Linköping University | Department of Culture and Communication Master’s Thesis, 15 ECTS Credits | Applied Ethics Spring Semester 2019 | LIU-CTE-AE-EX--19/10--SE
Critical Activism
– Five Conditions for a Beneficial, Effective and Efficient
Activism
Tatiana Oviedo Ramos Supervisor: Lars Lindblom Examiner: Elin Palm
Linköping University SE-581 83 Linköping +46 13 28 10 00, www.liu.se
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Acknowledgments
To Noemí for trusting on this project,
to Lars for showing interest,
a tantas personas bellas,
to my parents.
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Abstract
The goal of this thesis is to introduce the concept of Critical Activism (CA). Activism is expected to be beneficial and efficient. Therefore, there is a need of guiding conditions. To this end, I analyse a critical Pride movement, which arises as a reaction to the existing Pride movement, in such context. It is concluded that a CA must be political, radical, comprehensive, quotidian and inclusive. These five conditions help an activism to be beneficial and efficient.
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Content
Acknowledgments ... 1
ABSTRACT ... 2
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ... 4
CHAPTER 2: STUDY CASE – THE MADRID PRIDE... 6
CHAPTER 3: CONDITIONS FOR CRITICAL ACTIVISM ... 9
Condition I: Political ... 9
Condition II: Radical ... 13
Condition III: Comprehensive ... 16
Condition IV: Quotidian ... 20
Condition V: Inclusive ... 24
CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION ... 29
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Chapter 1: Introduction
Activism is performing an action which intervenes in the public affairs with the purpose of making change in society. To get an overview, it is useful to mention different types of activism. The traditional classification divides activism into conventional activism, which is carried out within the system of political parties, and unconventional activism, which includes the rest of political activity – and which has been traditionally considered to be irrational and disrespectful (Saunders, 2013, p. 9). This unconventional activism is divided into: demonstrative such as rallies and marches, confrontational such as blockades and sit-ins, property damage such as squatting, and violence towards a human being (Saunders, 2013, p. 10). Another classification distinguishes between high risk activism, which involves dangers such as personal injury or arrest (e.g., illegalities), high cost activism, which entails commitment of time or resources (e.g., political candidate for the elections), or the opposites low risk and low cost activism (e.g., voting in the elections) (Saunders, 2013, p. 10). Furthermore, recent forms of activism include transnational activism, which works together across countries (e.g., online petitions), cyber-activism, also known as internet activism (e.g., informative podcasts), and prefigurative activism, which entails taking the political personally (e.g., lifestyle changes)(Saunders, 2013, p. 10).
Even though the term activism seems to involve a wide range of actions, a common point has been identified. Any project has some characteristics in common with the rest of projects: it has a goal, it has reasons to achieve that goal, and it aims to do it in the most productive way. Since activism can be a project itself, these characteristics common to a project are also common to activism. Therefore, in this thesis I assume that all activisms share three meta-conditions: they aim to be effective, beneficial and efficient. To be effective means that the concrete action is an immediate goal which leads successfully to the ultimate goal of the movement (Conly, 2012, p. 150). This is different from to be efficient, which means that the specific action is the best strategy to reach such ultimate goal (Conly, 2012, p. 151). Since being efficient assumes being effective, both meta-conditions will be tackled together in the following under the tag of ‘efficient’. To be beneficial means that such action promotes the good (Beauchamp, 2019) and benefits society – rather than only the activists and movement themselves. Hence, this meta-condition involves a harms-benefits analysis in order to ensure that the action is ultimately beneficial (Conly, 2012, p. 151). Nonetheless, in case of conflict
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the worst-off are prioritised – since this sort of approach is considered relevant in an activist context.
However, not all activisms consciously aim to be beneficial and efficient. These meta-conditions are sometimes not considered at all. In this thesis I assume that an activism which is harmful, unfeasible or unproductive is undesired. In this sense, there is a need of guiding conditions for activism in order to fulfil the meta-conditions. To have an insight into such conditions is the aim of this thesis. A distinction between two different kinds of activism can be done. On one side, there is an activism which does not consciously intend to be beneficial nor efficient – does not fulfil the meta-conditions of activism. Since this is today also called activism, ‘activism’ in general can be the name of this category. On the other side, there is an activism which consciously aims to be beneficial and efficient. Since this activism refers generally to a more questioned, planned and justified activism, it can be called ‘critical activism’. In this sense, the term ‘critical’ alludes to the exercise of critical thinking and attitude. In summary, the activism which this thesis concerns is Critical Activism (CA).
The aim of this thesis is to introduce the concept of CA. To this end, a set of conditions that define a critical activism in a specific context will be formulated. Such context refers to the case study of the Madrid Pride. In chapter one, the activism of the Madrid Pride will be introduced. In chapter two, such case will be analysed in order to formulate and evaluate the conditions. In chapter three, conclusions, limitations and future challenges for the concept of CA will be presented.
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Chapter 2: Study case – the Madrid Pride
In this chapter, I will introduce the study case. It concerns the Pride movement in the Spanish context, specifically the city of Madrid. The Orgullo Crítico (OC) or Critical Pride movement has been chosen for several reasons. First, it was born as a similar reaction to the one that led me to write this thesis. In this sense, the OC could be quite illustrative and have interesting things to say. Second, it is familiar to me to the point that I was part of the assembly last year (2018). This fact could facilitate the access and understanding of the information. Third, it arose as an opposition to an existing activism – the official Pride (MADO). This gives the possibility of comparing the two movements, a ‘critical’ and a ‘non-critical’ one, and making the discussion clearer. Fourth, the OC defends a well-known cause, whose previous knowledge can facilitate the discussion to the reader.
Four concepts want to be explained beforehand. ‘Pride’ refers worldwide to the annual demonstration and celebration of the civil rights of the LGBT community. Since ‘LGBT’ only concerns gender and sexual identities (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender), the term ‘queer’ tends to replace it as more representative – it includes bodies, relational and affective identities as well. On these grounds, the term ‘dissidences’ is more general and has a broader scope. In the context of the OC, it refers to those identities that dissent or disagree with the established social norm – nuance that suggests a transgressive character. At last, in this thesis the idea of ‘violence’ is broad and reflects its use by several activisms, e.g., the OC. According to Galtung (1969, p. 169; 1990, p. 294), ‘violence’ refers not just to physical violent actions, but also to other dimensions such as psychological, direct (behavioural), cultural (social constructs) or structural (institutional) violences.
On June 28, 1969, the first-known protest against oppression towards the queer community took place. This event is named the Stonewall riots. Around 1:20, the New York police busted in the Stonewall Inn pub, a place frequented by the poorest and most marginalized people in the queer community (Carter, 2004, p. 137). Police raids at gay clubs were common in the 1960s. However, at that time the story was different. People that were there started singing ‘we shall overcome’, and this violent incident culminated in major demonstrations in the streets of New York (Carter, 2004, pp. 147-148). Today, this event is a symbol and the standpoint of the queer movement. Consequently, June 28 is the International Day of LGBT Pride. Regarding this date, many countries hold the already mentioned ‘Pride’.
