Abstract
Transport infrastructure is increasingly discussed in relation to social concerns as it matters for the ability of the urban population to manage and prosper in their daily lives. In this context, the study explores social effects and outcomes of physical interventions in the transport system that have been implemented as part of a strategy to address questions of social development in an urban/semi-urban context. The topic is explored by reviewing the case of infrastructure investments in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck, in Malmö, Sweden. To collect data, semi-structured interviews with local representatives and statistical indicators are compared and analyzed in relation to planning documents. The findings of the study show that transport infrastructure has been implemented in order to promote physical as well as social integration, but that such effects are difficult to determine. The study suggests that the difficulty lies in the complexity of urban infrastructure, it is not possible to isolate a single project as it is part of the urban sphere where it affects and is affected by relations beyond the primary area of influence, geographically and temporally. In conclusion, the study suggests viewing the city as a system of connections. An infrastructural approach to urban development could contribute to a more holistic way of thinking and a better understanding of potential desirable or undesirable effects of physical development. Lastly, the sub-districts in the study area differed socially and economically, despite sharing a similar physical structure. Indicating the limitations of physical measures, and opening up for questioning today’s urban ideal, as one solution may have different outcomes depending on the context.
Thank you
During this project I have been lucky to receive valuable help and support. I owe a special thanks to the participating organizations and the three representatives for their warm welcome, time, patience and interest. Thank you to my friends and family for your invaluable encouragement and finally thank you to my supervisor Marcus Adolphson at KTH Royal Institute of Technology for guidance through this educating project.
1. Introduction 4
2. Overview of theory and research 6
2.1 Theories of space - production of space and socio-spatial dialectics 7
2.2 Urban theory - about community spirit and urban design 7
2.3 About social capital, integration and exclusion 9
2.4 Accessibility planning - planning for opportunities 10
2.5 Critical reflection - infrastructure as a sustainability fix 11
2.6 Summary - theoretical framework 12
3. Empirical procedures 13
3.1 Case study 13
3.2 Ethical considerations 18
3.3 Critical reflection of methodology 19
4. Case study: Kroksbäck-Holma and Hyllie 20
5. Empirical findings 25
5.1 Economic change 26
5.2 Transport and accessibility 32
5.3 Participation and community 37
5.4 Safety and well-being 41
5.5 Summary of findings 45
6. Analysis and discussion 46
6.1 Targets, strategies and measures 46
6.2 Have the targets been achieved? - About accessibility and movement 47 6.3 Have the measures contributed to achieving the targets? - About social interaction and community
engagement. 50
7. Conclusion 54
References 57
Appendix 1. List of indicators 61
Appendix 2. Indicators, tables 63
Appendix 3. Summary of planning documents 67
Appendix 4. Interview guide 71
Appendix 5. Original quotes in Swedish 72
List of figures
Figure 1. Orientation map of study area.
Figure 2. Overview map.
Figure 3. Suggested development.
Figure 4. Extension of Hyllievångsvägen.
Figure 5. Development of the study area 2001-2020.
Figure 6. Employment, share of total population 20-64 years.
Figure 7. Education level Holma, compared to Malmö total population 20-64.
Figure 8. Education level Kroksbäck, compared to Malmö total population 20-64.
Figure 9. Education level Hyllievång, compared to Malmö total population 20-64.
Figure 10. Annual income, median and average.
Figure 11. Modal split, share of trips by mode of transport.
Figure 12. Frequency of trips, average number per day and person.
Figure 13. Car ownership.
Figure 14. Voter turnout (%) in general election.
Figure 15. Sickness rate, average number of days per person and year.
List of tables
Table 1. Strategic planning documents Table 2. List of participants
Table 3. Example of qualitative content analysis
1. Introduction
In today’s planning practice and theory, the importance of considering transport in the development of urban areas is often particularly highlighted. Transport is related to challenges such as space efficiency, climate impact and not least, transport is a social matter - determining prerequisites for the urban population to manage and prosper in their own daily lives.
Social sustainability is a complex concept and even though several researchers have set out to explore the concept (see Colantonio & Dixon, 2011) there is no clear definition of what makes a socially sustainable city. However, integration and opportunities to develop social capital are recurring themes in descriptions and analyses of social sustainability and these features have come to shape contemporary planning strategies that aim to pursue a socially sustainable city (for example Boverket, 2010; Dahlin, 2016; Stockholms Läns Landsting, 2008). In short, social capital could be seen as the sum of individual contacts and trust, potential resources that are assets to the individual as well as to the society as a whole. Integration refers to an efficient combination of things, a framework in which resources can be utilized. The efficiency relies largely on trust between people and institutions.
The connections between social capital and physical space in these contemporary strategies can be traced by reviewing research on how the built environment enables or impedes flows and transports of people and opportunities to gain experience of different types of urban environments (Legeby, 2013). It is based on notions of socio-economic gains of exchange and meetings between people of different backgrounds and lifestyles, leading to an integrated and cohesive city (Legeby et al, 2015). Following this, transport infrastructure and physical connections enabling flows are, in planning documents, repeatedly being referred to as means for driving social development, promoting integration and reducing alienation.
Transportation infrastructure have been suggested not only as strategies for new developments but also to identify shortcomings in existing areas and plans for interventions and actions to improve the infrastructure as a way of tackling social issues (Boverket, 2010; Malmö stad, 2009). The concept of accessibility is central to this approach to urban planning. Accessibility refers to “the ease of reaching opportunities or the ease of being reached” (Jones, 1981 in Halden, 2011:12), but the concept is multidimensional and the relation between the social and physical environment is complex. Transport deprivation does not per se mean social deprivation (Lucas, 2012) and over-simplifying this relation risks leading to ineffective solutions (Legeby et al, 2015). The widespread use of investments in transport infrastructure as a response to social issues could be seen as a form of ‘quick fix’, a copy-paste formula designed more as a selling point for urban renewal rather than designed to tackle root causes of complex societal challenges, an expression of capitalist urban development (Mould, 2015).
