H ISTORISKA INSTITUTIONEN
“Sweden is our destiny, Jewishness is our destiny.”
Swedish Jews and their identity in relation to Sweden, Israel, and Jewishness in general, 1948–1988.
Master’s thesis 45 Credits. Spring 2021.
Author: Robert Bárány Kihlgren.
Supervisor: Lars M. Andersson.
Seminar chair: Louise Berglund Date of defence: 31/5 2021.
Abstract:
This thesis on Swedish-Jewish identity studies shows that this identity has been constructed between three points that can be found in Lars Dencik’s model “the diasporas star of David”, these points being “the Swedish” “the Jewish” and “the Israeli”. The thesis studies the period between 1948 to 1988 and uses Judisk Krönika as source material. The thesis looks at two keywords of importance to the Swedish Jews, the first being the summer camp “Glämsta” and the second being
“religious freedom”. The usage of Albert O. Hirschmann and his theory of people in exile is used to try and se how the Swedish-Jewish group react to when questioned or when they have the need to explain their rights for maintaining a Jewish identity.
The Swedish-Jewish identity was constructed and based explicitly on “the Jewish” and the
“Israeli” with a small tendency to favor “the Jewish”. “The Swedish” aspect was not mentioned but can be seen as implicit because of the fact that the Jews live in Sweden. The main issue was not internal conflict within the Jewish group but rather with the Swedish majority. The results suggest that the Swedish-Jewish group based their identity on a mixture of all of the parts, just at different times. The Swedish-Jewish group changed their reasoning behind motiving their identity over time, first they tried to argue that there are no need to react towards Jewish traditions but later during the period they started to protest more when questioned or denied their Jewish traditions.
Content
Abstract: ... iii
1.Introduction. ... 3
1.1 General overview. ... 3
1.2. Previous research. ... 4
1.3. Theoretical perspective ... 11
1.3.1 Identity. ... 11
1.3.2 Jewish identity, Swedish identity, Swedish-Jewish identity, and Israeli identity. ... 14
1.4. Aim and research questions. ... 20
1.5. Sources ... 21
1.5.1. Sample number ... 23
1.6. Method. ... 24
1.6.2 Keywords. ... 28
1.6.2.1 Glämsta. ... 28
1.6.2.2 Religious slaughter and male circumcision. Freedom of religion. ... 29
1.7 Definitions. ... 32
1.7.1. The definition of antisemitism and anti-Zionism. ... 32
2 Empirical study. ... 35
2.1 Glämsta, summer camp, or a way to connect to older Judaism and/or Israel? ... 35
2.1.1 Glämsta summary. ... 58
2.2 Religious slaughter and religious circumcision. “Religious freedom.” ... 62
2.2.1 Religious slaughter. Schochet, the butcher. ... 62
2.2.2 Religious slaughter. Skäktning and Shechita. ... 64
2.2.3 Religious slaughter. Religious slaughter ... 67
2.2.4. Religious circumcision. Circumcision. ... 69
2.2.5. Religious circumcision. Brit mila. ... 71
2.2.6. Religious circumcision, the Mohel, the person performing it. ... 73
2.2.7. Religious slaughter and religious circumcision. ”Religious freedom” A summary. ... 74
3. Looking forward. ... 76
4. Sources: ... 78
4.1 Primary Sources: Unpublished sources ... 78
4.2 Secondary Sources: ... 78
4.2.1 published secondary sources: ... 78
4.2.2 electronic sources. ... 80
1.Introduction.