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It is not clear which was the first Pride manifestation in Spain. Yet the most famous is the one in Barcelona on June 26, 1977, convened by the Front d'Alliberament Gai De
Catalunya and which was dissolved by force (Martínez, 2018). Only two years after the end of
the dictatorship, some 4,000 people were demanding a legal change that stopped considering certain sexual options as crimes (La Vanguardia Española, 1977). In Madrid, the demonstration was authorized for the first time the following year (1978) and since then, except in 1980, the Pride is celebrated in Madrid (Dos Manzanas, 2017). During the 80s, large part of the Madrid queer community settled in Chueca, which happened to be one of the most depressed neighbourhoods in Madrid to one of the most tolerant (MADO, 2019). It was common that after the demonstration, the participants returned to Chueca to celebrate (Shangay Lily, 2016). That is how the protest began to take on a festive character.
Political groups organized this demonstration until the mid-90s, when it became one of the most emblematic festivals of Madrid and companies entered the organization (Shangay Lily, 2016). In 2004, today’s organizing committee is created under the MADO brand. MADO (MADrid Orgullo or Madrid Pride) is an alliance between AEGAL (Association of Companies and Professionals for LGBT in Madrid), FELGTB (National Federation of Lesbians, Gays, Transsexuals and Bisexuals), COGAM (Collective of Lesbians, Gays, Transsexuals and Bisexuals of Madrid) and Madrid City Council (MADO, 2019). AEGAL is the organizer and the rest are collaborating entities (OC, 2018a). Also, neighbours of Chueca participate today in the organization (MADO, 2019). In these years, the Madrid Pride has been consolidated internationally and events such as Europride 2007 and Worldpride 2017 have positioned Spain as one of the favourites gay destinations in the world (MADO, 2019). In 2005, Spain recognized the right of homosexual couples to marry.
Throughout these years, different social movements have defended in parallel critical positions traditionally linked to the queer movement such as the fight against AIDS or reflections on lesbian sexuality (OC, 2017). In 2006, an alternative Pride to the official one is born. This movement is considered the heir of such collectives of the Madrid of the 90s, such as LSD or Gay Radical (OC, 2017). The OC (2018a) explains the reasons of this beginning in their manifesto:
The result of the organization of a date such as Pride is organized by a group of entrepreneurs is that the Pride has gradually been stripped of its intrinsic political and transgressive character, turning our struggles into a market niche, in little more than a great
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parade, crowded with advertising brands. Given this, from the different groups and individuals that form the OC Platform we see the need to convene both a demonstration and an alternative agenda. Therefore, we consider that it is essential to recover the historical date of June 28. We want to demonstrate that Pride is still a moment of struggle, [...] we still have a lot to fight for. Besides, we want to emphasize that [...] it must go hand in hand with the transfeminist, anti-fascist and anti-racist struggles, fighting against speculation and gentrification in the neighbourhoods [...]. A Pride that questions the use of the rights, diversities and oppressions of the collective as a washing of neoliberal policies.
Today, fifty years after the Stonewall protests, Madrid accommodates two opposite Prides. The great disagreement, according to the OC, is the impossibility of joining to a movement which has lost its political edge.
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Chapter 3: Conditions for Critical Activism
In this chapter, I will analyse the study case and formulate the conditions. Since the OC was born as a reaction to MADO, their manifestos reflect the points of disagreement. In order to identify the concrete problems of MADO according to the OC and formulate resulting conditions, the manifestos of the OC will be analysed. Even if the OC was born in 2006, only manifestos from 2015 to 2018 will be analysed. The first reason is that the OC was not conformed with its current name ‘Plataforma del Orgullo Crítico’ (Critical Pride Platform) until 2014. The second reason is that such manifestos are not available in the website of the OC and they could not be found elsewhere. However, information about the OC from 2006 to 2014 (available in such website) will be considered in this analysis.
To this end, concepts in the manifestos will be classified according to five different categories. These categories will be created and modified during the process of grouping concepts, every concept having to fit in one of them at least. Since these categories reflect the principles of the OC, they reveal the problems of MADO activism from the OC perspective. Therefore, the problems of MADO will be inferred from the categories. These categories also reflect the alternative strategies proposed by the OC in order to avoid or solve such problems. Hence, the alternatives of the OC will be extrapolated from the categories. Since these alternatives suggest how a better Pride activism would be, each of them will be translated into a final condition. Afterwards, conditions will be discussed according to how they serve the meta-conditions of activism in the context of the OC. Finally, specifications in the conditions will be proposed in order to solve possible conflicts. In sum, the process to elaborate each of the conditions will be: problem, alternative and evaluation. Below, five conditions for critical activism will be formulated and discussed.
Condition I: Political
Problem
The first category illustrates the political character of the Pride. ‘Political’ is understood as participation or interference in the public affairs of a country. In the manifestos, this character is found in terms such as combative, fight, protest, resistance, visibility, to transgress, to destabilize, liberation, street, empowerment, self-management, State or businesses. Indeed, the history of the OC starts with ‘in 2006, the Alternative Block of lesbians, gays, transsexuals and bisexuals arises with the motto “Pride is Protest”, questioning such mercantilization and
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depoliticization, and with the purpose of recovering the combative origin of the Pride’ (OC, 2017).
This introduces the first problem of MADO according to the OC: the depoliticization of the Pride. The OC considers that their cause still requires activism since there is a lot to do. However, the apolitical MADO does not seem of help for this. On one hand, the OC claims that the Pride has become a party without memory and empty of any claim (OC, 2018a). As MADO (2019) agenda illustrates, the Pride is defined as ‘a series of street celebrations’, the term ‘parade’ substitutes ‘demonstration’, or entertainment activities such as ‘concerts, parties, art, culture, sport [...]’ are majority. Even though there is still space for exhibitions, political discussion or remembering the Stonewall riots, these activities are minimal and do not constitute the core of the event (MADO, 2019). This festive character may move the focus away from the topicality and urgency of the cause.