This dual background provides the context in which this study takes place, the study emerged from a need to verify that planning makes the difference it is intended to make. Edvardsen (2011) points to the lack of ex post evaluations in planning practice and stress that these evaluations are needed to ensure transfer of knowledge between theory and practice.
Figure 1. Orientation map of study area. (Source: CNES/Airbus, Lantmäteriet/Metria, Maxar Technologies, Google Maps 2020. The image is processed by the author.)
1.1 Aim and objectives
The purpose of the study is to explore the social effects and outcomes of physical interventions in the transport system that have been implemented as part of a strategy to address questions of social development in an urban/semi-urban context. It seeks to answer what these particular infrastructure investments are intended to achieve and what measures are suggested for realizing those intentions. The study also seeks to answer if the area of study has changed according to the intentions and if such a change can be derived from the implementation of the suggested measures.
Exploring how transportation as a driver for social and physical integration has worked in practice is done by reviewing the case of Hyllievångsvägen in Malmö, Sweden. Hyllievångsvägen is a public street, located in an area called Kroksbäck which was mainly built during the 1960’s as part of the ‘Million homes program’.
The city of Malmö is in the process of creating a new city district, Hyllie, bordering Kroksbäck and Holma.
While planning the new district, Hyllievångsvägen was identified as an important key to connect Hyllie to Kroksbäck and Holma and the road was extended and connected to Hyllie Boulevard in early 2010’s as part of a strategy to promote integration by creating a flow through the area (Malmö stad, 2009). The investigation focuses on planning and implementation of transport infrastructure between the years 2007-2018 in order to capture the area before, during, as well as after construction.
The objectives of the study are:
● to identify goals and intended outcomes of the physical measures,
● to identify changes in accessibility that have been brought about through new infrastructure,
● to follow up on socioeconomic factors related to the planned intentions of the physical measures,
● explore the perceptions of local citizens regarding the contribution of the measures to the development of the area.
Apart from the explicit aim, the intention is also that the study could contribute to further discussions related to contemporary planning approaches, urban sustainability discourse and transport as a
‘sustainability fix’ (Lawton et al, 2018).
1.2 Disposition
Chapter two presents an overview of previous research relevant for the thesis and theoretical explorations of central concepts, connecting social and physical space and linking these to transport infrastructure and accessibility planning. The design of the study and the methodological considerations made are described in chapter three. The chapter also reflects critically upon the quality of the study in relation to methodological aspects. Chapter four introduces the object of study, Kroksbäck-Holma and Hyllie. This chapter provides a background to the following chapters as the findings from the literature review of municipal planning documents are presented here - targets, strategies and measures are defined and provide the basis on which the rest of the study relies. Chapter five presents the empirical findings from the document study of statistical indicators and the semi-structured interviews. Chapter six discusses the empirical findings in relation to the theoretical framework and the initial research questions, future studies on the topic are suggested and potential implications for planning practice are discussed. A conclusion is presented in chapter seven and appendices have been placed last in the document.
2. Overview of theory and research
The theoretical framework of this study is twofold. The first part (2.1-2.4) sets out to form an understanding of why transport infrastructure is implemented in relation to social concerns and the effects that such implementation is intended to provide conditions for. It starts out by briefly reviewing the concept of space, it is essential in order to trace the connections between the social and the built environment. It continues by linking the concept of space to the practice of urban planning and reviews a few of the most influential ideas regarding public life and the city. The concepts of community, social capital, integration and exclusion are developed and linked to the question of access. The first part is tied together by exploring infrastructure and its connection to power structures and justice. The second part (2.5) aims to critically review the theoretical framework by placing it into the economic-political context in which Swedish urban and regional planning take place today, this is done in order to broaden the view and shed light upon the limitations of what physical infrastructure means in relation to problems of structural nature. It explores how globalization and neoliberal ideas influence the practice of urban planning and how sustainability as a concept risks appropriation in a context where everything is regarded as a commodity.
Together, the two parts form a holistic perspective through which transport infrastructure as a driver for socioeconomic development can be analyzed.
2.1 Theories of space - production of space and socio-spatial dialectics
One place may include several different spaces. In spatial research, it is necessary to clarify the different spaces that equally constitute and are constituted by the place. This study is based on the Lefebvrian view, meaning that space is created partly through “representation of space” and through “spaces of representation” (Knox & Pinch, 2010). While the former refers to how it is intended and planned for the site to look and be like, based on laws and guidelines, for example through master plans or other planning documents. In contrast, spaces of representation refers to the feelings and perceptions that people have of the place based on their experience of it. These two concepts may overlap but do not necessarily match completely. People's perceptions and experiences of the same place differ, for example, different backgrounds, culturally, economically or socially may influence people’s perspectives. The experience a person has of a place can also depend on when and in what context he or she has stayed there. A place is with difficulty regarded as an empty container in which people move and engage in social activities. Rather, a place should be considered a part of the activities. The place is shaped by and at the same time shapes movements and social processes. A phenomenon known as the socio-spatial dialectic (Knox & Pinch, 2010).
It is in the light of the above standing viewpoints that we are able to understand the conditions of the socio-technological interaction that makes up space. This implies that spatial planning is concerned not only with physical planning of the built environment, but spatial planning is inherently interlinked with the perception and human experience of space - the social environment. But how has this relationship between the material and the immaterial been treated in relation to planning in and of urban areas in particular?