1.1 General overview.
Identity is difficult to study and especially so when it comes to Jewish identity since “Jewish” is a highly contested identity both amongst Jews themselves and as an ascribed identity. Furthermore, Jews are victims of “the longest hatred”1, antisemitism, and have lived as a minority for two millennia, which further complicates the picture. This general picture is valid also for the Swedish- Jewish minority. They often identify themselves as both Swedish and Jewish and have claimed the right to be both for more than two centuries. Sometimes these demands have been recognized, sometimes not. Thus, there seems to be a Swedish-Jewish identity, a dual identity, where the parts are stressed in different ways by different members of the group at different occasions. This dual identity has been and is constantly challenged, by modernity and secularization but also recently by the neo-orthodoxy. The most important challenge, however, came with the creation of the state of Israel. It not only adds a third layer to the Swedish-Jewish identity but has also affected antisemitism and once again exposed the Swedish Jewish to a new form of allegations for national disloyalty, for being loyal to Israel and not to Sweden, and, more importantly, holding Swedish Jews accountable for the politics of the State of Israel, understood as a racist colonial state. This new antisemitism, where the State of Israel becomes “the Jew among the nations”, builds on the traditional stereotypes but adds new dimensions. Jews are no longer primarily attacked as Jews but as
“Zionists”.2
Antisemitism thus, especially after the six days war in 1967 and onwards when Israel occupied Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian territories, also took the form of accusations of Zionism, of supporting the political ideology of creating a state for the Jewish people, an ideology that took the form of as state with the establishment of Israel in 1948. The way the criticism would be expressed was in terms that made the Jewishness the most pressing part of the problem.3 Zionism became a code word for Jews and Jewish influence.
However, it is not wrong to say that the Swedish Jews and other Jews in the diaspora had and have a connection to Israel. They may not have been rabid Zionists but held Israel in special regard.
A lot of focus was put on providing financial aid to Israel and raising awareness within the Swedish- Jewish group of the ties between Israel and Jews in the diaspora. Both before the formal establishment of the state but in a much larger capacity after both the Holocaust and the second
1 Wistrich 1991. It is important to stress that this new antisemitism has not replaced the old, but rather added new dimensions. The idea of a “new” antisemitism is furthermore contested as it has become obvious over the last months when researching the in the field of antisemtism.
2 Bachner 2000, p 30.
3 Hansson 1972, p 43 & Hansson 1986, p 75.
world war.4 However, most Swedish Jews remain in Sweden and are not interested in doing Aliyah, to return to Israel, although many go there regularly to visit relatives. It is the identity of this group that is the focus of this study.
. The Swedish Jews had, as the famous Swedish-Jewish art historian Ragnar Josephson put it in 1936 a “double loyalty”5 in the sense that they are both Swedes and Jews. Since 1948 many also, as indicated above, have a “triple loyalty” regardless of what they personally feel about it. This
“triple loyalty” includes Sweden and Swedishness, Judaism and Jewishness, and the added loyalty and connection to Israel. The Swedish Jews are forced to deal with these loyalties and how this is done, how these identities are negotiated is the topic of this thesis.
How do the Swedish Jews identify themselves in all of this? Do they perceive a conflict of loyalties regarding the criticism and the perceived necessity of taking a stand, for or against Israel.
How has their identity been formed and how do their two, sometimes three, seemingly clashing national identities and loyalties manifest themselves when one side criticizes the other. Is there even a conflict or is the conflict forced upon the community from the outside? This is the overarching theme for this thesis, and I will return to it to present questions that operationalize it.
The structure of the thesis will begin with previous research to show what has been done within the field of the Swedish-Jews. This will be followed the theoretical part of the thesis, explaining how the theory of identity and more specifically the three different Jewish identities are defined in this thesis but also in general. After this, the purpose and the questions that this thesis will work with will be presented. Then, a presentation of the source material and the method will be presented. After this, the empirical study will follow and lastly, a conclusion will be provided where the results are presented.
1.2. Previous research.
Several research fields are important for this thesis. The first concerns identity and identification in general, the second addresses Jewish identity specifically and Swedish-Jewish identity and its relation to the majority of Swedes. The second field is subdivided between on the one hand more theoretical texts and personal stories by Swedish Jews. The latter is not necessarily scholarly works, but they are written by leading representatives of Swedish Jewry, many with a scholarly background, and they all concern Swedish-Jewish identity, the relation to Israel, etc. The fourth concerns about antisemitism and anti–Zionism in the Swedish context. All these areas are closely connected and entangled. The field of identity studies and research on Jewish identity respectively are furthermore vas whereas the research on the Swedish-Jewish identity is easier to encompass and the same case
4 Sjögren 2001, pp 96–98.
5 Josephson 1936.
with the studies of Swedish antisemitism and anti-Zionism. Since the works on identity and Jewish identity will be discussed in more detail in the theory section, I will only present them briefly here.