On the other hand, the Pride as event is not anymore managed by the queer activist community but a non-representative group of businessmen – AEGAL as main organizer of the MADO alliance. A quote explains that: ‘the result of Pride being organized by a group of businessmen is that it has progressively been stripped of its intrinsic political and transgressive character, turning our struggles into a market niche, in little more than a grand parade [...]’ (OC, 2018a). From the OC perspective, these institutionalisation and commodification of the Pride are considered negative for several reasons. First, the queer community may feel that something of theirs has been taken away (by outsiders) and even more, that those who have appropriated support or constitute the oppressor itself. A clear example can be found at the official website, where it is stated that ‘at the head of the parade will march the organizing entities and institutions’ (MADO, 2019), followed by the queer collectives – which are indeed the real protagonists. Moreover, the queer community may disagree with the way in which the Pride is being managed. This is suggested, for instance, by the problems exposed throughout this thesis, or by statements like ‘to build a collective Pride [...] where we fled from the model of celebration of MADO’(OC, 2015). Lastly, the OC claims that their dissidences and rights are being instrumentalized by these agents, resulting for instance in what today is called pink-washing (OC, 2016; OC, 2017a; OC, 2017c; OC, 2018b).
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Alternative
With the aim of recovering the political character of the Pride, the OC proposes two strategies. The first strategy is to prioritize the protest over the celebration. A symbolic action is the recovery in 2008 of the original June 28 as the demonstration day for all these gender, sexual, affective and relational dissidences (OC, 2017). Moreover, a protest character permeates its manifestos. The second strategy is to become independent from the institutions and the market, and to go back to the self-management. An example is the decision of convening an alternative Pride instead of supporting the official, state and corporate Pride – as it used to be until 2008 (OC, 2018a). It can be seen a connection between both strategies, so that the transgressive character of the movement leads to self-management, self-organization and self-defence. All in all, the OC define themselves as a protest and self-managed platform (OC, 2018b).
Evaluation
This analysis suggests that a political approach is of interest for activism. The political condition for CA demands it to be protest and self-management. Is a political OC activism more beneficial and efficient than the apolitical MADO? To answer this, OC strategies will be discussed regarding such meta-conditions. The first strategy consists on prioritizing the protest character over the festive one. According to the definition, a strategy is beneficial if it promotes good for society and prioritizes the worst-off. To begin with, this strategy can be beneficial in the sense that the opposite could be offensive for the queer community – feeling that their struggle and the Pride are a mean for partying and consuming. Meanwhile, such strategy can be harmful if a protest character is annoying for other parties. Since to be beneficial prioritises the worst-off, the harms-benefits analysis concludes that this strategy is more beneficial. In the second place, the definition states that an efficient strategy is the best strategy to reach the final goal. Prioritizing the protest character can be efficient in the sense that it may increase awareness that violence is still present. This awareness could hurry up people, put pressure on the system and make the change faster. Secondly, this strategy can be inefficient in the sense that a demonstration attracts mostly only the people within the cause (the queer community), but a celebration could attract most of these people plus those outsiders. In other words, a celebration (versus a demonstration) is usually a better way to spread something and attract people. In long term, a celebration character could even make these outsiders insiders – or activists of the cause. In sum, the first strategy is more beneficial, but it is not clear if it is
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efficient. Therefore, the proposal of the OC makes sense here: to combine both approaches (protest and festive) to get the positive outcomes of both and being the most beneficial and the efficient strategy.
The second strategy consists on becoming independent from businesses, institutions and political parties. To start with, this strategy can be beneficial if the appropriation of the Pride by the oppressors is offensive for the queer community. On the other side, such strategy may be harmful if to become independent ignores the interests of the resting society. However, self-management does not involve the rejection of such dialogue, and according to the definition, the worst-off must be prioritized. Therefore, the second strategy is more beneficial. In the second place, self-management can be efficient in two senses. Firstly, it would be the queer community itself who decides how to proceed, and since they are the ones who are experiencing the violence, their word could be considered the most accurate one in terms of efficiency. Secondly, since businesses, institutions and political parties are supporting the oppressive norm and have interests that the queer movement does not have, their proposals may be deviated from the interest of the queer community and create a conflict of interests. On the opposite, this strategy can be inefficient in two other ways. Firstly, the fact that these agents have interests that the queer movement does not have, can provide an additional and valuable perspectives. Secondly, having the support of power structures can be useful, for example, in terms of resources such as economical ones or spreading possibilities. It is important to appreciate the distinction between becoming independent (having the capacity for self-determination) and accepting external perspective or support (which are never decisive). Thus, since these two last arguments are compatible with independence, self-management seems an efficient strategy. In this context, the OC should consider dialogue with representatives of such structures, and inviting outsiders, which represent the whole society. To this aim, the representatives could be invited to the assemblies, even if they do not have right to vote to ensure the independence of the movement. This proposal seems a more beneficial and efficient strategy. Furthermore, it could be the starting point for remaking the Pride political, by removing the official Pride and leaving only one new Pride. This new Pride would be managed only by the queer community itself, but with the mandatory perspective and optional support of the outsiders.
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Condition
The political condition claims that activism must be protest and self-management. The evaluation concludes that a political activism seems more beneficial and efficient than an apolitical one in the context of the Pride. Yet this political activism must be accompanied by a secondary festive character (in efficiency terms) and be opened to dialogue with other representatives of society with norms which ensure their independence (regarding beneficence and efficiency).
Condition II: Radical
Problem
The second category concerns the multiple causes of the oppression, in contrast to one single cause. The OC claims that the oppression is the result of a whole structure in which different systems – social, economic, political or cultural – interact in a complex way: ‘We call against the judicial, repressive, educational, health, psychiatric, labour, religious and family institutions on which the [...] system is based to exert a structural violence against our identities, orientations, practices and bodies’ (OC, 2018b). In the manifestos, other terms which illustrate this are: oppressive system, structural violence, normalized repression, silent discrimination, power structures, heteropatriarchy, capitalism, neoliberalism, consumerist model, normativity, cis-hetero-norm, binarism or monosexism.
This introduces the second problem of MADO according to the OC: the non-radical approach of the Pride. Today, gender, sexual, affective and relational dissidences are still a reality. Diversity is still problematic in the sense that not all identities do fit the norm. Norm refers to what is socially accepted, and dissidence constitute what is not. The OC claims that this norm is built and promoted by the current domination system. Such system consists of economic (e.g., capitalism, neoliberalism), political (e.g., States), cultural and social (e.g., cisheteropatriarchy, religion) structures, among other forces. These domination structures are intertwined, mutually reinforcing and globalised (Collste, 2016, p. 8). Since the oppressive norm has multiple causes, to face the real problem needs a radical approach. As a result, considering root causes is fundamental for activism.
However, MADO does not mention the causal part of the problem at all, and thus neither its multiple causes. Both the norm and the role of the economic, political, cultural and social domination structures are hidden. Indeed, the capitalist power is even promoted by
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converting the Pride protest in a consumerist celebration organised by businesses. If this omission means ignorance, it might not be possible for them to find the real problem. Instead, everything in the MADO revolves around (unequal) LGBT rights, which are not the core problem but a symptom of the problem, and diversity. Yet the focus on promoting diversity suggests that MADO could be aware of the oppressive norm (core problem). However, why do not they face the supportive structures? Looking at the way in which MADO faces the problem, it is not clear if they have a biased awareness of the oppressive norm (e.g., they promote stereotypes, thus they are not really promoting diversity but supporting the norm), or if they use the wrong strategy to face such norm (e.g., omitting the supportive structures).