2.2 Urban theory - about community spirit and urban design
European cities, as we know them, started growing intensely during the early 1900’s. One of the first to take interest in the interplay between the urban landscape and the human lifestyle was Louis Wirth. In 1938 he presented his sociological definition of the city, where he identified three main elements of urbanism that influence human group life (Wirth, 1938/2011). Wirth argued that the greater the size of the population was, the bigger the potential for differentiation. In contrast to smaller rural societies, urban agglomerations could hold a more diverse population simply because of the larger number of people. In addition, this heterogeneous population was more mobile than the traditional rural inhabitant which Wirth meant was a contributing factor to the acceptance of instability as a norm prevailing in cities. This would in turn lead to a lack of common tradition and the urban population was identified as having less intensive knowledge about their neighbours than the average rural inhabitant. Instead, Wirth concluded that the urban dweller
“loses the sense of participation that comes with living in an integrated society” (Wirth, 1938/2011:99) and turns to so called secondary contacts, meaning different segments and associations depending on which is suitable for the question at hand (unlike in the rural society where the same people serve all different kinds of social needs for everyone). Further, the population density provides a combination where physical contact between people is close but social contact is distant, which contributes to tensions and fosters a spirit of competition. The urban way of life was thereby, according to Wirth, dependent on formal control mechanisms to replace the traditional bonds of solidarity that form in smaller and more integrated societies (ibid.).
This research has not been without critique, others have argued that lifestyle is dependent to a larger extent on socio-economic status rather than on the urban versus rural (Bourdieu, 1986). Despite the critique, Wirth’s research has made a permanent impact on planning theory, it is partly from this research that the hard-to-define but much-wanted urban community spirit comes from. His ideas have influenced several
contemporary practitioners, developing ideas on how well-designed urban space can have positive effects on people’s experience of their city and contribute to physical and psychological well-being.
One example is Kevin Lynch who sought to understand how people perceive urban environments (Lynch, 1960/2011) . He argued that people have an innate desire to understand their surroundings and a clear city image would facilitate such an understanding. The more imageble the city is, the more psychologically satisfying it would be. Lynch identified five different interacting and sometimes overlapping elements:
paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks, and argued that people perceive cities as an assemblage of these elements. The first element, paths, is identified as the dominant one. He described them as “channels along which the observer customarily, occasionally, or potentially moves” (Lynch, 1960/2011:501), commonly streets or walkways. Further, edges could but should not be confused with paths. Edges are the linear elements that constitute boundaries, where the strongest ones proved to be impenetrable to cross movement. However, certain edges have the ability of bringing areas together by attracting people from either side of it to join in on activities that take place on the edge itself. What differs a path from an edge is the perspective of the observer, Lynch exemplifies that an expressway may be a path to the driver but an edge to the pedestrian, thereby edges can become paths if the observer is allowed to move alongside it.
Reconnecting to the link between urban form and social well being, the focus of Lynch’s research is the image and orientability of the city. One of his findings was that paths influence people’s orientability both positively and negatively. For example, lack of spatial dominance when a major path lacks identity, the entire city image is skewed. Consequently he argued that planners and designers can respond to these deeply rooted human needs and organizing efforts by thoughtfully pattern together the different elements of the city into a coherent and manageable image (ibid.).
Another, more recent, reflection regarding the connection between urban form and the social environment is the one of Jan Gehl and his research on “life between buildings” (Gehl, 1987/2011). Similarly to Wirth, Gehl acknowledges the variety of passive contacts (what Wirth calls secondary) that characterize the urban environment. However, Gehl sees the potential in these fleeting contacts and argues that “frequent meetings in connection with daily activities increase chances of developing contacts with neighbours” (Gehl, 1987/2011:535) and further, it is through social contacts that human beings develop a confidential relationship with the outside world. By simply being present in the same space as one another, human beings participate in each other’s experiences. Gehl identifies three types of activities: necessary, optional and the resulting social activities and concludes that urban design has an important role in determining the enjoyability of staying outdoors. The physical environment does not per se cause social interaction but it will provide more or fewer possibilities depending on how it is arranged and the quality of the arrangement, basically - how pleasant the place is. The concept “life between buildings” emerged from the observation that it was movement and life itself that would attract more life and movement than what buildings or static physical elements were able to attract (ibid.).
However, it is critical to point out that the assumption that everyone wants and enjoys contact may not always be true. Certain activities, sensitive groups of people and individuals may suffer from accessibility in terms of visibility. The reasons for this could vary, but examples could be illegal immigrants, unauthorized expressions of art or simply someone with the desire to be alone in a city full of people. This argument is further developed in section 3.5. But despite this critique, ideas relating to the desirability of human contacts and community spirit prevail. So what else is it in these features that make them so sought after in the urban planning context?
2.3 About social capital, integration and exclusion
The question above requires a deeper exploration of what community, social capital and integration means.
Robert Putnam starts out where Wirth left off, building on the idea that the increasingly mobile society (in its social as well as geographical context) is eroding the general trust among people (Putnam, 1995/2011) and their sense of participation. Putnam defines the concept of social capital as referring to “features of social organization such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam, 1995/2011:136). His research identified the connection between organized civic solidarity and socioeconomic modernization and he was able to show that civic engagement was a precondition for economic development, not an effect of it. The effects of civic engagement were visible as improved education, a growing economy, decreasing crime rates and a more effective government (ibid.).
This resulted in Putnam’s conclusion that in order to avoid social crisis in the urban sphere, civic engagement needs to increase and the connections between people need to be strengthened. However, before moving forward, there is a need to unpack the different dimensions of social capital further.
Social capital, according to Bourdieu, is “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (1986:248). It is the sum of individual contacts and trust. Social capital can be an asset to both the individual, in terms of a personal network as a resource, and to the society as a whole (a society rich in resources have prerequisites for working well). Social capital is possible to consciously collect and transform into economic benefit (Bourdieu, 1986). A comparison can be made to the Marxist tradition where owning financial capital distinguishes one social class from the other. This kind of class system is the foundation of a divided society and to mitigate harmful effects of fragmentation, measures stimulating social contact and networking have been suggested (ibid.).
