Minority rights in Kosovo : A case study on Torbeshis experiences

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Minority rights in

Ko-sovo

A case study on Torbeshis’ experiences

COURSE:Bachelor Thesis in Global Studies

PROGRAMME: International Work- Global Studies

AUTHORS: Elma Mislimi, Eljesa Ajeti

SUPERVISOR: Johanna Bergström

EXAMINER: Åsa Westermark TERM:Spring 2021

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JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF EDUCATION AND COMMUNICATION Bachelors Thesis in Global Studies, 15 credits

Spring term 2021

Abstract

Elma Mislimi & Eljesa Ajeti

Minority rights in Kosovo: A case study on Torbeshis experiences

Number of pages: 39

Ever since Kosovo’s declared Independence in 2008, the nation has opted for a multi-ethnic approach by adopting a legal framework that contains several laws promoting and protecting minority rights, although these have remained rather stagnant in implementation. The minori-ties in Kosovo have furthermore been affected by the Serb-Albanian relations and inter-ethnic tensions by creating divisions and societal challenges.

The purpose of this study is to examine the current situation for minorities in Kosovo, along with studying the limitations and possibilities of the implementation of minority rights and societal opportunities. Additionally, this is a case study based on the experiences and views of Torbeshis being a minority in Kosovo which exemplifies the situation of how minority rights are expressed in a social and political context. The methodological approach of semi-structured interviews was applied which provided the primary data consisting of empirical findings and results from interviews. The data was then analyzed with the assistance of the theoretical frame-work of social constructivism, along with the intersectionality concept as a complementary tool with an applied narrative analysis. The results indicated that the inadequate implementation of rights is the common denominator concerning minorities' situation, possibilities, limitations and experiences. The focus of the international community on Serb-Albanian relations has fur-ther shifted the attention from minority issues. Although the legislative framework is advanced, minorities generally seem to face more limitations than possibilities, with potential for a posi-tive turn. Minorities face limitations such as security concerns, freedom of movement caused by linguistic obstacles, together with restricted participation and access in political life. The Torbeshis face similar issues as mentioned, together with forms of discrimination, ethnic re-definition, assimilation and interrelationship between to major ethnic groups.

Key words: minority rights, minority issues, Torbesh Kosovo, inter-ethnic tensions, post-war

Kosovo, Serb-Albanian relations, implementation, ethnic minority, linguistic challenges, as-similation, albanization

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JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY

SKOLAN FÖR LÄRANDE OCH KOMMUNIKATION Examensarbete i Globala Studier, 15 hp

Vårterminen 2021

Sammanfattning

Elma Mislimi & Eljesa Ajeti

Minoritetsrättigheter i Kosovo: En fallstudie om Torbesjers-upplevelser

Antal sidor: 39

Sedan Kosovos förklarade självständighet 2008 antog konstitutionen en lagstiftningsram inne-hållande flera lagar som främjar och skyddar minoritetsrättigheter, men trots implementeringen har dessa lagar förblivit relativt stillastående i praktiken. Kosovo definierar därmed sig själva som ett multietniskt samhälle i samband med fastställandet av dessa lagar. Minoriteterna i Ko-sovo har dessutom påverkats av KoKo-sovos efterkrigstid och den Serbisk-Albanska dynamiken där spänningar mellan etniska grupper förekommer i landet och skapar diverse splittringar och samhällsutmaningar för minoriteterna.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka den aktuella situationen för minoriteter i Ko-sovo, tillsammans med de existerande begränsningar och möjligheter som finns för implemen-teringen av minoritetsrättigheter och samhällsmöjligheter. Studien tillämpar en fallstudie som utvärderar Torbesjers erfarenheter av att vara en minoritet, vilket illustrerar hur den nuvarande situationen av minoritetsrättigheter uttrycks i en viss social och politisk kontext. Det metodo-logiska tillvägagångssättet som tillämpas är semistrukturerade intervjuer och utgör det primära materialet bestående av resultat från intervjuer samt empirisk data. Datan analyserades sedan med hjälp av det teoretiska ramverket social konstruktivism med intersektionalitetskonceptet som ett kompletterande verktyg, och slutligen applicerades en narrativ analys för att behandla datan. Resultatet av studien visar på att det otillräckliga genomförandet av rättigheterna är den gemensamma nämnaren när det kommer till minoriteters situation, möjligheter, begränsningar och erfarenheter. Det omfattande fokus som läggs på relationen mellan serber och albaner av det internationella samfundet skiftar ytterligare uppmärksamhet från minoritetsfrågorna. Trots den avancerade lagstiftningsramen verkar minoriteter i Kosovo möta fler begränsningar än möjligheter, med potential för en positiv förändring. De begränsningar som minoriteter bemö-ter i Kosovo är säkerhetsproblem, rörelsefrihet, språkliga hinder, samt ett begränsat deltagande och tillgång i det politiska klimatet. Torbesjer står inför liknande problem, tillsammans med former av diskriminering, etnisk omdefiniering, assimilering och ett mellanförskap i förhål-lande till de etniska majoriteterna i förhål-landet.

Nyckelord: minoritetsrättigheter, minoritetsfrågor, Torbesjer Kosovo, spänningar mellan

et-niska grupper, efterkrigstiden Kosovo, serbisk-albanska relationer, implementering, etnisk mi-noritet, språkliga utmaningar, assimilering, albanisering

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1. Introduction

Kosovo’s implementation of minority rights in policies has been deficient and regularly focus on self-interest by the ethnic majorities, subsequently prompting an ethnic division in the gen-eral public sphere today. These have affected the minorities in sevgen-eral societal sectors such as healthcare, employment and the educational system. Although several goals of peacebuilding were emphasized, such as non-discrimination, ethnic and human rights, and inclusiveness, the presence of the deeply rooted ethnic divisions still remain challenge to overcome (Joireman, 2014).

Torbeshis are the second largest minority in Kosovo and although this group is not the most vulnerable in Kosovo (Visoka & Beha, 2011), there is to some extent a more comprehen-sive political representation of the ethnic group who still face societal injustices and challenges that can give an idea and a representation of what it is like to be a member of a minority com-munity in Kosovo today. Most minorities in Kosovo have both similarities and differences in terms of safety, knowledge of the Albanian language, mother-tongue use, education, labor and political representation degrees (European Center for Minority Issues Kosovo, 2011, p. 1-7). Due to these circumstances, this study examines the situation for minorities in post-war Kosovo and the existing limitations and possibilities for implementing equal minority rights, with a case study on how Torbeshis experience being a minority in Kosovo today, who in this study represent the circumstances of how minorities' rights are communicated in social and political settings.

The background of the topic is firstly presented for the understanding of the inter- ethnic relations and situation in Kosovo. Further, the problem area and the aim of the study, together with its research questions are introduced. Lastly, a number of definitions will be presented for gaining a better understanding of the subject.