Besides, the message of MADO seems like ‘we are all diverse but human beings’ as a justification for equal rights. This approach is problematic in the sense that a normative view is proposed without any arguments behind. In brief, MADO lacks a radical approach in order to face the real problem ⎯ an oppressive norm and a supportive system ⎯ and having arguments which support its position.
Alternative
The OC claims that activism must be radical. Radical means that it focuses on root causes instead of symptoms. On this process, the OC has discovered that the oppression consists of an established norm, and that such norm is sustained by a whole system. Therefore, the OC proposes to oppose to these structures and to spread the multiple origin of the oppression. Their opposition to the domination and supportive system is illustrated, for instance, by the definitions which they state at the manifestos. They define themselves as a critical, radical, non-capitalist, non-commodified, non-consumable, non-heteropatriarchal, non-racist or non-class Pride (OC, 2017). Another example is ‘we claim against the institutions [...] on which the capitalist, cisheteropatriarchal, biologicist, racist and colonial system is based to exert a structural violence against our identities, orientations, practices and bodies’ (OC, 2018b). On the other hand, the times when they point out the oppressive norm are several. For instance, ‘we condemn the violence of a binary system that forces us to identify ourselves in its sealed categories’ (OC, 2018b), ‘we march against their language, on which our oppressions largely sustain’ (OC, 2017b), or ‘[...] the presumption of heterosexuality is violent’ (OC, 2017b).
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Evaluation
This analysis suggests that a radical perspective is of interest for activism. The radical condition for CA demands it to work on the root causes of the problem. Is a radical OC activism more beneficial and efficient than a non-radical MADO? The first strategy consists on deconstructing and pointing out the oppressive norm. To start with, this strategy can be more beneficial in the sense that it shows the implications of a cultural violence for the whole society, what is especially beneficial for the worst-off. Meanwhile, questioning the social and cultural norm can be harmful since it is one of the foundations of society. However, analysing such social implications and fixing them by questioning which parts of the norm do not work today, seems necessary in a social context and beneficial. As the definition prioritizes the worst-off, the whole balance concludes that the first strategy is more beneficial. In the second place, this strategy can be efficient in the sense that it is more accurate. It is the one which allows to understand the problem, and which deals with the real core problem (rather than with symptoms). On the contrary, this strategy can be inefficient in the sense that the core problem is generally more complex to fix than ‘superficial problems’ or symptoms. Nonetheless, even though a radical approach is more demanding and does not ensure effectiveness either, one on symptoms is likely to be further from an effective short-term goal, and thus to be inefficient compared to the former. In short, tackling the norm itself is more beneficial and efficient. Hence, this OC proposal aims to fulfil the meta-conditions of CA.
The second strategy consists on questioning and opposing to the structures which support the oppressive norm. Firstly, questioning can be more beneficial in the sense that it presents the social implications of institutional violence, what is primarily beneficial for the worst-off. Rejecting the structures can be harmful for society since they constitute the core of the social organization. Thus, it is concluded that questioning the structures is beneficial but opposing to them is harmful. In the second place, this strategy can be efficient in the sense that those structures are a basic support of the oppressive norm. Changing them would help significantly to change the norm. On the contrary, this strategy can be inefficient in the sense that such structures are too powerful to be ignored or even more, to be against them. Moreover, there is another way to change such domination structures that does not involve opposing to them: instead of changing them directly, by changing the norm at an individual or social level first, the domination structures would indirectly change by themselves afterwards. In sum, questioning and being aware of the role of such structures is always beneficial and efficient. Nonetheless, it is not the case for a total rejection of these structures and dialogue (as the OC
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does). Hence, the OC should change their strategy and be opened to any external perspective or support.
Condition
The radical condition claims that activism must focus on root causes. The evaluation concludes that a radical activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a non-radical one in the context of the Pride. However, this radical activism should be opened to dialogue with these domination structures and to justify possible non-communication, both for beneficial and efficient purposes. In this way, it could avoid possible reprisals and change the norm in a direct and indirect way at the same time.
Condition III: Comprehensive
Problem
The third category concerns the systemic character of the oppression. This refers to how the oppression interacts with the context in which it is placed, such as its effects in such context. This is different from the second category (the multiple origin of the oppression), which refers to a whole system as the cause of the oppression. While the second category demands focusing on root causes not symptoms, this one requires considering all interconnections not single issues ( Narberhaus & Sheppard, 2015, p. 7). Below, this will be illustrated with examples found in the manifestos.
This introduces the third problem of MADO according to the OC: the non-comprehensive approach of the Pride. Understanding the problem to fight requires an all-embracing view. This comprehensive approach consists on deepening our understanding of the systemic connections that conform the context of the problem. These wide-ranging connections include causes, factors or consequences, which intertwine with the oppression and among them. For instance, since the context of the problem includes the root causes, a comprehensive approach involves a radical approach (see condition II). Another sort of connections concerns intersectionality. This phenomenon describes how the interlocking systems of domination impact those who are most marginalized in society (Amnistía Internacional, 2013, p. 11). Thus, an intersectional perspective deconstructs an identity in categories such as race, class or gender, in order to understand the way in which each work together (Amnistía Internacional, 2013, p. 11). Since intersectionality involves disadvantages for certain groups, it is a sound argument for a comprehensive approach within activism.
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Here is one of the first effects of the Pride movement adopting a comprehensive approach. Today, LGBT is probably the most well-known term to refer to the diversity of gender and sexual identities. In the same way that the LGBT community replaced the term gay community to be more representative, today LGBT is old-fashioned and is being replaced by queer. In fact, the OC has adopted this scope by including not only gender and sexual dissidences, but also bodies, relational and affective ones. For instance, they question the body norm mentioned above: ‘because we do not fit inside their homonormativity, our bodies are not sculpted in gyms, tanned in sunbeds [...] (OC, 2017c), and the relational one: ‘we build other types of families and affective bonds, as well as other modes of breeding [...] beyond the hierarchy of affective relationships based on sex and romantic love’ (OC, 2016).
Interconnections in the context of this cause are endless. The OC can provide more examples of intersectionality. For instance, migration issues have been the main focus in two of the editions and since then, migration has been an always-present claim in the manifestos: ‘pointing out the migration policies of the European Union and the closing of borders, responsible for thousands of deaths in the Mediterranean, as well as the violation of the human rights of refugee people’ (OC, 2017a). Other signs of intersectionality mention minorities such as the Muslim or gypsy communities, which are criminalized by the ‘homonationalist instrumentalization of feminist discourses and pro-LGBTIQA+ rights’ (OC, 2016), ‘people with functional diversities’ (OC, 2017a), which are invisible due to the lack of accessible spaces, or transgender minors, regarding ‘bullying at schools [...] segregated toilets’ and increasing suicides (OC, 2018b). A very symbolic illustration of how everything is connected is this: ‘LGTBIQ prisoners, imprisoned for being poor, for not being white [...] for those expelled from their homes [...] for those persecuted during the dictatorship’ (OC, 2017b). In this sense, the OC points out the Spanish ‘Gag Law’ (OC, 2015; OC, 2017c) – accused of limiting freedom of expression – and empathizes and supports other political movements such as the 15M (OC, 2017) or the Catalan independentism (OC, 2015).