Since social capital is dependent on trust, there is a need to understand how individuals interact with one another to generate trust, what kind of relationships are required for increasing social capital? There are three categories of social capital: bonding, bridging, and linking. The first category is characterized by strong bonds between people of the same group. Friends and family are commonly found to have strong bonds between each other and together share an identity. The second category refers to weaker personal contacts, acquaintances and contacts of different social groups and contexts. These are, however, important sources of more distant information that can for example affect possibilities of finding a job or other opportunities the society may offer. These “weaker” contacts are therefore considered important features of an integrated and cohesive society, bridging social borders and contributes to a social system where everyone is a participant (Granovetter, 1973; Kearns, 2004). In addition to the participants, the basic precondition for interaction to happen is a place to meet. This refers to the idea of Gehl (1987/2011) presented previously, that the quality of such meeting places affects the quality of the interaction. It is in the “third space”
(Oldenburg, 1998) where the bridging social capital has a possibility to develop, and this is where physical planning comes into play. Physical planning controls the placement of origins and destinations, conditioning the flow and thereby the opportunity for meetings.
Going back to the benefits of the society as a whole, an integrated society is more efficient in utilising common assets (see the Cambridge English Dictionary for the definition of integration, “the action or process of combining two or more things in an effective way” (Integration, n.d.)). The efficiency relies upon trust, when the entire population shares the perception that everyone follows the rules of the game, a common spirit can emerge. Discrimination is therefore devastating to this process as it tears apart the perception of equal treatment (Rothstein & Kumlin, 2001).
This is how the community spirit from the previous section could be understood. By providing a breeding ground for social interaction, a sense of community and cohesion in the city can grow stronger. The momentum is that when the city is well integrated, there are societal gains to expect. The community spirit is productive.
On the contrary, social exclusion is associated with societal costs. According to the Cambridge English Dictionary, exclusion is defined as “the act of not allowing someone or something to take part in an activity or to enter a place” (Exclusion, n.d.). Based on the research of Madanipour (1998/2011), social exclusion can further be seen as a spectrum ranging from “complete lack of integration [..] to full integration into society” (1998/2011:187). He identifies three types of social exclusion: economic, political and cultural.
Economic exclusion is associated with access to resources and manifests through unemployment and poverty while political exclusion is about access to power and is found to affect participation and representation in decision making. Lastly, cultural exclusion is related to common narratives, representation and visibility of language and nationality are examples of such shared narratives. Social exclusion is not only disadvantageous for the excluded individual or group. It is costly for the society as well, as resources will increasingly be spent on conflict and social control. It also means that the society as a whole is failing to take advantage of the diverse talents and manpower of its citizens, resulting in loss of economic potential (ibid.).
Madanipour also acknowledged the relation between space and social exclusion and the tendency of social exclusion to concentrate in space, leading to fragmentation of the city. This spatial feature has attracted planners throughout history to deal with social exclusion by reorganization of space, attempting to dismantle “pockets of deprivation” (1998/2011:190). This approach however, has simply been a matter of symptom treatment as the underlying problem is of a structural nature and has found new places to settle in.
To summarize, social exclusion can be identified as the absence of integration, “as individuals do not find the possibility or channels to participate in mainstream society” (1998/2011:191), and with a clear spatial dimension this leads to the question of access and accessing the possibility of social integration.
2.4 Accessibility planning - planning for opportunities
Accessibility refers to “the ease of reaching opportunities or the ease of being reached” (Jones, 1981 in Halden, 2011:12) and the concept could be regarded a cornerstone in research and practice on spatial justice, the spatial outcomes of social injustice (Soja, 2010). Further, spatial justice is defined by Soja as “fair and equitable distribution in space of socially valued resources and the opportunities to use them” (2010:2).
This way of thinking of justice as access to resources and opportunities implies that transport is important as it affects how easy it is for people to reach services and take advantage of what the city has to offer.
Accessibility, however, is not an easy attribute to measure as it consists of several factors operating simultaneously on different levels (Lucas, 2012). For example, factors affecting accessibility can be individual (such as age, physical ability or race), related to the local area (such as provision of public transport) or have a global dimension (for example the structure of labour markets) (ibid.). Connecting this to the Lefebvrian view of how space is produced as a combination of physical and social environments, accessibility becomes largely dependent on the individual perception of transport possibilities based on people’s own understanding of where they can or cannot go. Further, how easy it is to reach or be reached is in turn affected by more than physical transport options. Lack of information, time and cost are equally important factors to consider when exploring accessibility (Halden, 2011).
The relationship between transport and social exclusion has been explored through several studies, for example in a European context, differences of travel behaviour have been observed according to income level or belonging to a so called ‘vulnerable group’ (e.g. disabled, non-white or single parent households) (Lucas, 2016). Lower income households display not only lower car ownership and fewer trips by car than their higher income counterparts, but they also report making fewer trips overall, using any mode of transport (Lucas, 2012). The relation has not only been explored in terms of frequency of trips, but distance travelled has also been confirmed to have a linear relationship with income (Lucas, 2016).
Lucas (2012) uses the concept “transport related social exclusion” to refer to the problems of not being able to participate in society because of reduced accessibility. Similarly, Urry (2012) argues that low network capital leads to low social capital, implying that the ability to connect with people is significant to the operation of power since social networks are undisputedly the main way of building and maintaining social capital. Viry et al (2009) investigates the links between commuting and social capital and concludes that living in a place isolated from public transport effectively weakens social capital. It is, however, difficult to determine to what extent social capital is affected by reduced accessibility.