The discussion of “double loyalty” with one Swedish and one Jewish component is, as indicated above not new. Ragnar Josephson wrote in his text, Den dubbla lojaliteten (The double/dual identity) in 1936. Josephson claims that the members of the Swedish Jewish community can both be a part of something Swedish and something Jewish.6 Josephson´s main point is, that it is impossible to separate the Swedish from the Jewish.7 Neither outside interference, such as persecution and pogroms nor a separation within the individual, can tear the two apart – they are inseparable. Since Josephson wrote his text the year after the introduction of the Nuremberg Laws. The context of geopolitics is, of course important. Josephson makes the case that the Swedish Jews are an integrated part of Swedish society and that they should put their trust in the Swedish government and work for their country.8 Josephson makes the point that “Sweden is our destiny, Jewishness is our destiny”.9 The notion that there could be Swedish relief institutions such as schools, hospitals, etc. in Israel without losing their Swedish aspects is proof of this in a way.10 A problem with the idea of “double loyalty” is that, it requires the notion of belonging to two groups. The Swedish Jews that are fully assimilated and no longer have any ties to their Jewishness cannot be included.
Furthermore, there is always the issue regarding if the Jews in the eyes of the majority remain Jews even if they no longer regard themselves as such. Josephson for obvious reasons does not consider the creation of a Jewish state and how this might affect the “double” loyalty”,
This idea of a specific Jewish and Swedish relationship is elaborated by Lars Dencik. He has also published extensively on Jews in Sweden and how they use their Jewishness and their Swedishness in relation to one and other. His results will be presented in-depth in the theoretical part. In short, he has created a model to understand how Jews in the diaspora, thus also including the Jews in Sweden act and view themselves. Dencik’s model is far more complex than the two- way form of identity that Josephson provides. It incorporates, the addition of a Jewish secular state but also considers the presence of modernity.
Ideas regarding identity in the Swedish-Jewish sphere is also part of Dencik’s research. This research is based on large surveys performed by the EU, by the Agency for Fundamental Rights.11 The purpose of these surveys was to study how the Jews in Europe experienced antisemitism. Jews from France, the United Kingdom, Sweden, and other countries were asked about their personal experiences but also about the general situation and conditions for Jews in their countries.12 Dencik discusses his results in the traditional antisemitism, anti–Zionist attitudes where the majority
6 Sjögren 2001, p 24.
7 Josephson 1936, p 27.
8 Josephson 1936, p 13–14.
9 Josephson 1936, p 26–27.
10 Sjögren 2001, pp 171–172.
11 Dencik & Marosi, 2016, p 62.
12 Dencik & Marosi, 2016, p 63.
population holds the Jews in their own country responsible for the actions of the state of Israel, and criticism against Jewish practices such as circumcision or traditional slaughter of animals.13 Dencik has also worked with the Swedish Jewish communities, trying to find out how they deal with their Jewish status in Sweden.14 This is important for my research because it can give an idea of how the individuals, anonymously, of course, perceive their Jewish identity in relation to the surrounding majority. These surveys provide an additional layer for my investigation. They show the perspective from below in a way that my research might not be able to do in the same way.
The research closest to this thesis is done by Karin Sjögren. Her dissertation deals with the theme of how the Swedish Jews identify themselves both as Swedes and Jews and regarding the creation of Israel and its role in relation to the diaspora. Sjögren studies the attempts by the Zionist Jewish journal, Judisk Krönika (The Jewish Chronicle) to create a new Swedish-Jewish identity where Israel held a prominent position. She argues that the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 is possibly the big divider in the history of Judisk Krönika. Sjögren uses the same source material as this thesis but supplements it with interviews, personal correspondence, and a multitude of unpublished sources. The latter consists of a lot of documentation from the archive of the Jewish community in Stockholm and paints the broader picture of the Swedish-Jewish world at the time.15 Sjögren shows that Judisk Krönika was an important voice for the Jewish group in Sweden, both as a mouthpiece to express opinions but also to inform Swedish-Jewish people. There was a genuine focus on conveying the message regarding Israel that is “’ our people’”16 and that the “’’
rebuilding’”17 of the Jewish state should concern the Swedish Jewry.18 The idea of nationhood as something larger than strictly connected to Israel is presented. Sjögren shows that the idea of Aliyah, the “return” to Israel was promoted and encouraged. She makes the point that after the creation of the state of Israel, Judisk Krönika also became more attached to the idea of Zionism and the different ways of collecting financial aid for the new state.19 Sjögren points out that Judisk Krönika had a thought-out strategy to tie the Swedish-Jewish group closer to Israel. The idea was to become one nation encompassing both Israel and Jews in the diaspora.20 Sjögren proves that Judisk Krönika was very important in creating this feeling of unity with Israel. The creation of new and the celebration of older Jewish holidays are tied together with the thought of Israel.21 The ideal of Jewish people everywhere is to be found in connection to Israel, the Jewish world has a physical center that is important to all Jews. Sjögren shows that the idea of loyalty and disloyalty is