Another way to apply a comprehensive approach is to analyse how oppression affects different areas, for instance the labour market: ‘Defending the right to [...] real and dignified access to the labour market that excludes especially trans people’, or in the media: ‘[...] sold to lies, to parties, to the State, to capital. Accomplices of a language which hides and stereotypes our identities. Accomplices of maintaining the status quo’ (OC, 2017b). Besides, gentrification and touristification play an important role in the OC activism. Since MADO is celebrated in
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the city-centered Chueca neighbourhood and organised by a business group, it promotes consumption, attracts people who can spend money in leisure and encourages the opening of businesses for this specific public. As a result, tourism and gentrification arrive. Today, even if Chueca is still the original gay and tolerant neighbourhood, it is not for everyone: it distinguishes between rich gays and poor gays (OC, 2017b).
As the examples above try to illustrate, oppressions develop in a complex context of interconnections. Nonetheless, MADO focuses on single issues. For instance, all its fight refers to ‘LGBT’ and ‘diversity’ as the only issues to face (MADO, 2019). This narrow and reductionist perspective is problematic for several reasons. On one hand, it ignores the contextual interconnections. For instance, MADO does not mention either the root causes of the oppression (radical approach), the effects of the oppression (e.g., intersectionality or quotidian approach), nor other possible connections. On the other hand, this approach is exclusive (see condition V) and misses justifying arguments. In brief, MADO does not have a comprehensive perspective.
Alternative
The manifestos of the OC show awareness and questioning of these connections. Indeed, it is possible that its definition as ‘radical Pride’ has a wider meaning and also refers to complete, all-encompassing (OC, 2015; OC, 2018b). Thus, examples shown above show a questioning of such connections, especially the root causes (see condition II) or intersectionality. Indeed, the OC was born with the aim of being ‘a common point for the activist mosaic, beyond sexual dissidences, because the real sexual liberation is necessarily linked to other transformative struggles’ (OC, 2017). Most of these alliances have been illustrated with the examples above, showing interconnections regarding migration, tourism, gentrification, decent housing, work, media, ecologism and so on, and minorities such as the Muslim, gypsy, transgender, asexual or functionally-diverse communities. One of these examples can be explained more in detail. Regarding touristification and gentrification, the OC proposes three strategies. The first strategy is to defend ‘the right to decent housing in the face of the gentrification and touristification that drives us out of our neighbourhoods’ (OC, 2018b). The second strategy is to point out their instrumentalization ‘when the pink tourism is received with open hands aiming for profits’ (OC, 2017c): ‘We can speak of a great economic legacy, materialized in the hundreds of millions of euros that tourists and visitors have left’ (MADO, 2019). A third strategy occurred in 2010, when the OC ‘took place in Vallecas with a
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decentralizing intention, to have a presence in other neighbourhoods and to connect with a working-class neighbourhood with a large migrant population’ (OC, 2017). However, regarding visibility, the OC has taken place in the city centre of Madrid the last years.
Evaluation
This analysis suggests that a comprehensive perspective is of interest for activism. The comprehensive condition for CA demands it to understand the contextual connections of the problem. Is a comprehensive OC activism more beneficial and efficient than a non-comprehensive MADO? The first strategy consists on deconstructing and understanding the norm within a contextual frame. To begin with, this strategy can be more beneficial in the sense that considering the existing interconnections is more comprehensive and inclusive. This strategy focuses on using the contextual frame rather than on the action of tackling the norm. In this sense, how the it can be harmful has not been found. Hence, the first strategy is more beneficial. Secondly, this strategy can be efficient in the sense that it provides a comprehensive analysis of the problem to face. This is important since it is fundamental to understand the problem. Meanwhile, this strategy can be inefficient in the sense that this comprehensive approach is more complex to perform than one on single issues. Nonetheless, even though a comprehensive approach is more demanding and does not ensure effectiveness either, one on single issues is likely to be further from an effective short-term goal, and thus to be inefficient than the former. Briefly, understanding the norm within a contextual frame seems more beneficial and efficient. Hence, this OC proposal aims to fulfil the meta-conditions of CA.
The second strategy consists on drawing alliances with other transformative struggles. Firstly, this strategy can be more beneficial in the sense that it is likely to involve more resources-benefits, enriching perspectives from other groups of society and a broader picture of the context. On the contrary, this can lead to isolation among dissident communities from the rest of society. Yet this can be avoided by promoting the relevance of dialogue within society. Hence, creating alliances seems more beneficial. In the second place, this strategy can be efficient in the sense that there are more resources at the service of the cause, such as people, awareness or support. Besides, this connection between movements helps to understand the context of the oppressions and thus, promotes both radical and comprehensive approaches – which seem to make activism more beneficial and efficient. Meanwhile, this strategy can be inefficient in the sense that it takes resources both to create and maintain alliances. Although in the long term this can be profitable, it generally involves redistributing resources from other
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purposes – which is especially problematic if resources are scarce. In this sense, it is important to discuss which and how alliances are going to be drawn, and if the collective has enough resources at that moment for it to be efficient. In sum, drawing alliances with other transformative struggles seems more beneficial. Yet if it is efficient or not depends on the circumstances. Since the OC is maintaining existing alliances, the proposal seems to be efficient. Therefore, this OC proposal aims to fulfil the meta-conditions of CA.
Condition
The third condition claims that activism must be comprehensive. The evaluation concludes that a comprehensive activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a non-comprehensive one in the context of the Pride. However, this activism should aim to be more comprehensive, by discovering new connections and incorporating new alliances within the commitment possibilities of the movement (in terms of benefits and efficiency), and consider carefully which, how and when alliances are going to be drawn (on efficiency grounds).
Condition IV: Quotidian
Problem
The fourth category concerns the ‘dailies’. In this context, ‘dailies’ has different nuances. It means routine in the sense that the violence is present in our everyday spaces: ‘The cisheteropatriarchal racist structural violence [...] harasses us in our streets, makes us bullying in the classrooms, attacks us in the bars, mistreats us in the institutions’ (OC, 2017b). It means routine also in the sense that the struggle is thus part of our everyday: ‘It is also a feminist and transfeminist Pride, since from there we live our dailies [...]’ (OC, 2015). A third meaning is ‘our dailies’ (OC, 2015) instead of just ‘dailies’, which suggests welcoming places which the dissidences consider safe spaces. Relatedly, a last nuance refers to the community which constitutes the support networks: ‘[...] our dailies, which are neighbourhood [...] and collective life’ (OC, 2015).