Another key finding identified through the previous studies on the subject of transport and social exclusion is the development of increasing mobility in society as a whole, basically pointing out the problematics linked to the fact that globally, human beings travel more than ever before. In recent years, there has been an increasing demand for people to become more mobile, Blossfeld et al (2009) connects this trend to the wider dynamics of globalisation processes and changes in the labour market structure and the mobility of labour capital, only reinforcing pre-existing social inequalities.
In conclusion, social and economic progress can be related to levels of accessibility but it is important to not confuse the concepts. Lack of transport provision does not necessarily mean social exclusion. It is possible to be socially excluded even though accessibility is provided for or vice versa. One does not cause the other, rather transport deprivation and social deprivation work together to create outcomes of social exclusion.
Infrastructure, such as transport, is rooted in and dependent on other social and economical structures. It matters to spatial and distributional justice and the social and economic organization of society. By investing in infrastructure, with the purpose of targeting a particular area, you could end up influencing one that is bigger and more unpredictable. Lucas (2012) argues that there is no universal solution to transport related social exclusion but problematizes increasing mobility and identifies that an answer might lie beyond the national or local policy makers. Linked to space, policy, organization and justice - transport infrastructure (or the lack thereof) is essential in understanding power relations and the background to any urban process.
This leads us to critically review the theoretical framework as it has been presented so far and see it through the perspective of the politic-economic development in recent years.
2.5 Critical reflection - infrastructure as a sustainability fix
During the later half of the 1900’s, in the aftermath of the second world war, a global restructuring of financial resources and the establishment of new trade links between Europe and the US began to reshape the economical arena (Mould, 2015). The ideological shift could be distinguished during the 1980’s, away from the centralized power towards a more liberal and decentralized market economy. The focus changed from national redistribution politics to a focus on creating internationally competitive, ‘functional’ regions (Andersson & Molina, 2008) which could attract foreign business to invest in the region. The growth engines of these regions were cities, now with the purpose to attract the economically and symbolically affluent people seen as the drivers of the economy. Harvey (1989, in Mould, 2015) refers to this process as
the shift from urban managerialism to urban entrepreneurialism, and noted that this process went hand in hand with the ‘hollowing out’ of national funds. In the pursuit of economic growth through entrepreneurialism, cities began adopting so called creative strategies, that is, “policies designed to encourage primarily economic growth, but also social cohesion and cultural participation through the premise of
‘creativity’” (Mould, 2015:1).
An example of such a strategy is the ‘Creative City Sydney’, in which one of the prioritized projects is the
‘Cultural Ribbon’ (Mould, 2015). The intention with this particular project is to link different cultural institutions together by creating new walking trails, promising novel ways of exploring the city. Accessible transport solutions and connectivity are part of the strategy, branding Sydney as a creative city (ibid.).
Sydney is, however, not alone. Cities all over the world has adopted similar strategies, Mould argues that
“the political mobility and inherent ‘ease’ of applying this ideology means that it spreads from city to city, copying the perceived successful political and economic ‘model’ rather than engaging with the different set of localities, histories, cultures and social issues” (2015:3). In the light of the previous section - stressing the importance of realizing that there is no universal solution, this copy-paste formula becomes potentially harmful to sensitive social environments and risks eradicating the diversity of the city. These kinds of policies are designed not to tackle the root causes of complex societal challenges but to justify activities of capitalist urban development. They are expressions of the increasing singularity of urban planning and design and attempts to control human behaviour and presence, pushing away activities and people seen as detrimental to consumption of space.
In a context where cities are run like corporations in an interurban competition for capital in a globalized economy, anything can be packaged and sold. The concept of sustainability itself risks commodification and transport infrastructure risks becoming a “‘sustainability fix’ that largely fails to deal with the over-arching contradictions of market-led urban and suburban development” (Lawton et al, 2018:141). As an example, Docherty (2018) points to the contradictions of mobility as a business model. The societal transition towards ‘smart’ mobility sets out to solve problems generated by increasing car traffic. The new mobility solutions are sold as being about reducing the number of vehicles in the system and thereby freeing space that could then be used for other purposes than transport. At the same time, the economic imperatives of the transformation are that there will be as much mobility as possible in order to maximize returns and therefore, more traffic on the streets in real-world situations. The point of this example is to illustrate that new developments risk generating a new set of unintended consequences, in the case of the example, consequences not entirely different from those that caused the problem in the first place.
Docherty calls for problematization of solutions, for planners and policy-makers to go back to basics and
“pose the simple yet exceedingly difficult to answer question of “why are we doing this?”” (Docherty, 2018:30).
2.6 Summary - theoretical framework
The theoretical framework set out to form an understanding of why transport infrastructure is implemented in relation to social concerns. The framework has provided links between the physical and social environment by reviewing ideas of public life and ideas of how urban design may affect people, movement patterns and access to amenities and opportunities. Concepts such as community, social capital, integration and exclusion have been explored and linked to different dimensions of accessibility and transport options. Further, the framework has reflected on how globalization and neoliberal ideas influence the practice of urban planning and how the concepts of sustainability and accessibility risk appropriation
and ineffectiveness, highlighting the importance of investigating and evaluating effects and outcomes to ensure transparency and credibility throughout the entire planning process.
3. Empirical procedures
The following chapter presents the design of the study and the methodological considerations made. It starts by a brief review of spatial research in general and continues to describe data collection methods and analytical approaches selected for this particular study. The section also reflects critically upon the quality of the study in relation to methodological aspects such as reliability, validity and the ability to generalize the results.
The research design is based on the objectives of the study and adapted to a timeframe of 20 weeks. The study is designed as a case study, taking place in Malmö, Sweden. The primary reason for using a case to address the aim and objectives lies within the complexity of the object of study, the urban environment.