13 Dencik & Marosi, 2016, p 78.
14 Dencik 2011, pp 140–145.
15 Sjögren 2001, pp 19–22.
16 ”Sitt folk” Sjögren 2001, p 87.
17 ”återuppbygga” Sjögren 2001, p 87.
18 Sjögren 2001, p 87.
19 Sjögren 2001, pp 15–16 & 96–98.
20 Sjögren 2001, pp 88–89.
21 Sjögren 2001, pp 16–17 & p 117.
important. The loyalty lies with Israel and the Zionistic ideal, the loyal ones are those that make Aliyah, and the disloyal ones are leaving Israel.22 Sjögren’s focus is on memory and the written sources are complemented with interviews.23 Sjögren’s thesis will be of great importance when looking at the earlier period studied in this thesis and will provide more insight into the first events that will be examined. Sjögren’s research thus provides a great starting point for this thesis but lacks focus on the Swedish-Jewish identity and when it becomes more questioned in relation to the Israel-Palestine conflict, especially after 1967 when Israel becomes regarded as an aggressor, and a racist one at that.
There are several books by Swedish Jews regarding their Jewish identity, in most cases, it is a mixture of theoretical and empirical work.24 They lack the scholarly apparatus but are non the less highly relevant for this thesis, not least since the authors are key persons in the Swedish-Jewish community, and as such their views on Jewish and Swedish can be expected to have had an impact.
These books are thus written by Swedish Jews, many of them active in the communities and they describe both their own attitude towards Judaism in Sweden and their own identity, as Swedish- Jews but also discuss their relationship to the state of Israel. They thus give insight into how the induvial Swedish Jews negotiate their identities and how they clash. The journalist and author Bern Hermele for instance writes that he did not set foot in a non-Jewish home before the age of 15, in his world everything Swedish was the outsider and the non-natural.25 Hermele also states that as a Swedish-Jewish person his loyalty was by many of his fellow Jews expected to lie with Israel. He describes his Zionist upbringing that evolved gathering funds for Israel and being aware of his Jewishness, but also the doubt he felt later in life and describes the criticism and the accusations of being a “fake Jew” because of him speaking out against Israel. Hermele chooses to leave the Jewish life in Stockholm after the criticism he receives, he chooses “exit”, a term that is relevant for this thesis.
Anders Carlberg, a former chairperson of the Jewish community in Gothenburg also discusses the idea, that the Swedish-Jewish group is expected to be loyal to Israel, regardless of its political and military actions. The idea of a Jewish homeland and loyalty towards it was present at the beginning of Israel’s existence but, according to Carlberg it soon became clear that “the State of Israel no longer can expect total loyalty, now the loyalty is conditioned and dependent on Israel’s behavior and doings as a state”.26 This means that loyalty to Israel was taken for granted both by the state of Israel and by the Swedish-Jewish community but the loyalty becomes less self-evident and more conditioned as Israel went from an underdog to a regional superpower.