1.1. Background

After Kosovo’s Declaration of Independence in 2008, ethnic relations between the two signif-icant identities, Albanians and Serbs, kept on being frail and uneasy. The disagreement regard-ing the number of residual Serbs dwellregard-ing inside Kosovo speaks to an uncertain issue. The issue in question turns out to be significantly sensitive in Kosovo since the nation has gone through a difference in its ethnic arrangement structure due to the war in Kosovo in 1998, among other atrocities, resulting in large number of refugees and displaced people. Serbs in Kosovo, particularly in the north, have from the earliest point not accepted Kosovo's Independ-ence and rejected any Kosovar administration (Demjaha, 2017). Generally, the Serbian people claim a more grounded regional self-rule, while the individuals that are living in the north of the nation are inclined to non-conformity and unification with Serbia. Serbian specialists, ra-ther than empowering the establishment and integration of Serbs in Kosovo, have persistently

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been pushing for non-integrationist approaches. Thus, the inter-ethnic relations among Alba-nians and Serbs in Kosovo have been affected by the interstate relations between Kosovo and Serbia. Agreements and disagreements between Kosovo and Serbia directly affect ethnic rela-tions in Kosovo (Ibid.).

Since the International Community saw the war as an ethnic clash, multi-nationality was one of the fundamental objectives of the global presence in Kosovo. Under the United Nations Mission in Kosovo’s (UNMIK) Administration, Serb-areas were made (Beha, 2014). Such reality, combined with the severe war recollections, has continuously produced inter-ethnic tensions and intermittent episodes of violence. Since the independence, inter-inter-ethnic re-lations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have remained rather tense and are as yet bur-dened by deep mistrust and animosities.

1.2. Problem area

Kosovo is described as a multi-ethnic society with several ethnic minorities such as Torbeshis (officially referred to as Bosniaks), Gorani, Serbs, Ashkali, Egyptians, Roma, and Turks. These minorities have been directly and indirectly affected by the ongoing conflict between the larg-est ethnic groups consisting of Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo's post-war society (Joireman, 2014, p. 124). Despite the fact that a significant decrease in inter-ethnic violence had taken place in Kosovo, minorities still experience fear as they encounter hostility, violence and a number of structural challenges (Bloom, Hoxha, Sambunjak, & Sondorp, 2007; Visoka & Beha, 2011). The position of ethnic minorities during Kosovo’s Independence was seen as an important piece when designing Kosovo’s polity, therefore a broad legislative framework of fundamental guarantees was introduced (Doli & Korencia, 2013, p. 602). Although Kosovo has developed a broad legal framework containing these laws that puts the protection and rights of minorities in focus, the implementation of this framework has been deficient.

Torbeshis are the second largest minority in Kosovo and experience challenges with unemployment, discrimination, access to education, linguistic challenges and insecurity issues, which is representative of the issues other minorities’ face, the difference being they experience the same concerns to varying degrees. On the other hand, Torbeshis are one of the significant minorities who have a wider political representation. (European Center for Minority Issues Kosovo, 2011, p. 1-7). A case study approach, though semi-structured interviews is applied to obtain information on Torbeshis experiences of being a minority in Kosovo. In addition to this, official reports were used to access community profiles and understand their circumstances, together with previous research for understanding issues that have been researched and identify gaps that this study aims to fill. A major gap identified in previous research is the lack of focus on Torbeshis experiences of being a minority particularly.

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1.3. Aim and research questions

The aim of this study is to examine limitations and possibilities for implementing equal minor-ity rights and the situation for minorities’ societal opportunities in Kosovo. This study is a case study departing in the experiences and views of the Torbeshis as a minority group, who exem-plify the current situation of how minorities’ rights are expressed in a particular social and political context.

The study's research questions are:

● What is the current situation of minorities in post-war Kosovo regarding rights and social opportunities?

● What are the possibilities and limitations of minority rights in Kosovo? ● How do Torbeshis experience being a minority group in Kosovo?

1.4. Definitions

Ahtisaari plan: A document created to acknowledge ‘group differentiated rights’ and ensure

explicit rights of the minorities in Kosovo, especially Serbs. This proposal is rooted in the constitution, and in Rights of Communities. It is stated that all individuals of communities which belong to the same linguistic, national, religious or ethnic group are constitutionally recognized in the Republic of Kosovo and should be given particular rights presented in the constitution (Beha, 2014).

Albanization/Albanianisation: The expansion of the Albanian culture, language and people

through the process of assimilation or integration to non-Albanian ethnicities. This can be put in contrast to the phenomena of Americanisation and its cultural influence, which opts for a similar approach (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2019, a.).

Bogomils: Bogomil, which translates to “dear to God'', was a religious sect present between

the 10th and 15th centuries in the Balkans. Their teachings were established on dualistic cos-mology based on the fact that the material world was created by the devil. They rejected the Orthodox Church entirely, together with the eucharist, baptism and the Christian doctrine of incarnation and the view of materialism as a means of grace (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2009. b.).

Bosniak: This term refers to ‘Muslims in the ethnic sense’, as the Yugoslavian consensus from

1961 recognizes them. Bosniaks are Muslim speakers of Serbo-Croatian. This term was adopted around 1999 by Kosovar Muslims who have Bosnian as their first language (Minority Rights Group International, 2018).

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Consultative Council for Communities (CCC): The CCC is a mechanism created as an

es-sential connection among communities and Kosovo’s government, as well as other appropriate institutions. Fundamentally, it is constructed of members and representatives of all non-Alba-nian communities in Kosovo and additionally incorporates representatives that have a mandate to discuss special concerns and issues for communities at a central level (Organization for Se-curity and Co-operation in Europe, 2017).

Diaspora: Members of an ethnic or religious population that originate from the same area but

scattered or migrated to different locations. Reasons for migration might be expansion, com-mercial endeavours, expulsion, political factors or search for employment. People that live in the diaspora today are able to maintain contact with relatives, abroad and at home, together with staying connected to cultural, cognitive, and symbolic values of remote areas (Encyclo-pedia Britannica, 2014, c.).

Našinski/Našenski: The type of dialect, speech or Slavic language system the ethnic minorities

of Goranis Torbeshis and Pomaks use. (Kaćka, 2016; Dokle, 2011; Božić, 2010). “Našinski'' is a speech that cannot be separated from Bulgarian and Macedonian. This is because it is argued that someone who speaks one of the languages can communicate on all levels of these languages without difficulty, which is an integral part of them (Dokle, 2011). Furthermore, it is also claimed that “Našinski'' cannot be a Macedonian or Serbian dialect, but rather seen as a type of mixed dialect that has its origins in a bilingual environment in the area of the languages Serbian, Macedonian and Bosnian (Kaćka, 2016). Additionally, it can be said that this speech is a combination of Serbian, Macedonian and Bulgarian. It is also emphasized that the Torbeshis of Prizren speak this dialect (Božić, 2010). The users of this dialect are aware of its dysfunctionality. Besides this, it is not acknowledged as a literary language. Therefore, this dialect is often defined as ‘Bosnian-Serbian-Croatian’, and lately moreover as a dialect of Bos-nian (Kaćka, 2016; Dokle, 2011; Božić 2010). Some of the respondents in this paper also re-ferred to this speech as “Torbeshki”.