This introduces the fourth problem of MADO according to the OC: the non-quotidian approach of the Pride. The OC argues that in its different meanings, the dailies are a fundamental aspect for the dissident communities. These dailies refer for instance to the spaces where the dissidences experiment violence as illustrated by ‘we condemn the amount of aggressions and murders that we suffer daily [...] as a result of cisheteropatriarchal and binar y bullying’ (OC, 2018b). Yet it is not just the evident physical violence, but also ‘the “silent
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discrimination” to which we are subjected daily in our jobs, institutions, health system, social environments, in the streets, etc.’ (OC, 2017a). All this violence is problematic in the sense that ‘obliges us in a subtle but forceful way to hide our dissidence or otherwise, put ourselves in situations that can negatively affect our physical, affective and emotional integrity’ (OC, 2016). In this context, the lack of visibility is not just considered the source of violence: ‘In work, in many neighbourhoods and in many streets we do not find reference people or non-violent spaces, where being visible is considered a provocation and excuse for verbal or physical violence’ (OC, 2009), but also violence itself according to the OC: ‘we continue to be the subject of jokes and cartoons in the media, which are far from giving a positive image that supports our diversity’ (OC, 2009). In brief, since ‘we still do not exist in the everyday’ (OC, 2009), this everyday is the context in which the oppressive norm takes place. Therefore, dailies are a fundamental space in which activism needs to be arranged.
However, MADO does not mention the dailies at all. It does not name violence neither – understood as effect of the oppressive norm. Instead, a usual message of optimism fills the official website: ‘[...] the Spanish reality that managed [...] to be profoundly diverse and tolerant’ (MADO, 2019). The idea that there is still some to fight for refers to abroad: ‘[...] from Madrid we can help others to get the rights they demand.’ (MADO, 2019). This does not solve the question of whether the MADO is unaware of the importance of the dailies or the violence, or if it simply decides not to focus on either of them. However, the dailies are fundamental to fight the norm and thus, the approach of the MADO is problematic. In fact, since the dailies take importance once realizing that the oppressive norm is placed there, considering violence is useful to become aware of the role of the dailies. Moreover, omitting violence gives the false message that the oppression is not happening right now, in our everyday and under our sight. This is problematic as it suggests that there is no need of more queer activism, and makes more difficult for the outsiders to know, understand and empathize with the queer community.
Alternative
In order to make dailies a fundamental part of activism, the OC proposes several strategies. The first strategy is to prioritize a protest over a festive character, in order to show that the (daily) violence is still happening and thus, there is still a lot to do: the OC ‘[...] arises [...] with the purpose of recovering the combative origin of the Pride’ (OC, 2017). As a second strategy, the OC points out and fights ‘[...] not only against the aggressions that seem more
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evident, but also against those “normalized violences” present in our daily life’ (OC, 2017b). They refer to language, segregated toilets, work, media or medical consultations (OC, 2017b) – which indeed are part of the domination system according to the OC. The third strategy is to create safe spaces – ‘our dailies’. Thus, disenchanted with the other Pride, the OC decides to re-appropriate the Pride as protagonists who they are: ‘It is not a Pride driven by companies or political parties, but built by us from our dailies, which are neighbourhood, street, struggle and collective life’ (OC, 2015).
Such re-appropriation is collective, which introduces the fourth strategy: ‘we respond with self-defence, weaving networks of mutual support and calling for a collective empowerment [...]’ (OC, 2018b) in order ‘to become strong and share strategies of resistance [...]’ (OC, 2017a). This sense of community is appreciated throughout the manifestos. In the first place, they often use the first-person plural such as we, us, ours. In the second place, they appropriate insults to name themselves: ‘dykes, [...], niggas, queer, [...], vicious, [...], fat [...]’ (OC, 2016), showing community and empowerment. This ‘quotidianization’ of the struggle is also part of a comprehensive approach (condition III) – an extension of the scope. In summary, since the oppressive norm takes place in our everyday, such awareness must be present in our everyday, and our everyday should have a space for ‘our dailies’ and support networks.
Evaluation
This analysis suggests that a quotidian approach is of interest for activism. The quotidian condition for CA demands it to make dailies a fundamental part of activism. Is a quotidian OC activism more beneficial and efficient than a non-quotidian MADO? The first strategy consists on showing that violence, both evident and normalized, is still happening. One of the ways is to prioritize the protest character over the festive one. That this way is more beneficial and efficient has been already discussed in the context of the first condition. With this on mind, I will focus on the other way: to point out silent and normalized violence. This can be more beneficial in the sense that considering all forms of violence is a more comprehensive and accurate view. On the contrary, this strategy can be harmful for the parties that reproduce such violence, which could be blamed. The strategy seems to benefit society in general and the worst-off, by showing the social implications of such violence, and to harm specific people or groups by pointing out them. Regarding the definition, hence, this suggests that pointing out violence is beneficial. Secondly, it can be efficient in the sense that it shows that there is still a lot to do and where to act. This can increase awareness and accuracy to
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reduce such violence. Meanwhile, this strategy can be inefficient in the sense that some outsiders might feel directly pointed by the queer community, which could lead to a reaction of rejection instead of approaching. In this case, it would be important to consider the way to point out such violence to avoid these sorts of harmful and counterproductive outcomes. In this regard, the manifesto of the OC for March 17 (International Day Against LGBT-phobia) in 2017 is especially aggressive: ‘our diversity today is tinged with enraged response to your aggressions. [...] A state that assaults and murders our migrant comrades. [...] Their language.
Their hate. Our disdain’ (OC, 2017b). Examples like these do not seem to invite to dialogue
or the outsider who wants to help, which could favour the meta-conditions. In fact, they promote the violence that they criticize – even if it is a response. In short, making (all) violence visible is more beneficial and efficient. Hence, the OC proposal, if it considers and avoids a rejection tone towards the outsiders, aims to fulfil the meta-conditions of CA.
