies (Hall 1997, pp. 38-39). Such mechanism consists of two levels, namely denotation and connotation. The denotative level functions as a descriptive coding mechanism and the connotative level can be used to decode the signifier through interpretation in relation to social ideologies (ibid.).

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According to Buikema and Zarzycka (2011, p. 119), a gender-sensitive analysis of images can lead to challenging the predominantly sexualised display of women and female bodies in visual art. Furthermore, it is argued that the meaning of social categories in images such as, for example, gender, ethnicity, ability and so forth is nothing static but constructed by social actors. However, it can be asserted that the image of the sexualised body is generally not questioned but rather reproduced through maintaining the hegemonic patriarchal order led by the male gaze. This can be applied to further rather stereotypical meanings of social categories in mainstream visual cultures (ibid.).

Nevertheless, using a gender-sensitive approach of analysis can challenge heteronormative ways of seeing in visual cultures (Buikema & Zarzycka 2011, p. 119). This, however, has to be conducted with caution by taking into consideration the context of the image, such as the circulation of the image, socio-cultural and geopolitical circumstances as well as embedded social practises and power relations (ibid.). Because of this, I have named this method sub-chapter ‘critical visual analysis’ considering the method will not be used to simply analyse the visual material but rather uses a critical gender-sensitive lens to challenge stereotypical notions of gender representation.

4.3 Research Design and Selection

During the brainstorming process for my thesis, I came across several images that promote the inclusion of women in the SAF. I have searched on different websites for suitable images, including the Facebook page of the SAF. On their Facebook page, I came across the first image, which will be displayed in the following chapter, and considered this as suitable for my thesis due to its rich possibility for analysis. The image contained a link that led to the full campaign out of which I have chosen three images to analyse in my thesis. The campaign consists of different material, including images, videos and texts. Unfortunately, my Swedish skills are rather basic and I considered an analysis of the video footages and the texts as rather difficult and problematic. This then reflects on my ethical epistemological standpoint, as I have chosen the empirical material and decided on combining the methods of CDA and CVA. I consider the choice of methods as suitable due to the possibility to critically reflect on ideologies and taken-for-granted assumptions regarding, for example, levels of representation and gender performativity. Therefore, I will describe the denotative level of each image first. Second, I want to depict the connotative level by also using CDA in order to interpret the texts displayed

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on each image. In particular, I have, firstly, searched for aspects that each image has in common and then analysed each image separately to also look for special markers in the image. Secondly, I have compared the material with each other to be able to depict certain similarities and/or differences related to, for example, appearance, body positions, ways of dressing and further.

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5. The Representation of Femininity in the SAF

In this chapter, I will analyse the empirical material of one recruiting campaign by the SAF which is called, “KOM SOM DU ÄR.”, in English, “COME AS YOU ARE.”. First, I will introduce the campaign and display the three images I have chosen for my analysis. Afterwards, I will analyse the images by applying the methods of CDA as well as CVA. Third, I will discuss my results by interpreting the images in relation to the discussed theoretical framework as well as previous research towards the end of the second sub-chapter.

5.1 The Campaign

The campaign, “KOM SOM DU ÄR.” was launched in Spring 2019 (Försvarsmakten 2020). The images of the campaign were displayed at different public locations and online such as, for example, public transportation stops, inner-city areas, stations, the SAF Facebook page, their official website and so forth (Volt n.d.). Therefore, the reachable amount of diverse individuals as the target group of the SAF was rather large. Accordingly, the main purpose of the campaign was to actively promote their statement of being an inclusive and diverse organisation to attract, next to others, young women (ibid.; Försvarsmakten 2020). Furthermore, the SAF wrote on their official website that the aim is to change the stereotypical understanding of the ideal soldier in order to attract a variety of individuals, “[s]yftet med kampanjen var att ändra på en stereotyp uppfattning om hur man ska vara i Försvarsmakten” (Försvarsmakten 2020). This statement, however, can be questioned which I will demonstrate in the analysis. These are the three images I have chosen as empirical material.