The International Community: This implies a political term for the summary for the UN and

its member states, together with other international institutions with the ability of making de-cisions which influence international relations (Nationalencyklopedin, n.d). The responsibility of the international community, through the UN, is the competence to use suitable humanitar-ian, diplomatic and peaceful means to help populations from war crimes, genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, as well as assisting those under stress before the breakout of conflicts and crises (United Nations, n.d).

United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK): Recalling the UNMIK resolutions from the

nineties, recognizing there has not been a full agreement of these, the mission is persistent to solve the crucial humanitarian situation in Kosovo and to support the free and safe return of all refugees and displaced persons. The mission condemns all acts of violence towards Kosovo’s population, together with all terrorist acts by any party (United Nations Mission in Kosovo, 1999).

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2. Method and material

In this section, the methodological approach, design and structure is discussed. A presentation of data collection and its management is also given. Finally, validity and reliability, reflexivity and limitations are reviewed in this section as well.

2.1. Case study approach

This study is based on a qualitative approach of a single case study with five semi-structured interviews of Torbeshis’ experiences being an ethnic minority in Kosovo's society today. The choice of case study has been made on the basis of an appropriate context that refers to the research questions where the circumstances and conditions that a situation presents are cap-tured and described (Bryman, 2018, p. 99; Klotz & Prakash, 2008, p. 46). The case of the Torbeshis has been chosen particularly because of their unique position in Kosovo. Although it is recognized that they are not the most vulnerable ethnic minority, it is of interest to examine the political ethnic redefinition as “Bosniaks'' due to their choice of literary language and their will to vote (Božić, 2010; Kaćka, 2016 ). Further reason is the general and to some extent, more significant political representation in contrast to other ethnic minorities (Visoka & Beha, 2011) and how they still experience unequal possibilities despite this. Torbeshis interrelationship be-tween the two major ethnic groups Albanians and Serbs is also noted to be of interest. There-fore, this circumstance takes a representative or typical approach of the case study method since it is based on different individual's experiences (Yin, 2007, p. 62).

The single case study is based on several units of analysis, such as constitutional measures, implementation, post-war situation, inter-ethnic relations and minority rights. This is grounded on the fact that the research questions have several levels to them and cannot only be limited to one particular factor (Ibid., p. 64). The case of the Torbeshis is preliminarily presumed to be influenced by several factors such as politics, social affiliation ethnic affilia-tion, identity and nationalism and how this relates to minority rights’ expression in social and political contexts. This method is specifically used to clarify the research question on how Torbeshis experience being a minority in Kosovo, and how their experiences are representative for the expression of minority rights in political and social contexts.

2.2. Selection of respondents

Eight interviews were conducted totally, where five respondents consisted of Torbeshis, and three of politically involved representatives from Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) who obtain knowledge about minorities and their rights in Kosovo. The initiation of contact with the Torbesh respondents has been through our previous Minor Field Studies contact per-son who has a broad network and has assisted us with finding people that fit the criteria-driven

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and somewhat diverse selection for this paper. Furthermore, the contact with the three NGO representatives has personally been initiated without any assistance. This has been done via e-mailing relevant NGOs that work with minority related issues as their objectives. However one NGO was contacted though Facebook, which forwarded us directly to the representative that was interviewed. A purposive sampling was chosen to be applied to the study, as a strategic sample is the most relevant method for answering the research questions. More specifically, a criteria-driven selection has been applied (Bryman, 2018, s. 497). The criteria for the Torbeshis consist of aiming towards having a somewhat equal gender and age representation as well as assuring there is range in their social status (See Appendix 4) which is vital for the purpose of acquiring a more thorough outlook of their situation as a minority. Additional criteria for the Torbesh respondents were they had to be individual citizens residing and having experienced living in Kosovo, as well as be politically uninvolved so there is no political bias affecting the results. The interviews were conducted with two women and three men, with an age range from 29 to 63 years old, who had different social status from each other. While some were employed and others were not, furthermore, they all reside in Prizren, Kosovo. With this being said, the respondents met all of the requirements for the criteria-driven selection. For the NGO representatives, objectivity and constitutional knowledge of minority rights were required for having our research questions answered. All the respondents were also required to be relatively independent of each other in order to avoid a biased or potential col-lective agenda that would affect the reliability and validity of the research. Our criteria for NGO representatives were for the organization’s objectives to deal with issues concerning mi-nority rights on different levels such as protection of mimi-nority rights, human rights, democracy, equality and peacebuilding in Kosovo (See Appendix 3). The goal is to gain overall, broad but objective knowledge about the rights and situation of minorities, thus choosing representatives who do not overtly withhold a political agenda that might potentially jeopardise the objectivity of the research. Nevertheless, all the NGO participants fulfilled the criteria presented.

Additionally, different interview guides were used for Torbeshis respective NGO rep-resentatives. The questions for the Torbeshis were narrowed, to attain a deeper insight into their experiences, while the questions for the NGO representatives were more open ended and general for an overall insight of minority rights in Kosovo and the issues that are important for each organization (See Appendix 1 and 2).

2.3. Semi-structured interviews

Semi-structured interviews are applied to the study as a whole. Keeping in mind that everyone has different perspectives and types of experiences, the aim of this approach is to be capable of adapting in the most effective way for the assurance that participants feel comfortable talking about their experiences, without putting the participants into specific compartments. The rela-tively unstructured formation that semi-structured interviews hold provides a chance to accom-plish this (Bryman, 2018), p. 562). Another benefit of semi-structured interviews for this study is the construction of an interview guide which touches on specific themes for the interviews (See Appendix 1 and 2). This creates freedom for the interviewees to form their answers in

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their own way, thus creating space for the interviewer to ask follow-up questions based on the answers given (ibid., p. 563). Furthermore, it is important to mention that the majority of the interviews, six interviews, were conducted either in Bosnian or the distinct speech of “Našin-ski” with five Torbeshis and one NGO representative, one interview was conducted in Alba-nian with one Torbesh, and two were conducted in English with NGO representatives.

Within a case study, it is of importance to be aware of being at two levels at the same time during the interview, meaning that one focuses roughly on the order of the questions and asks “non-threatening” questions but also makes sure to meet the purpose of the questions asked. This approach will in most cases result in the case study being fairly open as it allows for both asking the respondents about facts, and also their opinions on these (Yin, 2007, p. 117). Furthermore, the interviews were conducted individually since these experiences might be personal to some of the participants. All the participants are anonymous, for their own feel-ing of safety.