22 Sjögren 2001, p 90.
23 Sjögren 2001, p 21–22.
24 Hermele 2016. Carlberg 2013. Narrowe 2005.
25 Hermele 2016.
26 Carlberg 2013, pp 31–32.
The rabbi Morton Narrowe, an American Jew that moves to Sweden in 1965 and becomes a very appreciated and respected rabbi in Stockholm has written his memoirs. The name of the book is A Three-Twined Thread: American, Jew, Swede.(En Tretvinnad Tråd: Amerikan, Jude, Svensk).27 Narrowe remembers his life, his Jewish family in the USA, the interest in Judaism that was awoken in him, and how it brought him to Sweden. He stresses that, in a number of cases, he could appreciate first the difference between Jewishness and Americanness and later in life incorporate Swedish in his identity as well. Narrowe describes his upbringing, always emphasizing how the different identities could coexist, both within himself but also among his classmates and friends.28 He stresses the main point of his story, the journey and the interaction with different identities, and how it has made him both stronger in his Jewish identity foremost but also in the other two.29
Swedish-Jewish identity is also analyzed by the historian of religion, David Fischer in his doctoral dissertation. However, he approaches it from a different angle, using quantitative studies.
Using extensive questionnaires, he shows that the members of the Jewish community in Stockholm feel for and identifies with Israel on many levels and ways. The surveys were done in collaboration with the Jewish community in Stockholm, it was sent out to 1000 of its members, roughly a third of the active members. It was answered by 700 people or 70 percent which is a high response rate.
Among these 700 respondents, there was a small majority of women, 390 women compared to 310 men.30 The questionnaire was structured with multiple choice questions where the respondents for instance were asked to rank different reasons for being a member of the community.31 The options included “I believe in God”32, “Because one should be a member, it is every Jews' duty”33 and several choices linked both to tradition, religion, and the idea of family.34 The questionnaire covered a multitude of questions similar to this one. Both “I go to Synagogue”35 and “The typical member goes to Synagogue”36 are answered in the same manner. But others are answered Yes, always/Yes, sometimes/No/Do not know, others in the terms of very important/pretty important/pretty unimportant/very unimportant.37 A lot of the questions tie into identity and what role different institutions and traditions play for the members of the community. Some questions seem more important than others and, the response rate is higher for them. Fischer calls these “main questions”38, it seems to imply the bigger and larger questions, not the multiple-choice ones but he
27 Narrowe, 2005.
28 Narrowe, 2005, pp 24–26.
29 Narrowe, 2005, p
30 Fischer 1996, pp 138–142.
31 Fischer 1996, p 245. ”Jag är medlem i församlingen”
32 Fischer 1996, p 245. ”Jag tror på Gud”
33 Fischer 1996, p 245. ”För att man ska vara medlem, det är varje judes plikt.”
34 Fischer 1996, p 245.
35 Fischer 1996, p 257. “Jag går i synagogan”.
36 Fischer 1996, p 258. ”Den typiske medlemmen går i synagogan”
37 Fischer 1996, pp 250–256.
38 Fischer 1996, p 140. ”Huvudfrågor”.
provides no further explanation. One such example is the previously mention “I go to Synagogue”39. The questionnaire consists of 60 questions, many with multiple choices40
Fischer concludes with a discussion of the similarities and differences between the Jewish community in Stockholm and other Jews living in the USA or the UK.41 He also presents the difference between ethno-Judaism and religious-Judaism and demonstrates that there has been a shift from the latter to the former. The focus was in 1996 more on ethno-Judaism, partly because of the lack of active faith and a religious expression. This means that a greater emphasis on the ethnic aspects, but the religious practices are still used as markers for the Jewish identity. However, many traditions are now linked to the fact that people are ethnic Jews, not that they have a Jewish faith. These traditions include going to the Synagogue on holidays, celebrating Chanukah42, and traditions that typically do not require a lot of effort and/or were primarily associated with children and youth, such as bar/bat mitzvah. 43 Fischer stresses that there are important differences between the members of the community when it comes to how they approach Judaism, Israel, and the older Jewish traditions. He shows that there are important generational differences. The younger members were less interested and did not consider the same factors that the older did. Furthermore, he shows that the similar differences are found between the members who are born in Sweden and those who have immigrated. However, gender does not seem to matter. There were no significant differences between men and women. Fischer proposes that this may mean that the uninterested youth of today (1996) gives an image of what is to come, less interested members in the future.