(1) (2) (3)

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5.2 Analysis

In this sub-chapter I will, first, describe the common aspects of the material which is the background colour, the written language and the representation of one woman in each image. This description is the first step in CDA. Second, I will combine the second and third step of CDA in order to analyse the texts of the material. Afterwards, I will provide a description of each image separately based on the denotative level and decode the signifier by interpreting the images based on the connotative level. The last part of this sub-chapter contains an interpretation guided by the above introduced theoretical framework and previous research. I have numbered the material from one to three to be able to reflect on the images in a certain order. This also has the aim to make it more comprehensible which image I am referring to as they do not hold individual titles. Moreover, I will describe the images from the viewers perspective in order to determine the left-side and right-side of the material.

All images have certain aspects in common, which I will allocate first and then use the first step of CDA concerning the description of the text. The images have a light grey background, a photograph of one woman on each image, the soldier’s first name and their professional occupation. All the writings are at the same location and are displayed in white letters. The name of the campaign, which is written in capital letters, can be seen in the middle-lower part of each image. Furthermore, the women’s first name and the title of their profession is located next to the individual on the left-hand-side. The logo of the SAF and the name, “FÖRSVARSMAKTEN” is positioned on the right-hand-side as well as a text is positioned on the left-hand-side. Both parts are displayed beneath the name of the campaign. The text says, in Swedish, “[l]åt oss utmana din bild av vem som passar i Försvarsmakten på forsvarsmakten.se/komsomduar”, which can be translated to, “let us challenge your image of who fits in the SAF at forsvarsmakten.se/komsomduar”.

Concerning the second and third step of CDA, it can be stated that the name of the campaign has the most dominant position as it is displayed by using capital letters. Therefore, it seems to function as the core message of the advertisement as well as it deems as an appeal for interaction with the viewer. Their claim ‘come as you are’ implies their understanding of inclusivity, yet the women displayed on the material are rather similar to each other regarding their bodily ability, appearance as well as ethnicity. This, I will discuss in the following sections. Moreover, the wording of the text, located on the left-side, indicates that the SAF is very much aware of

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their stereotypical image in terms of being considered as a rather heteronormative and homogeneous organisation. Otherwise, there would be no need to raise an appeal for changing the image of who fits in the SAF. Furthermore, their statement indicates that the SAF tries to better their image as an inclusive organisation. This is done through the claim that everyone is welcome and that the possible prejudices connected to the organisation can be changed by taking a closer look into the organisation. This is most likely why they have included the link of the website on the material, which leads to the campaign on their official website. Thus, this ‘shaping up’ of the organisation’s image can be related to the introduced previous research by Kronsell (2006) as well as Eduards (2011). Both argued that clear aspects of gender inequality can be determined in the SAF. Nevertheless, the SAF tempt to present itself in a better light by arguing against their stereotypical image of being a homogeneous and heteronormative organisation.

The first image portrays the upper body of a white woman named Ida. Her upper body is partly displayed, yet rather close as she takes up almost the entire space of the image. Ida wears an official military uniform that consists of a beret, a jacket, a white shirt, and a black tie. On her jacket, two emblems of her unit are visible, whereas the emblem on her beret is not clearly visible due to her body position. Her body position is slightly right-angled through which her left-side becomes more visible than her right-side. Moreover, her hair is tight in a bun located at her neck and is partly visible on her left-side. Ida’s lips are shining from assumably lip-gloss and her face is covered with minor make-up. Additionally, she wears a Venus symbol earring on her left ear. Her head is in an upright position and her eyes seem to look slightly downwards directly into the camera. Furthermore, her occupational title, which is displayed below her name, states that she is a ‘Skyttesoldat’, which can be translated to the profession of an infantry support weapons specialist, which is part of the army. The campaign’s name is located on her chest due to her rather large representation in the image.