Relating to this study’s research questions, the case study and interviews with the Torbeshis aim to explore the question: How do Torbeshis experience being a minority group in Kosovo? Further their experiences will be used to relate to other minorities in Kosovo, along with the help of previous research and interviews with NGO representatives examining the question on: What the possibilities and limitations of minority rights in Kosovo? Lastly, the interviews with the NGO representatives, with assistance from previous research will conclude the question: What is the current situation of minorities in post-war Kosovo regarding rights and social opportunities?

To carry out the interviews, voluntary participation from the respondents was required. The consent was as well-founded as possible, where the participants were aware of their rights when they collaborated. The participants also had time to think through their participation and information has been received regarding the study. Respondents were also aware the interviews may be discontinued and that the information will not be used in the event of cancelled partic-ipation (Bryman, 2018, p. 179). In line with this information, contact and consent forms were sent out to participants (See Appendix 5 & 6).

2.4. Data management

All of the interviews were audio taped, except for one who did not consent to the taping, where manual notes were made instead. It is important to mention that all participants were well in-formed about this beforehand. Manual notes during the interviews were also made. Addition-ally, when using digital recording it is vital to be in a quiet environment and have adequate quality recording equipment (Bryman, 2018 p. 579). In this qualitative study it is significant how and what the interviewees say. This had importance for the analysis, where a complete account of the interview is described. Sometimes it is difficult to focus on these factors of the interview and keep notes at the same time, therefore the method of recording was chosen.

A transcription of each interview was also made. Although transcriptions can be time-consuming, it had the advantage of preserving the expressions and wording of interviewees

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(Ibid., p. 577–578). This is also beneficial for our study as our analysis approach requires ver-batim transcription or expressions and wording for facilitation of processing our data. How-ever, a degree of flexibility is generally required when these types of interviews are performed and the same applies to transcription and recording (Ibid., p. 581).

Collected data had been handled legally and stored securely. Data was only used for limited purposes and not retained for longer than necessary for the project. The information that had been collected was not too detailed so that the respondent can be identified. Only relevant and adequate information was collected in parallel with the interviews. It is also found important that results are maintained anonymously and confidentially. Additionally, transcripts were also checked not to contain the respondents' real names and stored securely so that unau-thorized persons did not have access to it. (Ibid., p. 173). Keeping this in mind was vital for our research as the themes and topics of the study are sensitive and thus need to be treated that way.

2.5. Data analysis

A narrative method is applied and is of relevance for this study as the approach focuses on the content and nature of the respondent's stories and how they respond to them. Something to take into consideration is the sensitivity to the connections between the respondent's depictions and experiences of their past, present and future, the role they played in these occurrences of their lives and their added meaning to the context (Bryman, 2018, p. 527). The focus does not en-tirely lay on the language and stories but also for whom and why the story is constructed (Ries-man, 2008). Due to the importance of actively interpreting how the respondents construct their narrative, we concluded verbatim transcriptions of the conducted interviews in the process, as the inclusion of filler words, pauses, expressions etc, are of relevance for a better understanding human phenomena and existence. The importance of including these gives us the chance to interpret their narratives 'between the lines’ and attain a more profound understanding of their experiences. The process of narratively coding the data to find narrative meanings was essen-tial, thus also being aware of storylines that relate and intertwine, tensions that can occur, or places where events have occurred. As we already had predetermined themes from our inter-view guide, it facilitated finding narratives meanings to take into account in the analysis which would better help us to answer the question of how Torbeshis actually experience being a mi-nority in Kosovo. The concept of expansion is also applied during the process which gives the chance for the narrative researcher to present a more overall knowledge of the culture than what is contained in the empirical findings for getting a wider comprehension of the cultural framework (Kim, 2019, p. 22-23). Because our deeper cultural understanding of the complexity of the subject, our contribution provided further insight into the respondents’ stories and there-fore the cultural framework. Although we possess this profound knowledge, we still navigated us through the process with an open mind, giving space for new and different ideas and per-spectives.

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2.6. Ethical concerns

As the case study focuses on an ethnic minority who lives in a country that has experienced war and the effects of it, taking their potential traumatic experiences into consideration was important when conducting interviews as it may cause psychological unease when speaking of or being reminded of these topics. In this instance, it was vital to be responsive, stepping back and letting the respondents only share what they are comfortable with. Therefore, it was made sure that the participants were aware of their rights to decide on their own terms whether they want to cancel or shorten the interview, in any case there should be no negative pressure from those who investigate. This ethical concern is also known as consent requirement which further includes a created consent that was sent to each of the participants, and not until when they had consented to it, an interview could be conducted (see Appendix 6).

Other ethical requirements that were to be followed and shared with the respondents are the information requirement and confidentiality requirements. All participants were in-formed of the purpose of the research and their right to cancel their participation as it is com-pletely voluntary. We also had to inform the participants that the information provided to us will only be used for the purpose of the research, the confidential storing of personal data, and that those respondents in the survey must not be able to be identified. There have been numer-ous potential respondents who have declined participating in the study due to fear of having personal information or themselves being exposed, but also declining because of perceived lack of knowledge about the subject, this has especially been the case with women. Knowing this, it became of further importance to inform potentially willing participants about these eth-ical requirements and emphasize them. Information and consent sheets were therefore provided to all the participants where the project is described, how data is handled, participation and anonymity, further underlining that the interview cannot be conducted without their consent to the information within these (See Appendix 5 & 6).

2.7. Limitations

Typical problems when using single case studies is that, firstly, the entire case study can be carried out on an abstract level with the lack of unambiguous data or measures. Secondly, the case studies’ design can change character during the course of the study, which might happen unobtrusively. The research questions therefore risk deviating from a certain focus and a new focus may become relevant instead. This can lead to data and evidence that emerges being better suited to other research questions instead. Furthermore, this type of flexibility is also perceived to be an advantage in the case study method, but at the same time the most prominent criticism is based on this type of change. An asset to avoid this type of unexpected error is under-units, or several units of analysis, that serve as important tools for the case study to be kept on course (Yin, 2007, p. 66). Unmistakably, results and evidence from multiple case study methods are usually considered convincing and the overall case studies are for that reason also considered distinct and sturdy. Simultaneously, the logical basis and the goal for a standardized

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design can usually not be fulfilled with a multiple case study design although the implementa-tion of such a design requires larger resources and duraimplementa-tion that a single student or researcher cannot master them (Ibid., p. 68).