The second strategy consists on making the struggle part of their everyday and community – by feeling safe and empowered in the everyday, and by creating support networks.One of the ways is to re-appropriate the Pride. That this way is more beneficial and efficient has been already discussed in the context of the first condition. With this on mind, I will focus on creating support networks – since alliances with other transformative struggles are not necessarily support networks, this will be analysed by its own. Firstly, this strategy can be more beneficial in the sense that support and care seem to promote good for society in general and the worst-off. Also, the strategy can be harmful in two ways. On one hand, support networks can lead to isolation from society, which does not seem beneficial for society, even if it may be for the worst-off. Yetthis is not implicit in the strategy and could be avoided with approaches such as promoting the importance of dialogue with the rest of society and dialogue itself. On the other hand, a philosophy of care might be too demanding for some individuals (this will be discussed concerning inefficiency). In the second place, this strategy can be efficient in the sense that support networks seem to make activism stronger, e.g., regarding empowerment. On the contrary, this can be inefficient in the sense that an effect of exhaustion could be counterproductive for the movement. However, in beneficial and efficient terms, creating such support networks does not have to be too demanding, if it is done according to the real commitment possibilities of the individual and the community. Therefore, establishing support networks can be more beneficial and efficient. Briefly, and considering to re-appropriate the Pride as well, the OC strategy of making the struggle part of the everyday and community aims to fulfil the meta-conditions of CA.
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Condition
The fourth condition claims that activism must be quotidian. The evaluation concludes that a quotidian activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a non-quotidian one in the context of the Pride. Yet to this aim, this quotidian activism must consider carefully if a violent answer is the most beneficial and efficient way to face violence, to avoid isolation and promote dialogue with the rest of society, and to make the fight part of the everyday and community according to the real commitment possibilities of the individual and the community.
Condition V: Inclusive
Problem
The fifth category concerns diversity. An identity can be defined as the manifestation of multiple identities concerning categories such as race, class or gender. These infinite combinations of identities constitute the diversity that characterizes our specie. In the manifestos, this ‘range of diverse identities, orientations, practices and bodies’ (OC, 2018b) is illustrated for instance, with calls to ‘trans, dykes, bisexuals, fagots, vicious, lesbians, gays, asexual, intersex, queer, non-binary, pansexual, polyamorous and racialized people, Muslims, gypsies, sex workers, diverse-functional, neuro-divergent, mentally-diverse and fat people, children, youth and elderly, as well as all the rest of dissidences [...]’ (OC, 2018b).
This introduces the fifth problem of MADO according to the OC: the non-diverse character of the Pride. The reason why the norm is violent is because the existing diversity cannot fit in its frames. Therefore, facing the oppression means to change the norm in order to be more diverse and inclusive. Moreover, it is their oddity what leaves some identities (in the sense of people) without the same civil rights than everyone else. Since the main goal of the Pride is to enjoy equal rights, to remove such oddity by e.g., normalising diversity, is necessary. In short, a non-diverse activism moves away from the goal of the Pride.
The concept of diversity fills the website of MADO. Some examples are 'celebrating diversity' (MADO, 2019), 'spread the seed of tolerance and diversity' (MADO, 2019), 'filling our city with colour, diversity and tolerance' (MADO, 2019) or 'manifesto of freedom, inclusion and diversity' (MADO, 2019). In addition, they state that 'our objective [...] is [...] spreading the values of equality, respect, tolerance, freedom and equal rights' (MADO, 2019). However, MADO does not promote diversity and inclusion in practise: ‘We are not invited because we do not fit into their homonormativity’ (OC, 2017c). On one side, MADO is built
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on the excluding norm itself. An example is the fact that MADO is organised by MADO – a business and institutional alliance. Since they constitute the domination structure which supports the oppressive and excluding norm, why would they want to stand against such norm this time? Moreover, they perpetuate such norm: ‘[...] the construction of desire is and has been a tool also used by the cisheteropatriarchal system to maintain these power structures’ (OC, 2018b).
On the other side, MADO hides diversity by, e.g., promoting stereotypes: ‘[...] WorldPride 2017 poses a direct threat to LGBT and queer identities, as it generates a stereotyped vision’ (OC, 2017). My personal experience provides an example, when two years ago during a concert, I saw a table with free condoms. They were provided by the public institutions to promote sexual health and reduce STDs. I went there and I asked the official volunteers: ‘Hi, do you have protection for me? I do not practise heterosexual sex.’ As experience suggests, the answer was no. Surprisingly, Madrid World Pride (2017) was not just favouring heterosexual and penis-present intercourse, and making other options dangerous, but also hiding that people with vagina have sex with people with vagina, and that STDs are also transmitted here. Another representative case are the usual advertisements of MADO. Mostly businesses but also the institutions, tend to show the stereotype of gay person in order to sell their product. People out of the norm such as racialized or non-sporty bodies, are less likely to appear in these advertisements. The same happens for the reference queer people chosen for the presentation of the events. These cases illustrate why the OC claims that ‘[...] to that party most of the people that are here are not invited’ (OC, 2017c). In brief, although MADO aims for diversity, in practise they are excluding the non-normative diversity.
Alternative
Within their words, the OC is a Pride ‘where we fit all’ (OC, 2015). To this aim, the OC proposes three strategies. The first one is to deconstruct and understand the excluding norm, which is suggested by the concept ‘critical Pride’ (OC, 2015; OC, 2018b). A second strategy struggles against such norm by rejecting the system which supports it: ‘we articulate the struggle against the system of oppression that limits, violent, constrains and bores us [...]’ (OC, 2015). This faces the first problem identified previously ⎯ the Pride is built on the excluding norm. The third strategy grapples with the norm by pointing out such norm and showing diversity: ‘that with our existence we question the heteronorm’ (OC, 2016; OC, 2017a). This confronts the second problem exposed earlier ⎯ the Pride hides diversity. Moreover, the
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systemic approach suggested by the other conditions ⎯ radical, comprehensive and quotidian ⎯ leads automatically to a more inclusive activism. The reason is that by having a more comprehensive understanding of the connections and parties involved in the oppression, it is easier to consider all important issues and not leaving anyone out of their own fight.
Evaluation
This analysis suggests that an inclusive approach is of interest for activism. The inclusive condition for CA demands it to normalise diversity. Is an inclusive OC activism more beneficial and efficient than a excluding MADO? The strategies of deconstructing the norm and opposing to the supportive structures have been discussed previously – conditions III and II, respectively. Therefore, how beneficial and efficient these strategies are will not be discussed here.
The third strategy consists on showing diversity. There are several ways in which the OC does this such as considering the whole systemic connections, naming the different identities or establishing alliances with related struggles. To normalise and show diversity can be more beneficial in the sense that hiding the own identity to avoid possible violence, can negatively affect the physical, affective and emotional integrity of the queer individual. Indeed, since MADO does not show diversity and is not inclusive, such Pride is not a safe space for some queer identities according to the OC (OC, 2017c). This is especially controversial since the Pride is supposedly addressed to those identities. Meanwhile, showing diversity can be harmful for those who do not agree with a more diverse norm and are socially pressed to change their own norm. Hence, the change should be made gradually and considering the existing cultural and social context. However, since the definition prioritizes the worst-off, this strategy is more beneficial at the end. Secondly, this strategy can be efficient in the sense that it is the one that really fights for (the totality of) the dissidences to which today the queer movement refers to – as opposed to MADO. If the goal is to achieve a fully inclusive society, it is more efficient to do things that aim to achieve a fully inclusive society, than inclusion for only some. On the contrary, how this strategy could be inefficient has not been found – since changing the norm is the necessary way and it requires to accept diversity. In brief, showing diversity is more beneficial and efficient. Yet it is important to consider the existing social and cultural context, in which there are people who do not agree, and to favour dialogue and empathy. Therefore, the proposal of the OC aims to fulfil the meta-conditions of CA.