The following part will describe my interpretation based on the connotative level of the first image. Her official uniform can be depicted as the signifier and signifies stereotypical aspects of masculinity as she is wearing a jacket, shirt, and tie. Therefore, her way of dressing can be connected to the fratriarchal understanding of the ‘band of brothers’ and demonstrates aspects of homogeneity. The aspect of homogeneity makes it unrecognisable ‘who’ is under this uniform. Without seeing her head, it can be assumed that the individual in the image is a man due to the stereotypical clothing style. However, her rather stereotypical masculine way of

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dressing suggests a non-stereotypical performance of femininity which challenges the naturalised understanding of femininity. Through this, she shows that women can dress in masculine manners yet can still be associated with femininity. Therefore, as Butler (2007) argued, gender performativity does not have to be intrinsically bound to the sexed-body. Her face seems very symmetrical, which underlines a key feature of what is considered to be beautiful and desirable. Additionally, her make-up and the highlighting of her lips through assumably lip-gloss reproduces notions of stereotypical femininity and beauty standards. Moreover, the Venus symbol earring is a connotation of femininity and is actively used in feminist arenas. Therefore, it can be interpreted in a way that her earring stands for the connotation of feminisms. Furthermore, the Venus symbol earring underlines the main intention of the campaign of being an inclusive organisation by promoting women and femininity to attract outside women in order to become me(n)mbers of the SAF. Additionally, her earring represents aspects of the claimed individuality by showing something that is unique and can only be seen in her image. Not to mention, her lowered eyes gives the viewer the impression of being positioned below Ida and her looking slightly down with a firm and determined facial expression. Besides, her profession requires high levels of physical strengths as she is the supporter of an infantry fighting vehicle and, thus, works closely together with mostly men. Her position in the image is rather dominant through which aspects of hegemony and authority over others can be transmitted to the viewer. Thus, her representation challenges notions of stereotypical femininity and, at the same time, the ideology of the ideal soldier and the manly woman as described by Kronsell (2006). This is done by demonstrating her capacity to fulfil her working requirements. The fulfilment of her working requirements is an assumption of mine since she is displayed in an advertisement, one can assume that she must perform an excellent job.

Image number two represents a white woman who performs a jumping movement on a skateboard through which it seems that she and the skateboard are above ground. Moreover, her entire body is captured and she is wearing a camouflage uniform with a green beret on her head. Additionally, her entire body is located on the right side of the image. Monique has brown long hair, which is braided at the back of her head. The symbols on her uniform, two facing-upwards arrows, indicate her status and position as a corporal. Monique’s profession, which is displayed underneath her name on the right-side, states that she is a ‘Yrkesinformatör’, which translates to English as communication technician and is part of the Swedish defence forces. Her head looks downwards and her face is not clearly visible through which it seems as if the

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viewer is watching her performing the movement on the skateboard. Both her arms are half-way lifted and positioned at the height of her head. Monique’s feet do not touch the skateboard, which is diagonally positioned beneath her feet. Further, her right leg is in a straight position, whereas her left leg is upwards angled. Her uniform is very clean as no stains can be seen and her army boots are shining on the image.

On the connotative level, it can be assumed that she is physically fit as she is performing a sports movement on her skateboard. The act of skateboarding can be considered as stereotypical masculine and something connected to youth and playfulness. Therefore, she challenges this normative ideology by demonstrating her capability to perform the act of skateboarding, too. Additionally, the skateboard is a signifier for the connotation to individuality rather than uniformity; similar to Ida’s Venus symbol earring. On the other hand, Monique’s camouflaged uniform can, again, be depicted as the signifier that signifies uniformity instead of individuality. Moreover, her level of fitness can be connected to the ideology that soldiers need to be physically able and fit. Thus, she represents that a certain level of physical fitness is embedded in the SAF. However, she also represents notions of femininity through her braided rather long brown hair. Nonetheless, Monique is only recognisable as a woman through the display of her name and long hair hence her body is hidden underneath the camouflage uniform, through which the categorisation of being either female or male is not possible. However, if only the body and the skateboard would have been visible, it could have been assumed that the soldier is male-bodied through the over-representation of men in the SAF, as previously described in chapter three, and the stereotypical connotation of skateboarding to masculinity. Thus, her representation in this image lets one assume that she is challenging stereotypical and naturalised aspects of not only femininity but also of masculinity. This then upholds the prior argument that gender can indeed be performed in a multitude of ways. Moreover, this challenge can be strengthened through her profession as the occupation of a technician is predominantly associated with masculinity and performed by men.