The choice of focusing on interviewing Torbeshis stems from the lack of research made precisely about their experiences of being a minority in Kosovo. Although there were limita-tions regarding finding relevant people, the selected group, the sensitivity of the subject and the time constraints in the process of selection were considered. The time limitations further apply to the number of samples chosen, as the possibility of a larger number of samples would contribute to a more thorough picture of our aim and research questions. Therefore, the initial approach was to have focus groups, and incorporate observation, but due to the current situation by cause of the COVID-19 pandemic that inhibits us from having a physical meeting and in-terview with the respondents, which is a limitation itself, as body language and other non-verbal cues might be easier to recognize than over a video-call. Another risk is that the re-spondents change their behaviour because they are aware that they are participating in a study (Bryman, 2018, p. 177). This means that the participants do not provide accurate information that the study strives for. This risk is very difficult to manage. In short, you can only inform participants that the information they share and their identity is safe and anonymous. It is also important that the respondents are aware that the information they contribute to will only be used for research purposes and nothing else. Furthermore, as the majority of the interviews were conducted in Bosnian, there might be existing limitations in the validation when tran-scribing as it can be difficult to correctly translate cultural expressions and statements in Eng-lish.

The choice of not including Pomaks, Montenegrins, Macedonians and Croats, who also reside in Kosovo as minorities is due to the study’s aim which is to get an outlook on the minority’s situation, thus choosing to focus on the largest minorities. The time limitation is an additional reason for not including all minorities and the information on them, which may im-plicate an effect on how adequately the research questions are answered.

2.8. Reflexivity

Being Albanian and Torbesh ourselves, information and opinions about other communities in Kosovo has been biased as it mainly came from our families and community. These have cre-ated some hostility toward communities due to past experiences with ethnic tensions, discrim-ination and war, thus creating feelings of fear and alienation. Attitudes and opinions passed on have subjectively influenced our views of these communities and the knowledge about them. There are three levels of fear, where the fear of strangers is combined with a rationalization basis, therefore contributing to these reasons becoming cognitive and part of the individual's internal reference system. The collective characteristics that are often attributed to ‘strangers’ are negatively charged in order to demonize and pose a threat to the survival of one's own group (Stier, 2019, p. 180). Later the bigger picture has shown us these values as cultural, social

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constructions and influences. Although we do not actively reason from a xenophobic perspec-tive with contempt for any of these ethnic groups that would affect the objectivity of the study, there may be subconscious and passive perceptions that should be noted. Our ethnic identities can also be challenged or intensified during these interviews, and during the whole process of analysing data. Generally, trust for us as researchers can vary due to the ethnic tensions that may exist during the interviews, therefore this should be considered to create a safe space for the participants.

2.9. Validity and reliability

Critics of the case study methodology often point out that case researchers cannot formulate sufficiently effective measures, and subjective evaluation forms the basis of data collection (Yin, 2007, p. 55).

The importance of internal validity in case study research can be generalized to the problem of drawing sustainable conclusions. Basically, a case study means that conclusions are drawn whenever an event cannot be observed directly. During the shaping of the research design where these matters were addressed, the overall problem of conclusions and the issue of internal validity has been considered. Therefore, questions about the correctness of the clusions, the considerations of the explanations and possibilities of all competitors and the con-sistency of the evidence have been raised in the shaping of the case study approach (Ibid., p. 56-57). Another issue is external validity, the problem of knowing whether the results of a study can be generalized in addition to the current case study, which has been a major obstacle in this methodology. Critics tend to argue that a single case is a fragile basis for generalizations (Ibid., p. 58). Therefore, we have asked ourselves: How can a single case be representative at all? How can it give results that can be applied with other cases? The answer to those questions is that it is not possible. When using the single case study method it is important to not have any illusions that it is possible to find typical cases that can be used to represent a certain class of objects regardless what it is about. Namely, it is not considered that a case study constitutes a sample consisting of a single unit (Bryman, 2018, p. 98).

The circumstances of the case study examine if reliability is appropriate to assess (Ibid., p. 98). In this study it is found that the degree of reliability is not appropriate to assess. This specific case study deals with the experiences of Tobeshis through semi-structured interviews, and since this subject is exceptional for each individual, for this reason it is not possible to determine whether the results would be the same if the same case study is carried out again or if it is affected by temporary or random conditions (Ibid., p. 72). Furthermore, since the case study is only applied as part of this project, it not limited to only generalize and draw conclu-sions on the basis of the case study.

3. Previous research

This section displays the previous research made on the divided subjects of minority rights, multi-ethnicity and the Torbeshis situation in Kosovo. An overview of the Torbeshis origin is

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also presented to attain a better understanding of this ethnic group and their situation, as well as a justification for the term “Torbesh” chosen in this study, as opposed to “Bosniak”, which is connected to the research questions of this paper for knowledge on the intricate subject of matter. This section serves to emphasize the comprehension of the topic. This implies distin-guishing, summing up and evaluating research that is applicable to this study and the justifica-tion of the subject. Subsequently, the material from previous research will be used in the anal-ysis to rationalize and compare this basis of knowledge to the empirical findings through the theoretical frameworks.

3.1. Kosovo’s multi-ethnic structure

The international community’s method to establish an understanding between ethnic minorities and the majorities of the population and decisive contribution in Kosovo was to build up and authorize a political system that offers ambitious political vibrancy for ethnic minorities. The designing of Kosovo's polity regarding ethnic minorities position, during Independence, was seen as a vital piece. It was believed that failing to address issues with the accommodation of ethnic minorities and state-building would result in state failure for Kosovo. In the Declaration of Independence of Kosovo, a number of exceptionally fundamental guarantees for ethnic mi-norities was proclaimed. Essentially it was guaranteed that Kosovo remains a place of diversity, and that ethnic minorities form a part of the state. Further, the obligation to protect and integrate ethnic minorities in political rights was adopted (Doli & Korencia, 2013, p. 602). The guideline of multi-ethnicity and the unique basic freedoms ensures accommodated ethnic minorities to stay significant concerning the authenticity of the state. Unmistakably, the decree of multi-ethnicity is more pertinent than in fact estimated, as it is pointed essentially at legitimizing the vital parts of the new state (Salliova, 2019, p. 274; Doli & Korencia, 2013, p. 604).

Kosovo is a multi-ethnic country as their own constitution describes it. All of the dif-ferent minority ethnic groups have the right to freely develop, express and foster their own identity and community attributes (Beha, 2014). Although, the post-war effects and the remains of the Serb-Albanian conflict rather show that the policies and laws established by the consti-tution of Kosovo for ensuring minority rights have remained static. The Serbian and Albanian leaders of Kosovo are thought to have utilized the guarantee of minority rights as a compromise for independence and for preserving their power, which has resulted in ethnic division and hierarchy (Krasniqi, 2015). The UN had a post-war peacekeeping mission in Kosovo, the UNIMK Mission, that prioritized the protection of Serbs and Albanians. This, on the other hand, did not include other minority communities and these therefore became targets for vio-lence (Beha, 2014).