Spatial research embraces this complexity and takes the different dimensions of space into consideration, acknowledging that all beings are spatial, temporal and social, that space is socially produced and therefore owns the ability to be socially changed (Soja, 2010). The relation between the social environment and the built structure could thereby be described as dialectic, one shapes the other and vice versa. These impacts might be intended or unintended (Sismondo, 2010) and since the purpose of the study is to capture this relation and to explore features connected to the social and the built environment respectively, a mixed methods approach is adopted. Quantitative and qualitative methods are combined in order to contribute to a comprehensive view and deepen the understanding of the specific case by capturing physical and social changes altogether.
3.1 Case study
A case study is an empirical investigation characterized by a defined and limited amount of instances of a particular phenomenon (Denscombe, 2010). Case studies primarily aim to contribute to a greater understanding of what is going on in the environment and why certain events occur, a focus on processes and relationships (Gummesson, 2004; Denscombe, 2010). Generalization is made to theoretical claims and thus, case studies do not aim to generalize to an entire population (Denscombe, 2010; Bryman, 2008). This research design is commonly used to approach complex issues and environments characterized by a large number of variables and relationships. City structures reflect their surrounding political, economic, demographic and cultural backgrounds (Knox & Pinch, 2010) making the case study approach a suitable option for studying them. In such a context-dependent setting, it is the case itself that is of interest and the results and conclusions will be dependent on time and place. This, however, does not mean that the specific case is completely unrelated to any broader class of things and in order to engage in analytical generalization it is of importance to present how the selected case relates to other examples (Denscombe, 2010).
3.1.1 Case selection
The selection of the case has been made on the basis of known attributes, the selection is thereby not random. The idea has been to maximize the information output by choosing a case that fits the selection criteria in the best possible way. The following criteria have guided the case selection:
● implementation of transport infrastructure as a strategic investment,
● clear targets and description of the investments, social aspects mentioned,
● urban or semi-urban area,
● infrastructure investments already implemented, ability to control for potential effects.
The development of the Hyllie district in Malmö, Sweden and in particular the project of extending Hyllievångsvägen fits the criteria above.
Lastly, it is of importance to revisit the aim and emphasize that the interest lies in investigating the connection between theory and practice, using the case study to explore what happens after implementation. The methods used for this purpose and for collecting empirical data are the following:
● Document studies, strategic planning documents
● Semi-structured interviews
● Document studies, statistical indicators
3.1.2 Document study, planning documents
Document studies can be performed in a variety of ways. Basically, a document study is a systematic interpretation of text. Text is “permanent and available in a form that can be checked by others”
(Denscombe, 2010:232) which provides opportunities to look into how specific matters have been described over time. This study includes planning documents relevant for the specific case (see table 1) in order to access information about the area which could contribute to a deeper understanding of the place before and after implementation of new infrastructure. The review considers what is being written about the area and which assumptions have been made during the planning phase. The review aims to clarify targets and strategies of urban development, what actions are suggested to be suitable and for what purposes (see appendix 3, Summary of planning documents for full review). Furthermore, the document review focuses on extending the theoretical base, providing support for the indicators selected to represent expected impact and as support for the categorization of data from the interviews (see section 3.1.3 - 3.1.4 below).
The documents included in the review consists of strategic planning documents adopted early in the planning process and containing information that serves to set the direction and to guide the continued development of the area. The planning documents studied are presented in table 1.
Table 1. Strategic planning documents.
General plan, Malmö stad 1956
General plan, Malmö stad 1966 General plan, Malmö stad 1980
Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 1990 Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 2000 Traffic strategy, Malmö stad 2004 Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 2005
Dialogue Memo - Hela Hyllie Hållbart, Malmö stad 2009 Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 2014
Particular focus has been given to the Dialogue Memo (Malmö stad, 2009) since this document has served as a platform, gathering ideas about the area and providing a basis for discussion regarding future detail planning of Hyllie, Holma and Kroksbäck (see appendix 3).
None of the strategic planning documents included in the review are legally binding and they are no longer effective. However, as the purpose has been to form an idea of development over time and the driving forces behind the current physical and social environment, these documents have been considered relevant for the purpose of the study.
3.1.3 Interview study
The purpose of using interviews as a research method is to provide “accurate and descriptive information about how other people experience different aspects of their life situation” (Dalen, 2007:9). Interviews are particularly appropriate when exploring complex and subtle phenomena (Denscombe, 2010) and applying interviews as part of this study aims to capture the qualitative effects of the implementation of new infrastructure and to reach information that would otherwise be overlooked. The interviews conducted are therefore of qualitative nature, with the purpose of studying if it is possible to determine any socially perceived differences after the implementation in comparison to before. Flexibility is allowed through the use of semi-structured interviews, where the interviewees are able to develop their own thoughts and perspectives (Bryman, 2008; Denscombe, 2010) in relation to the built environment. The overall themes which the interviews intend to cover have been defined beforehand, supported by the theoretical framework, and have been the same in all of the interviews (see appendix 4). The interview guide has been used as a support but the interviewees themselves have been able to control the level of detail and which features to emphasize. The interviews have been performed in person, on site, and held once with each interviewee. Prior to the interview, the interviewees received information about the purpose of the study but no concrete questions were revealed beforehand. Upon consent, the interviews have been recorded and transcribed immediately after the interview and the interviewees have been given the opportunity to listen to the recordings and modify their statements.
Interviewing as a method produces data in an open format, no pre-coded answers (Denscombe, 2010). The material has instead been qualitatively categorized, where recurring themes have been identified in relation to the expected results of the new infrastructure in terms of travel patterns, economic development, civic participation and well-being (see section 3.1.5 Qualitative content analysis).
A critique to qualitative interviewing is related to interview bias, meaning that the relation between the interviewee and the interviewer impacts the given answers (Dalen, 2007). This is a risk that is particularly common in sensitive settings, such as the selected case for this study, in which specific groups or environments could be identified and stigmatized (ibid.). On the other hand, self-censorship or unwillingness to participate in research could also become an issue related to not communicating problems (ibid.). On a practical note, qualitative interviewing is time consuming, affecting the extent to which the method can be used. Selection of interviewees has therefore been a critical concern for this study.