The third image displays another white woman in camouflage uniform with a black beret in a sitting position. She is named Eleonore and has the occupation of an ‘Adjutant’, which is an assisting officer to the officer in command. Moreover, the swords, which are displayed on her beret, indicate that she is part of the army. Eleonore is positioned in the centre of the image. Furthermore, she is sitting in a half cross-legged position with her left leg close to her body, while the right foot is situated in an upwards angled position in front of the left leg. Her right

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arm is laying on her right knee and the sleeve of her right arm is partly pulled up. Additionally, her left arm seems to hold on tight to her left leg and a tattoo is visible on her left wrist, which is partially covered by the name of the campaign. Her nails are short and she has long blond hair, which is braided and lays over her left shoulder. Even though her entire body is displayed, the proposition of the image makes the appearance as if she is sitting right in front of you and you are looking at each other. Eleonore’s face is rather symmetric and she appears to be wearing lip-gloss as well as mascara. Similar to image two, her uniform and boots appear to be clean and neat.

On the connotative level, I follow my interpretation of the previous images regarding the symmetrical face structure as well as the braided hair. These are connotations to certain ideological beauty standards and aspects of femininity. Through her partially displayed tattoo, it can be argued that the SAF accepts incoming and current me(n)mbers with tattoos on their bodies that can be easily seen by others. Additionally, it can be argued that the open display of her tattoo and the visibility of her rather long blond and braided hair are signifiers for individuality. These aspects, same as Ida’s earring and Monique’s skateboard, can be interpreted as expressions, which represent who she as an individual really is. Just as I have argued in my interpretation of the second image, her uniform is the carrier to the connotation of the fratriarchal approach and the ‘band of brothers’ that symbolises uniformity instead of individuality. She also seems to have a rather slim body which further underlines the connotation of physical fitness to the SAF. The minor presence of make-up on her face and braided hair strengthens certain argumentations for the performance of stereotypical feminine characteristics. These characteristics are signifiers that reflect on the cultural representation, as described by Hall (1997), as well as the naturalised understanding of how Swedes stereotypically look like in terms of being white, having blond hair and green or blue eyes. Her professional position is of higher rank and the connotation implies that she is in a position of power and possesses hegemony over others. Thus, she challenges stereotypical notions of femininity and masculinity. However, her body position does not reflect these levels of hegemony and power. She is captured in a sitting position and touches herself if not even holds herself in a way that makes her appear vulnerable and smaller. Eleonore’s eyes look directly into the camera and her lips perform a small smile which makes her appear as being rather open, friendly, even emotional instead of embodying aspects of rationality, aggression, violence and domination. Further, her rather levelled body position gives the viewer the feeling of being in a similar position instead of viewing someone in the possession of authority and hegemony over

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others. This then can indicate the aim of the SAF to be an open and welcoming organisation hence she might appear welcoming and is represented in a way that shows accessibility.

The following part aims to interpret my analysis by also reflecting on the previously introduced theoretical framework of argumentation as well as previous research. In my analysis, I have taken-up the gender-sensitive lens to study the level of representation in relation to notions of femininity and masculinity as well as the performativity of gender. The soldiers, who are represented in the material, embodied as well as challenged the normative performance of both femininity and masculinity.

I argue that they are represented in rather stereotypical feminine ways to maintain patterns of patriarchy embedded in the SAF as well as to reproduce ideological notions of femininity and the female body. These feminine notions are represented through the embodiment of their long hair, discrete make-up, the Venus symbol earring, slim bodies and symmetric faces. The visible beauty standards in the images strengthen the ideology of the normative discourse related to gender and the performance of femininity which is controlled by the heterosexual matrix as described by Butler (2007).