3.2. Minority rights

The Law on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Communities and their Members in Kosovo was established particularly for the issue of minority communities and includes Serbs,

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Torbeshis and Turks both face difficulties acquiring higher education in their language. There are few resources that enable them to access education in their language such as lack of text-books, but are strongly hoping for an increase in the number of subjects to be taught in their mother-tongue. The Roma, Ashkali and Eqyptian (RAE) community face further complica-tions in accessing a higher education as they do not even have their own schools or classes, thus following the Albanian language curriculum despite the insufficient knowledge of the language. The measures that have been taken by the Kosovo Ministry for Education, Science and Technology (MEST) have developed working groups for establishing a curriculum for learning the Romani language as a subject (Lantchner, 2008, p. 465-467; European Center for Minority Issues Kosovo, 2011, p. 1-7). A few of the factors that have affected the RAE com-munities are the lack of essential engagement when it comes to reviewing and commenting on policy and legislative, political interference as well as the international and governmental focus on the Serb community in Kosovo. The RAE representatives have attained limited results through the consultation, co-decision and the coordination mechanisms in Kosovo, and these deficiencies are the consequence of inadequate resources, lack of capacity and qualified mem-bers, along with the lack of commitment from the RAE representatives, which has prevented them from getting a convenient use of these mechanisms (European Center for Minority Issues Kosovo, 2011, p. 1-7).

These mechanisms are on the other hand thought to be reflective of the authorities sym-bolic engagement in the guarantee of minority rights and protection, instead of an effective platform of which would give concrete and favorable outcomes and enhance the lives of the most exposed minority groups in Kosovo. The limited space for minority participation in Ko-sovo also reflects a fear of alienating the dominating elites and the majority population as they themselves share similar issues enduring limited social assistance together with unemploy-ment, to name a few (Vioska & Beha, 2011, p. 25-26). At best, ethnic minorities are offered a series of paper rights, though the legislative framework is advanced, the practical implementa-tion is lagging behind (Eckhard, 2914, p. 608). Furthermore, an important step forward that has been made is the recognition of minority rights in international and regional human rights cov-enants, which unfortunately is inadequate in terms of effective implementation in practice. This acknowledgement of minority rights in Kosovo’s constitutional design does not inevitably guarantee effective minority participation (Visoka & Beha, 2011 p. 5).

The freedoms of movement and security differ for each community, but common fac-tors that create insecurity are usually linguistic barriers and inter-ethnic tensions. Those that speak the Serbian language face the most insecurity with movement and feel the safest where their own community resides, whereas those that speak Albanian do not face the same issues with insecurity. This is especially the case in northern Kosovo where ethnic tensions between Albanians and Serbs are prevalent. Some communities, on the other hand, such as Ashkalis and Turks have a positive response and do not share the same insecurity and movement issues as other communities (European Center for Minority Issues Kosovo, 2011, p. 1-7).

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3.3. The Torbeshis situation

In the case of the Torbeshis, they attempt to integrate in Kosovo by learning Albanian, and for those who have not, are usually living in exclusion from society. To avoid total assimilation, Torbeshis have maintained their traditions and customs, as well as tried to be flexible in society. The culture, traditions and language have been maintained to not lose their identity (Kaćka, 2016; Dokle, 2011). On the other hand, Torbeshis and Goranis are slowly being homogenized through a power-play by the largest communities in Kosovo which manifests itself through implementations of nationalizing projects. These projects aim to form the Gorani and Torbeshis into a Bosniak community, keeping these ethnic minorities within the semi-periphery (Božić, 2010). This homogenization is firstly understood by looking at why ethnic Torbeshis are often referred to as ‘Bosniaks’, which is strongly linked to the choice of educational and literary language, since the Torbeshis and Goranis mother tongue “Našinski” is deemed literary dys-functional (Kaćka, 2016; Dokle, 2011; Božić, 2010).

In restoring cooperation and the relationship between Albanians and a number of mi-norities, there needs to be a development in language training, legal guarantees, mutual trust, targeted vocational training, reserved quota for minority representatives and overall inter-eth-nic cooperation for reconciliation to occur (Lantchner, 2008, p. 490). Although the legislative framework in Kosovo is aligned with the standards existing in other European countries, like the anti-discrimination and the language law, these are seen as too enthusiastic as they do not completely align with Kosovo’s financial capacities and institution. Furthermore, an obstacle in communication is also present as there is a lack of compliance with the law on the use of languages, but the situation is alleviating for the Torbeshis who do speak Albanian and Serbian as their second language, this can be compared to the Gorani community that face similar issues (European Center for Minority Issues Kosovo, 2011, p. 1-6).

3.4. Torbeshis origin

Torbeshis are historically presumed to be Bogomils. Most scholars hold the thesis that this name relates to the Bogomil movement and that the members of this ethnic minority are the last followers of the Macedonian Bogomils and descendants and heirs of Bogomils (Dokle, 2011, p. 83). The word “Poturi'' along with the name “Torbesh'' was used collectively to refer to all Slavic groups in the Balkans who are bearers of Bogomilism.

Bogomils were stabilized in numerous several sides of the Balkans and were subjected by Christian churches and authorities to punishment and prosecution. For this reason, they had to shelter in hidden mountain areas (Ibid., p. 85). This may explain their present-day settle-ments (ibid., p. 239-240). The Torbeshis already settled and established villages, or in emerg-ing villages, of their to-date settlements at the end of the 12th century (Ibid., p. 246-247). The Torbeshis are presumed to have arrived across the mountain roads that separated ancient Tra-chea and Macedonia, or at least parts of them. This is based on the findings in the folk songs of Gora (Ibid., p. 256).

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4. Theoretical framework

In this section the theoretical framework of social constructivism is presented and applied to this study, together with a complementary concept for the theoretical framework, the approach of intersectionality. The approaches chosen for this paper have been based on the findings in previous research, since it was a crucial part for formulating the theoretical framework and concept of this paper. This is used to explore and examine already existing material, together with new material through the empirical findings.

4.1. Social constructivism

The social constructivist approach views culture as an emerging reality that is constantly being constructed and reconstructed. Humans continuously create a culture which contains a reality that is lasting and precedes the participation people may have in it, which in turn shapes their perspectives. This theory emphasizes the active role individuals have at reconstruction of social reality. The social constructivist approach also asserts that the categories that are used to get an understanding of the natural and social reality constitutes social products. The social world and its categories are not something external to society but instead is constructed through in-teraction. One way or another, the world is constructed by individuals (Bryman, 2018, p. 58-59; Giddens & Sutton, 2013, p. 112). The social constructivist approach is not aimed to be driven excessively far, instead the understanding that culture contains a reality that is perpetual and precedes the participation that individuals may have in it, additionally shapes their view-point, is comprehended in this study. It is not about a functioning and objective reality that solitary holds a specific compulsion. Instead, it acts as a frame of reference that is constantly transformed (Bryman, 2018, 58-59).