Selection of informants
Due to the limited amount of interviews that have been possible to conduct within the scope of this study, informants have been selected based on how likely they are to be able to provide the most information.
Bryman (2008:350) and Gummesson (2004:126) explains that this type of “purposeful sampling” can be used in order to select individuals with reference to the research question. The idea is that the interviewees should provide information and knowledge about the area of study. The interest lies in personal and everyday experiences of the end-users of the built environment, making the population visiting or residing in the area the main target group. In addition, to make a “before and after” comparison, it is necessary that the interviewees have experience of the area over time. These criteria have guided the selection process where
individuals responsible for different associations, workplaces and gathering places have been contacted. In total, six interviewees were selected, four representing different tenants and housing cooperatives present in the area and the remaining two representing local gathering places and activity centers. Three agreed to participate in the study, see table 2.
Table 2. List of participants.
Informant Informant code
Representative for an association in Holma I1
Representative for an organization in Holma/Kroksbäck I2 Representative for an association in Kroksbäck I3
The selection of informants is non-representative, delimiting the generalizability of the knowledge generated by this study to a larger context (Dahmström, 2011). However, as the study starts out in the understanding of place as composed of different physical as well as social spaces it is of interest that the informants are able to give their own versions of the physical and social environment. Despite representing relatively large groups of people (members, visitors and users of the associations/organizations), the limited amount of interviewees should be acknowledged. The interviewees have provided personal answers which may not be representative for the entire population. An alternative approach, that could have provided a representative selection, would be to distribute a survey to all residents in the area. This option, however, would not be appropriate in terms of limits to in-depth and open questions in surveys (Dahmström, 2011).
3.1.4 Document study, statistical indicators
The statistical data analysis aims to investigate the social and demographic characteristics of the area and identify potential change in the neighbourhood over time, using the indicators to compare and describe associations between variables. The selection of the indicators is based on the theoretical framework and on the analysis of strategic planning documents where the targets and the expected results in terms of travel patterns, economic development, civic participation and well-being have served as selection criteria. Further, the availability of data over time has guided the selection of indicators as the purpose has been to compare indicators before and after implementation. See appendix 1 for a full list of indicators and data sources included in the study and appendix 2 for the compiled material.
Quantitative data analysis is associated with risks and difficulty to establish causation and account for additionality (Sandberg & Faugert, 2007). Concluding what the implementation of the project has contributed to in addition to what would have happened “either way” is near impossible to do. The different indicators could be affected by external factors as well since transport infrastructure is not isolated from its surroundings. The general economic situation in Sweden might for example affect the level of employment and housing prices. Due to these uncertainties, the statistical indicators in this study have not been quantitatively analyzed.
The majority of statistical indicators used for this study are results of census surveys, where data have been collected and run against population and tax records. However, the indicators collected through the travel survey (Region Skåne, 2018; Malmö stad, 2013) are results of sample surveys and awareness should be raised regarding the end result being representative, but not complete. Census surveys are also associated with a certain level of uncertainty as it is possible that people live in an area without being registered in that same
area. These shortcomings are part of the mixed methods approach, to be able to investigate the research questions from different viewpoints (Mertens & Hesse-Biber, 2012).
Furthermore, conducting a comparison of indicators before and after could help to identify changes of spatial concentrations of certain characteristics. In combination with data from qualitative interviews, reviewing statistical indicators could contribute to displaying a possible difference between quantitative and qualitative effects and the importance of considering both. Lastly, since the indicators are selected based on the expectations of the project, they are related to the transparency of the planning process. Assessing these aspects, the statistical data has been considered valuable for the thesis despite the above standing shortcomings.
3.1.5 Qualitative content analysis
The empirical material has been processed and analyzed with inspiration from qualitative content analysis (Bengtsson, 2016; Gillham, 2008). The purpose of using qualitative content analysis is to “organize and elicit meaning from the data collected and to draw realistic conclusions from it” (Bengtsson, 2016:8).
The exact procedure varies and should be adapted to the aim of the study and the nature of the research questions (Bengtsson, 2016; Gillham, 2008). For example, Gillham (2008) presents the analysis in two steps, starting by identification of substantial statements followed by defining categories. In contrast, Bengtsson describes the procedure through four steps and suggests to start by identifying ‘meaning units’ containing information the researcher needs. This is followed by a step where the material that is left over is being discarded and the ‘meaning units’ sorted into broader categories. The last step is the compilation, summarizing and choosing data to represent the connection between the category and the raw material.
Even though there is a flexibility to the analysis, the common denominator is organization and categorization. To categorize is essentially about interpretation and selection, a process where the researcher’s own judgement plays a central role which presents a risk to the reliability of the research.
However, objectivity lies in the transparency of the process, not in the categories themselves (ibid.). Thereby follows a detailed description of the process as it is carried out in this study.
The process started by a close reading of the transcriptions with a focus on examining what is going on in the text. Highlighters were used to identify different categories, examples include categories such as “rent”,
“housing conditions”, “target points”, “social activities”, “meeting places”, “reputation” and “conflicts”.
These categories were thereafter sorted into the four overarching themes, based on the expected effects in accordance with the theoretical framework (attempting to address the matter of "what has been said in relation to what should theoretically happen").
Table 3. Example of qualitative content analysis.
Empirical material Code/category Theme
“Well it’s not that something isn’t rented here because people want to live in Hyllie, because after all, the rents are governing people. Here the rents are cheaper than in Hyllie.”