Furthermore, I argue that Eleonore has been displayed in a position that represents aspects of vulnerability instead of being captured in a way that mirrors her professional standpoint related to hegemony and authority. Therefore, her representation leads to a form of reproducing and strengthening the notions of the naturalised gender-order through which women are hierarchically lower positioned than men.

On the other hand, the representations of Ida and Monique challenge the stereotypical performance of femininity. The position of Ida’s upper body fills almost the entire image through which she represents a rather hegemonic standpoint that mirrors her professional occupation. Moreover, the way she looks down to the camera indicates a certain hegemonic standpoint, which is usually granted to men and aspects of masculinity. Similar is the relation of Monique and her interaction with the skateboard that also indicates that she is physically fit not only in relation to stamina but also symbolises physical strength. Thus, she fulfils certain requirements regarding stereotypical characteristics of the ideal soldier in terms of being physically fit, strong and white as described by Kronsell (2006).

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Furthermore, all three women are represented in military uniforms which challenges not only the performance of femininity but also masculinity and the notions related to the characteristics of the ideal soldier. They challenge the stereotypical performance of femininity by entering the SAF which is, according to Kronsell (2006), considered a hegemonic masculine organisation. Through their visibility and occupational status, the three soldiers challenge notions of hegemonic masculinity and what is stereotypically considered to be the ideal soldier. Thus, the representation of the three soldiers in a recruitment advertisement by the SAF questions the approach of not only patriarchy but also the approach of fratriarchy and the ‘band of brothers’.

Concerning the approach of silencing gender in the military (Kronsell 2006; Eduards 2011), it can be argued that through the visibility of women in uniforms, gender issues become more and more transparent, being discussed as well as challenged. Nevertheless, it is of importance to reflect on the status of representation in terms of who is represented and made visible and who is not represented and thus held invisible. However, in this thesis, I will not further discuss this issue hence my focus is solely on the representation of women and their performance of femininity without including further intersecting categories such as, for example, ethnicity and sexuality.

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6. Discussion, Conclusion and Reflection

The following chapter will provide a discussion on my analysis. Afterwards, I will discuss and answer my research question and sub-research question as well as review and elaborate on my stated hypothesis. Lastly, I want to reflect on my analysis in relation to the chosen methods towards the end of this chapter. In this thesis, my aim has been to contribute to the empirical discourse by discussing aspects of gender performativity and representation in one particular advertising campaign by the Swedish Armed Forces. I have analysed this campaign by combining the methods of critical discourse analysis and critical visual analysis to also make a smaller methodological contribution. My research question, as well as my sub-research question, have circled around issues such as gender performativity, femininity, hegemonic masculinity, gender-order and representation. The following part will summarise my main results.

In my analysis, I have chosen three images of a recruiting campaign by the SAF. These images demonstrated that the way the soldiers have been represented not only embody the performance of femininity and, to a certain extent, masculinity but also challenged the notions of what is argued to be the ideal soldier as well as aspects related to the stereotypical performance of femininity and masculinity. At the same time, patriarchal patterns embedded in the SAF have been strengthened by the way the women have been represented in relation to notions of femininity and vulnerability. For example, Eleonore, in image three, is displayed in a rather subordinated and vulnerable sitting position which does not reflect on her professional position and her status in the SAF but rather strengthens ongoing patriarchal patterns.

Moreover, gender performativity can be considered as something we repeatedly ‘do’ (Butler 2007). Additionally, even though Butler (2007) argues that the sexed-body does not necessarily indicate nor determine the performed gender, all three women in this advertisement can be categorised as women – most likely as cis-women – and perform a certain type of femininity. This categorisation of the soldiers as being women and gendering them as feminine and somewhat masculine reflects on how they are represented. According to Hall (1997), the approach of cultural representation uses language as a coding method to give meaning to the material world. We, as social actors, use a so-called conceptual map to give certain meanings to the material world by establishing a likeness between different elements. Cultural representation is closely linked to ideologies and both are interwoven mechanisms. The

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questions then are what kind of femininity do they perform, how is their performance represented in this particular advertisement and why?