In the case of Kosovo, the social constructivist framework can be related to how ethnic groups define and counter-defines themselves in relation to each other. Therefore, the focus is very much on the individuals' actions and how they interact with one other to redo and recreate a new form of "identity". This can be considered as a way to create a new fact through different actions and intentions, as well as a completely new collective attitude. Social rules, relation-ships and norms are also a perspective that social constructivism speaks of. This can be linked to the different terms which the Torbeshis, specifically, are referred to by others, as well as by the constituent ethnic groups.

The reconstruction of a “new social” takes place according to social constructivism in connection with collective intentions, beliefs, actions and a collective attitude. According to this theory, social worlds develop from the individual's interactions with culture and society. The focus on relationships in this conflict can also be explained with a constructivist approach to different ethnic groups and how they opposed each other to create a new type of society, or redefine themselves. Nationalism, which is a decisive factor in this case, can also be linked to social constructivism because nationalism is an ideology, which means that it is a socially con-structed fact.

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Furthermore, by using a social constructivist approach, the neutralization of identity in public space is illustrated as a political phenomenon. This should therefore be described and analyzed in its own contexts. This viewpoint will be applied in the context of how and why ethnicity and nationality has become relevant in the issue of representation, governance, bal-ance and equality (Woldeselassie, 2019 p. 3).

4.2. Intersectionality

Aside from the social constructivist approach, this study will make use of the intersectionality concept that is going to apply as a complementary tool for the social constructivist approach.

“Intersectionality is a way of understanding and analyzing the complexity in the world, in people, and in human experiences. The events and conditions of social and political life and the self can seldom be understood as shaped by one factor. They are generally shaped by many factors in diverse and mutually influencing ways'' (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 2). With regards to social disparity, individuals' lives and the association of power in a given society are better perceived as being molded not by a solitary axis of social division, whether it is gender, race or class, but by numerous axes that cooperate and impact one another (Giddens & Sutton, 2013, p. 72; Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 3) Intersectionality is therefore an analytical tool that gives individuals better admittance to the intricacy of the world and of themselves. The use of inter-sectionality as an analytical tool has numerous points of view to address a scope of issues and social problems. This tool has particular points of focus, such as significant axes of social di-visions in a given society at a given time. Utilizing multifacetedness as a heuristic tool implies that intersectionality can take on various structures (Giddens & Sutton, 2013, p. 315; Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 3-4). For this particular study the intersectionality approach will be used as a means to draw attention to how relationships of superiority and subordination are created and kept in association between ethnicity and identity.

Discrimination, strucural challanges and conflicts will also be analyzed with this tool since multi-ethnicity often promotes dynamic communities that are strengthened and devel-oped by the inhabitants. These can although be frail, particularly in the sense of external threats or internal unrest. Societies with diverse cultural, linguistic and religious backgrounds can fa-cilitate disagreements. Ethnically diverse post-conflict societies, such as Kosovo, therefore have the tendency to be prone to ethnic conflicts between different groups (Giddens & Sutton, 2013, p. 451).

Considerably, there is an excessive amount of assumption that intersectionality is a completed framework. “Generalizing about intersectionality based on a particular case or one group's experiences in a particular social context risks missing the process of discovery that underlies how people actually use intersectional frameworks'' (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 31). This tool is under constant development and these types of cases outline various methods of

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using intersectionality as a tool for analysis. On behalf of intersectionality not being a compre-hensive and complete framework, this study applies intersectionality only as a complementary concept to the main framework that is a social constructivist approach.

5. Empirical Findings

In this section, a presentation of the empirical findings from the interviews are given. This section is divided in three parts, firstly non-governmental organization representatives' per-spectives for an objective, overall view of minorities' situation will be presented, and secondly, the Torbeshis own perceptions of their experiences. Moreover, the thematization of this sec-tions’ structure is based on predetermined themes the interview guide was divided into.

5.1. Non-Governmental Organization representative’s perspectives

This section presents NGO representatives' perspectives of the minority situation in Kosovo and what obstacles and possibilities exist for these. The interview guide for the NGO repre-sentative’s is available in Appendix 1 and further information on participants is available in Appendix 3.

5.1.1. Minority rights and issues

When asked if minority rights are important to consider for a diverse society, one respondent answered the question by first and foremost emphasizing that the term ’minority’ is out of use, as Kosovo refers to these as ‘non-majority communities’ in all of the legal documents because the term minority is deemed to have discriminatory tone (NGO: R1). Another representative believes there is an importance of diversity in Kosovo as it makes the nation stronger, stating: “I mean, it fits to our society's values that we are aiming to achieve in the long-term, as a new independent country. And, I do believe in diversity, because through diversity, we are stronger and through diversity or democracy and rule of law in Kosovo, as a post-conflict country, it is crucial to promote this intercommunication between communities…” (NGO: R3). Two re-spondents believe that this along with a legal framework that fits the Kosovo’s societal values, with a large number of laws that gives special rights to minorities in Kosovo are considered to be positive (NGO: R1 & NGO: R3). Furthermore, another representative agreed that diversity was vital and underlined this as crucial for the protection of human rights (NGO: R2). For the future, two respondents consider there should be special segments that concern the issues of minorities and subcultures. Additionally, the council should incorporate all international con-ventions and charters concerning the rights of these communities (NGO: R1 & NGO: R3).

Concerning the existing limitations for ethnic communities, one respondent believes the two main issues, which are limited access to services and information, and the access to

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participation in public and political life. An example of access to services mentioned is the lack of access to education in the minorities’ mother-tongues, an issue that is also believed to be significant in accessing justice and administration (NGO: R2). The issue of language is further brought up by one of the other respondents who mentions the problems Torbeshis and Serbs face in the divided educational system because of the larger amount of literature resources and guidance that mainly acquired by the Albanian majority. Further, the importance of being pro-tective of the rights that are set is mentioned by this respondent who brings up the access to hearings and verdicts of courts that all minorities should be provided with in their own lan-guage, but is not as available due to lack of translators in the juridical system (NGO: R3). On the other hand, one respondent believes that: “Security is the first and impenetrable issue that should be in focus...” (NGO: R1). Even several years after the war and the declaration of inde-pendence, the respondent believes this is an issue that remains challenge for the state. The solution to this is believed to depend on favorable oral agreements and laws concerning the respect of non-majority communities. Furthermore, the issue of poor-quality implementation of laws and bylaws on the field is mentioned by this respondent, which is considered to be directly tied to the legal framework; “…which starts from the constitution to the lower legal acts, and what is happening on the ground has a big problem with the implementation of the rights of small communities” (NGO: R1).