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Another way in which the term ‘inclusiveness’ can be interpreted refers to including outsiders such as what today is called ‘allies’. ‘Allies’ refers to individuals who want to be part of the struggle but who are not part of the (directly) dissident community. After analysing the manifestos of the OC, no allusions to this could be found. Yet the excluding definitions, emphasised sense of community or aggressiveness identified in some manifestos, do not seem inviting for such allies. Firstly, inviting allies can be more beneficial in the sense that it promotes dialogue between the insiders and the rest of society. Nonetheless, this strategy can be harmful for that part of the dissident community who feels still too much violence from the outside and cannot feel comfortable in a space where these allies are. In this context, the presence of allies would remove such important safe space. Since this can happen, besides promoting the reflection and the effort to be more inclusive in this sense, the community should create different spaces – some exclusive for the insiders and others opened to allies, such as what today is called ‘mixed’ and ‘non-mixed’ spaces. In the second place, inviting allies can be efficient in the sense that there would be more resources at the service of this cause, such as people, awareness or support. This can also be harmful considering that it can be a demanding task. However, if it is done according to the real commitment possibilities of the individual and the community, counterproductive demands can be avoided. In sum, inviting allies is more beneficial and efficient. Yet it is important to remember the role of the ally as opposed to the role of the dissident, to respect mixed and non-mixed spaces, and to consider the real commitment possibilities of the individual and the community. Hence, the OC should have a more opened character towards the outsiders in order to fulfil the meta-conditions of CA.
Condition
The fifth condition claims that activism must be inclusive. The evaluation concludes that an inclusive activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a excluding one in the context of the Pride. To this aim, however, this inclusive activism should understand the obstacles of the existing social and cultural context, favour empathy and dialogue, and invite allies according to the real commitment possibilities and provided that the different roles are respected.
In this chapter I have formulated five conditions for a CA. To this end, I have analysed the study case by contrasting MADO and the alternative OC. In particular, the manifestos of the OC have been used to identify categories of words that allude to existing problems of MADO, and to illustrate the alternative solutions proposed by the OC. Each of these
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alternatives has suggested one of the five resulting conditions. Afterwards, each of the conditions has been evaluated according to how they serve the meta-conditions of activism in the context of the OC. When conflicts have arisen, improvements for these conditions have been proposed.
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Chapter 4: Conclusion
The goal of this project is to introduce the concept of Critical Activism. To this end, five conditions to define CA have been formulated. According to the study case, an activism must be political, radical, comprehensive, quotidian and inclusive, in order to be beneficial and efficient. To be beneficial means that it promotes good for society and prioritizes the worst-off. Hence, it involves a harms-benefits analysis. To be efficient means that the specific action is the best strategy to reach the goal.
In the first place, the political condition for CA demands it to be protest and self-management. As the queer community is still today struggling with violence, the OC proposes to recover the political origin of the Pride. To this end, they prioritize the protest character over the festive one, and become independent from businesses, institutions and political parties. The evaluation concludes that a political activism seems more beneficial and efficient than an apolitical one in the context of the Pride. Yet this political activism must be accompanied by a secondary festive character (in efficiency terms) and be opened to dialogue with other representatives of society with norms which ensure their independence (regarding beneficence and efficiency).
In the second place, the radical condition for CA demands to work on the root causes of the problem. Since the oppressive norm has multiple causes, to face the real problem needs a radical approach. As a result, the OC works on the norm, by deconstructing and pointing out the oppressive norm, and on the system, by questioning and opposing to the supportive structures. A radical activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a non-radical one in the context of the Pride. Nevertheless, for beneficial and efficiency aims, this radical activism should be opened to dialogue with these domination structures and to justify possible non-communication.
In the third place, the comprehensive condition for CA demands to understand the contextual connections of the problem. Since the oppressive norm is part of a complex system of interconnections, an all-embracing view of the problem requires a comprehensive analysis. As a result, the OC deconstructs and understands the norm within a contextual frame and draws alliances with other transformative struggles. A comprehensive activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a non-comprehensive one in the context of the Pride. Nonetheless, this activism should aim to be more comprehensive, by discovering new connections and
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incorporating new alliances within the commitment possibilities of the movement (in terms of benefits and efficiency), and consider carefully which, how and when alliances are going to be drawn (on efficiency grounds).
In the fourth place, the quotidian condition for CA demands to make dailies a fundamental part of activism. Since the oppressive norm takes place in our everyday, dailies are basic in activism. As a result, a quotidian activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a non-quotidian one in the context of the Pride. However, to this end, this quotidian activism must consider carefully if a violent answer is the most beneficial and efficient way to face violence, to avoid isolation and promote dialogue with the rest of society, and to make the fight part of their everyday and community according to the real commitment possibilities of the individual and the community.
In the fifth place, the inclusive condition for CA demands to open the norm. As the oppressive norm is violent because it is excluding, fighting the oppression means to normalise diversity. To this end, the OC deconstructs the norm, rejects the structures which support such norm and makes diversity visible. An inclusive activism seems more beneficial and efficient than a excluding one in the context of the Pride. To this aim, however, this inclusive activism should understand the obstacles of the existing social and cultural context, favour empathy and dialogue, and invite allies according to the real commitment possibilities and provided that the different roles are respected.
Lastly, this thesis presents some limitations and the concept of CA introduces future challenges. The thesis concludes that a critical activism must be political, radical, comprehensive, quotidian and inclusive. Since these conditions arise from a specific context, they are highly determined by that context. This means that the application of these conditions in another activist context might not work by not serving the meta-conditions of CA. Therefore, the development of the definitive concept of CA will need successive studies. It refers to studies in which the definition of CA is obtained by different approaches. This will enrich the definition by increasing the number of perspectives. Other possible approaches were contemplated. A first one consisted on analysing the concepts of ‘critical’ (thinking) and ‘activism’ in theory, and see how they related to each other, to describe then what CA would be in practice. A second one involved to examine the main problems of activism according to the literature, with the purpose of describing a CA which would avoid or solve them. Yet the current approach was chosen due to it being a direct and straightforwardly applicable approach to activist practise.
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Also, such successive studies concern those in which such definition or conditions are applied to different cases of activism. This will resolve the possible conflicts that arise from adapting the theory to the practice, and refine conditions that may be generalizable or, on the contrary, that may be specific to different sorts of activism. With each of these investigations, the concept of critical activism is expected to be increasingly comprehensive and applicable.