“Rent” Economic change
This step in the process had a condensing function as the material was shortened to promote readability, arranging the material by subject rather than in a chronological order (Gillham, 2008). To ensure validity and reliability, it is of importance that the categories and themes are “internally homogeneous and externally heterogeneous” (Bengtsson 2016:12), so that the risk of placing data into more than one category or theme is kept to the very minimum. In this study, ambiguities emerged when certain parts of the text could be interpreted as dealing with, for example, transport as well as safety and well-being. To illustrate, the following quote is associated with this kind of ambiguity.
“There is probably one bad thing too and that is young men, macho, driving damn terribly. In 130 on these roads. And it is a freer way for criminals.”
Since the focus has been to investigate the effects of new transport infrastructure, the material has been sorted based on the core of the statement, why the interviewee brought it up. In the case of the quote above, it was categorized as relating to safety. Extensive quotation has been practiced in order to promote transparency and make these considerations visible.
Next, the material has been summarized based on the research questions, if the target has been achieved and to what extent the measures have contributed to the achievement (attempting to address the matters of
"why has it/has it not turned out the way it theoretically should and why it is difficult to investigate effects"). This part of the analysis had an inductive focus where the themes ‘accessibility and movement patterns’, ‘different types of effects’, ‘national policies and global trends’, ‘perspectives on social control’,
‘differences and divisions’ crystallized retrospectively, depending on what the material brought forward. In this second thematization, quotation has also been practiced, however, not as extensively. In order to be able to conduct a deeper analysis abstraction has been necessary, making conclusions and moving beyond the manifest analysis.
3.2 Ethical considerations
Research ethics relate to the fundamental principle that “the ends do not justify the means in the pursuit of knowledge” (Denscombe, 2010:331).
“we used to drive a short distance beyond Hyllie or where Emporia is located now. Buy strawberries, pick strawberries ourselves and stuff. But now there’s nothing.”
“Target points” Transport and accessibility
“They get to know each other and they change phone numbers. And they talk about us!
Because the most important recruitment path for our participants is the mouth to mouth method.”
“Information exchange” Participation and community
“Holma is associated with immigrants and crime. And that's why they didn't want to be called Holma.”
“Reputation” Living environment and well-being
Denscombe (2010) lists three key principles underlying codes of research ethics:
● “participants’ interests should be protected;
● participation should be voluntary and based on informed consent;
● researchers should operate in an open and honest matter with respect to the investigation.”
(2010:331-335)
The overarching idea is that participants should be protected from any harm as a consequence of their participation, accounting for the time of the study as well as potential later repercussions (ibid.). Any information obtained through the interviews in this study has been treated confidentially, the information has not been shared with other participants or anyone not directly involved in the research. The informants have been anonymized to the largest extent possible and their participation has been voluntary with the option to terminate the interview at any time or avoid answering particular questions. The informants received information about the purpose of the study prior to their participation and were given the option to listen to the recordings with a possibility to adjust their statements afterwards. The audio recordings will be deleted upon the approval of the study. The informants were further informed that the degree of anonymity is not complete with regards to the limited geographical area of study. However on the whole, the empirical and analytical processes have been considered unlikely to involve personal risks to the participants.
3.3 Critical reflection of methodology
Methodological considerations have been accounted for throughout section 3.1. However, this section aims to broadly reflect upon quality of research in relation to aspects such as validity and reliability.
3.4.1 Reliability
The concept of reliability refers to consistency of the measurement, the absence of random errors is a crucial aspect (Sverke, 2004). Reliability relates to replicability, the ability to perform the study again with a similar result. As this study is designed as a case study, the point has been to investigate a specific phenomenon and the relations dependant on this particular time and place. The ambition has not been to account for replicability in terms of results due to the likelihood that these are context dependent. It is however possible to replicate the study in terms of methodology and to account for this, the intention has been to maintain a high level of transparency in the description of methods. By recording the interviews and by processing the same material multiple times, random errors have been avoided to the largest extent possible. Regarding generalizability (the possibility to make general conclusions from the results of this study), the expectation of a case study approach is that the context plays a crucial role; it can therefore be problematic to generalize the results to other places and contexts. The idea is, however, that the results can be compared to areas with similar social and physical environments. Alternatively, the results can be compared to previous research, confirming or rejecting theories related to the same subject.
3.4.2 Validity
The concept of validity refers to the applied method allowing the study to measure what it is intended to measure, absence of systematic errors is a crucial aspect (Sverke, 2004). Validity is one of the strengths regarding interviews as the researcher is able to check for accuracy and relevance at the same time as the data is collected (Denscombe, 2010). However, when measuring qualitative variables (as in this case, perception) it is not always obvious how measuring should be carried out and it is further associated with difficulties of verifying information regarding people's thoughts or feelings. To some extent it is possible to account for credibility through triangulation (ibid.), for example this study has verified statements regarding the process for establishing rents and information regarding ongoing planning projects (see section 5 Empirical findings). Lastly, data obtained through the interviews has been categorized into themes in order to avoid basing findings on a single interview and extensive quotation has been practiced to ensure transparency.
3.4.3 General comments, empirical procedures
The author of this paper is not a resident in Malmö and has only spent a limited amount of time in the study area prior to this study. The reader of this paper should be made aware that the author is of Swedish origin, female, and enrolled in university studies. These personal features may affect the empirical investigation indirectly as the informants’ perceptions of the author can affect their adaptation of answers, especially since the interviews were conducted in person. The interviews have been conducted in Swedish and translated by the author, the original quotes in Swedish can be found in appendix 5.
4. Case study: Kroksbäck-Holma and Hyllie
The focus of this study are the city districts Kroksbäck and Holma, located in Malmö, Sweden. The investigation focuses on planning and implementation of transport infrastructure in the area between the years 2007-2018. The purpose is to target infrastructure built in conjunction with the development of a new urban district, Hyllie, located just south of Kroksbäck and Holma. Figure 2 below shows the study area, marked with a circle, in relation to regional nodes.