5.1.2. Constitutional measures and implementation of minority rights

The constitutions general representation of minority rights in Kosovo is considered satisfactory in terms of the legal framework (NGO: R1, NGO: R2, & NGO: R3). Examples are given on laws that ensure minority rights, such as: Law to Protect, Law On the Use of Language, Law on Discrimination, Law of Local Self-Government which is important and defines the rights of non-majorities local self-governance for the initiation of municipalities. Additionally, there are several by-laws concerning minority rights (NGO: R1). Most of the respondents believe that the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo is a product of a conclusion of many discus-sions with internationals and an agreement that is suitable for guaranteeing many rights to communities throughout Kosovo, but is agreed upon that the implementation lacks further sup-port for ensuring the laws that have been set (NGO: R3 & NGO: R1). One respondent further claims that the constitution is an example of positive discrimination since Kosovo speaks of minority communities as an integral part of the society as well as in the process of the declara-tion of independence, together with forming and stabilizing Kosovo as one of the youngest nations in the world. Constitutionally, Torbeshis have three reserved seats in the assembly, which gives them the chance to represent their interests, problems and challenges at a higher political level. With this in mind, the respondent further mentions that Torbeshis are deemed to be positively discriminated against in terms of use of their mother-tongue at the local level (NGO: R1). One respondent believes there should be a package of rights that will be equal for all of the minorities, including the Torbeshis, which should be in accordance with the percent-age of members from that community in Kosovo (NGO: R3). An issue that is recognized by one of the respondents regarding Torbeshis specifically is the decentralization process. The forming of municipalities with a population of Torbeshis had been an initiative that has not

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been finished due to negligence and the failure of the Prishtina officials to complete this issue (NGO: R1).

Furthermore, all respondents believe that the term ‘multi-ethnic’ is rightly chosen to describe the nation, being a diverse society consisting of several ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural communities (NGO: R1, NGO: R2 & NGO: R3). One respondent answers this question by stating: “I think it has been a rightly chosen term… and being a country like that would be completely in accordance with the European Union values that Kosovo is aiming to become part of this integration process.” (NGO: R3). Another respondent acknowledges the importance of recognizing Kosovo as multi-ethnic for the cohabitation and in building dialect and peace (NGO: R2).

Concerning the political measures, which they believed had been taken place in ensur-ing the possibilities and protection for minorities in Kosovo, two respondents believe these influences were the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and European Union (OSCE), negotiations between the political leaders at that time, and the United States of Amer-ica (NGO: R2 & NGO: R3). One respondent however claims that there were many techniques used in persuading the local authorities in ensuring these rights were included in the constitu-tion, but the most prominent factor is thought to be political pressure and telling Kosovo that if they do not sign various agreements that they cannot be a part of the integration progress (NGO: R3). Another respondent believes that political measures have been taken through the legal framework, where laws on the protection of minority rights and promotion of rights of communities have been developed (NGO: R1). However, this respondent also believes the state should adopt acts that will protect rights, and further explains that the work received for mi-norities is mainly through NGOs, and is not something that was politically introduced. They continue to mention that the rights were not formed and written originally in Prishtina as a consensus, but to instead be primarily introduced due to the international community, which was willing to offer minorities the best possible protection. The political efforts are further questioned by this respondent who believes that more could have been done in the context of decentralization in the past and that today, there is a lack in the process of implementing and prioritizing the already existing laws, but are satisfied with the recognition and understanding by authorities regarding the protection and promotion of minority rights. (NGO: R1).

Regarding the issues with the implementation process, one respondent believes the main problem is the inter-institutional cooperation with the legislative body, executive body as well as the government and justice system. The implementation of cooperation and communi-cation is claimed to not be properly implemented, giving an example of needed improvement in communication between the central level of governance and the municipal level (NGO: R3). Further, the deficient implementation processes are believed to be a result of the flawed polit-ical prioritization, lack of financial and human resources, the nation being dependent on inter-national funds, lack of trust in institutions as well as awareness of the mechanisms of the com-munities (NGO: R2 & NGO: R3).

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5.1.3. Post-war and inter-ethnic relations

When the participants were posed the question of whether they think the post-war period has contributed to inter-ethnic tensions, one respondent believes that the political leaders, during the conflict, up until now have used the wrong approaches when dealing with the past. One example is given on how perpetrators who have committed war crimes were being treated as heroes and praised for their actions, instead of being held accountable for their crimes. This is believed to send out the wrong message and contributes to inter-ethnic division and hate. An-other example is given on how there was violence from both sides in the northern borders between Serbia and Kosovo, which completely affected the proper communication between Serbs and Albanians. Additionally, the measure of building a bridge to counteract the tensions was considered to make it further impossible for the communities to connect with each other (R3). Another respondent, on the other hand, does not believe that one can link the post-war period to the ethnic conflict, but instead it is more logical to link the actual period of war to this. It is considered that the post-war period has been able to create insecurities at times, as well as challenge security as a basic thing the international forces should ensure in Kosovo. Further, they state that these tensions are declining, and for this reason they do not have any support in political circles (NGO: R1). The remaining respondent feels that this issue is some-thing the communities, who have lived through this conflict, are the most fitting to discuss this question (NGO: R2).

When being asked how they think the ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians has affected Kosovo’s multi-ethnic society and if this affects particular minorities in Kosovo more than others, specifically the Torbeshis, one respondent believes that Kosovo is multi-ethnic and many factors such as religion, language and coexistence between ethnic communities makes the nation multi-ethnic. When it comes to inter-ethnic relations, they claim that the interna-tional community is more focused on the relationship between the Serbs and Albanians, which puts minorities on the sideline without the opportunity to express their opinions, or to actively participate in activities on a higher political level. Furthermore, they state that other non-ma-jority communities should have their share since the whole story about Kosovo was formed and focuses on the gap between Serbs and Albanians, which leads to the neglect of other com-munities. Regarding Torbeshis, they believed these tensions do not influence them in a political or other sense and that their participation was rather ceremonial and symbolic due to the small number of Torbeshis living in Kosovo (NGO: R1). Another respondent admits there is a con-flict prevalent between the Serb and Albanian communities, which are the drivers of a division in society. They further believe that the societal division is more prevalent between these two communities, and other communities purely face more minority related issues. Examples of these issues that minorities may face are obstacles concerning lack of representation, access to language. One specific issue the RAE communities face to a greater extent is marginalization (NGO: R2). The final respondent regards that during the start of the war in the nineties, minor-ities such as Torbeshis and Turks who lived in a higher number of citizens in the southern part of Kosovo and Prizren were affected in many aspects. Particularly, the Torbeshis were affected in terms of being between two parties at the same time, the Serb and Albanian majorities, whereas at the same time they were being seen as an example of each of the majorities. Many

Minority rights in Kosovo : A case study on Torbeshis experiences