In this campaign, everything is carefully considered to carry a certain meaning varying from body positions, facial expressions, appearances in terms of what they are wearing and how, the display of their hair and the usage of discrete make-up. Their feminine performance of gender becomes visible through the representation of their braided or tight-up hair, the usage of make-up and the earring. Without these signifiers, it would have been rather difficult to gender the individuals as feminine hence the stereotypical performance of soldiers is generally predominately masculine and male. This then can be reflected in the previous research by Kronsell (2006), who argues that the ‘manly woman’ is something considered as rather undesirable and valued negatively. Both Kronsell (2006) as well as Eduards (2011), argue that women in the SAF face double-standards when it comes to the performance of femininity in terms of that they shall not be too feminine and yet have to be feminine enough to be considered as women. Therefore, I argue that the soldiers have been displayed in a way that clearly indicates that they are women and, without any doubts, perform femininity and represent a certain form of individuality. Furthermore, their performance of femininity can be connected to a so-called balancing act in terms of representing just the ‘right’ amount of femininity: not too much nor too little.

Furthermore, the consideration of the ‘who’ in this advertisement is an additional interesting aspect in terms of who is displayed in this advertisement and thus considered as an ideal soldier worthy for representing the SAF in a recruiting campaign. According to Strand (2019), the SAF aims to create a certain form of attractiveness for their organisation by drawing on different possible connections between the soldiers and the target group. In this advertisement, it can be argued that a focus is not only laid on the performance of femininity but also on aspects that demonstrate individuality, which can be considered as a rather powerful message. I consider this message as powerful hence it seems to matter who is under the uniform as the SAF displayed certain markers of individuality. It is not only clearly recognisable that these soldiers are women but also each of them is displayed with an individual marker that sets them apart from each other. These markers are the earring of Ida, the skateboard of Monique and the long braided blond hair as well as the tattoo of Eleonore. Therefore, this advertisement produces certain norms and standards which are powerful elements for others to make specific life-choices related to their careers. If they, for example, would have not represented the soldiers as

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clearly identifiable female and without their individual markers, a different message might have been transmitted that could lead to a sort of different and most likely more homogeneous target group.

Therefore, my research question, “how are female soldiers and their performance of femininity represented in an advertising campaign for inclusivity by the Swedish Armed Forces?” can be answered as the following. The female soldiers are represented by reproducing notions of stereotypical femininity through the embodiment of beauty standards, long hair, being positioned in a vulnerable way of sitting and demonstrating subordination. On the other hand, some are represented in powerful standing positions with, for example, the display of the Venus symbol to underline their feminist position. Moreover, their representation reflects upon naturalised cultural ideologies connected to the appearance of the Swedish population in terms of, for example, being white, with blond hair and so forth. It was interesting that none of the women have been captured in arms or during an action related to their profession. Rather, a focus was laid on beauty standards and the way of appearance, whereas their profession was only displayed in small letters beneath their first name. Moreover, their professional status can only be identified by outsiders who have knowledge about the meaning of, for example, badges and symbols that are displayed on their uniform. Furthermore, it can be questioned how well the aspect of inclusivity is represented in terms of that all women seem to be rather similar in their appearance. Nevertheless, each soldier has some visible aspect that sets them apart from the other which can be considered as representing aspects of individuality and thus underline the promotion for inclusivity to a certain extent.

The sub-research question, “can a new form of gender lead to a disruption of the naturalised gender-order by also challenging the concept of hegemonic masculinity?” can only be partly answered as this would require an in-depth analysis on the construction of gender by using different methods as, for example, interviews. Nonetheless, I believe that the natural gender-order can indeed be challenged as well as the concept of hegemonic masculinity and its power through the visibility of women in a male-dominated sphere such as the SAF.

Heroic Soldier-ism: Beautified Power Asymmetry