Also, the lack of both young and newer members might mean that the community will not be able to provide the same support it previously has.44 However, since Fisher conducted his study, Jewish life in Stockholm has in many ways been vitalized, not least culturally with the new facility Bajit, built in 2016 precisely in order to vitalize Jewish life in Stockholm and in Sweden for present and future generation. With the establishment in 2000 of Paideia – the European Institute for Jewish Studies in Sweden, future Jewish leaders of communities throughout Europe now come to Stockholm for education. The Jewish Museum have moved and reopened in the former synagogue in the Old Town and the foundation Judisk kultur organizes high-profile seminars and talks on Jewish topics. Fisher’s pessimism was thus not warranted.
Fischer stresses the need for education since it can become very important for members from less traditional homes.45 He finds that the Jewish school in Stockholm, Hillelskolan, has promoted and encouraged a Jewish identity in its student, they are generally more interested and
39 Fischer 1996, p 257. “Jag går i synagogan”.
40 Fischer 1996, pp 245–274.
41 Fischer 1996, p 207.
42 ”The Jewish Christmas” and not the most important of the Jewish holidays.
43 Fischer 1996, pp 200–203.
44 Fischer 1996, pp 207–208.
45 Fischer 1996, pp 203–204 & p 209.
knowledgeable in Jewish life and traditions.46 The state of Israel is also very present according to Fischer, the ties between Israel and the members of the community are not exclusively forged through personal relationships but rather by a larger organization, mostly focused on charity and aid.47 This research is important for this thesis because of the picture it provides, it shows what the members value and arguments they use for their Jewishness, and how they perceive both themselves and others in the community. Of course, there are always problems with the surveys.
We cannot for sure know how the respondents understand the questions, for instance. But the important factor remains, the answers provide a clear view of what the members value and why they value it. The picture is also interesting because it is slightly a picture from below, it is not the leaders of the community or any committee that has provided these answers. This can provide this thesis with valuable insight into how to structure keywords and patterns but more about that in the section regarding methods.
Regarding Glämsta and Makkabi, the Jewish sports club Stockholm, two books are of great importance. Both are written by Mattias Grosin. The first provides a lot of information regarding Glämsta, something that will be crucial for this thesis. Grosin tells the story of Glämsta, how it evolved and how the Swedish-Jewish community used it, both as a summer camp but also as an arena. The story is complemented with an interview from children that stayed there, staff (more often than not former children who attended), and people from the community that was involved in the camp. The book about Makkabi is of interest because it is another example of an attempt to enhance Jewish identity through organizations.
Henrik Bachner, historian of ideas from Lund and the leading Swedish expert on antisemitism discusses Swedish antisemitism during the second half of the 20th century in his doctoral dissertation Återkomsten. Antisemitismen I Sverige efter 1945. Bachner makes the point that after the Holocaust, there is a new type of antisemitism, an antisemitism that has developed as a consequence of the genocide, and that it is often expressed in relation to Israel and the conflict in the Middle East. Bachner’s work is relevant for this study because of the importance of antisemitism for the Swedish-Jewish identity and because he discusses the Israel-related antisemitism. Bachner claims that after the Holocaust, antisemitism becomes associated with the idea of wanting to evoke a genocide. Since not all antisemitism promotes the idea of genocide, this notion leaves out a great deal of antisemitism that would otherwise be classified as such. It ends up becoming labeled as xenophobic statements and not antisemitism.48 Bachner has also looked at some of the same historical events that occur during this thesis research period (such as the six days war etc.) but where I look at Judisk Krönika, he has studied mainstream books, pamphlets, etc.
produced by and for the majority population. Bachner’s dissertation can thus provide an
46 Fischer 1996, p 211.
47 Fischer 1996, pp 211–212.
48 Bachner 2000, pp 13–14.
understanding of how Swedish newspapers have brought forward criticism against Israel, using anti-Semitic stereotypes and in instances also the Swedish Jews. This is useful because it can show the pressure from the majority in Sweden that is put on the Jews and if it is found in Judisk Krönika.
A similar publication, that sees the Swedish perception and debate about Israel and Zionism is Med skuldkänslan som drivkraft by David Andersson. It focuses on Zionism and the perception of Israel from a Swedish point of view and shows how different public intellectuals such as Jan Myrdal and others, have influenced and changed the debate. The book is an overview, but a lot of focus is on the same period as my research which will prove helpful. Both this book and Bachner's will provide a context and a setting to the different points that I have chosen to examine.
Some books by Svante Hansson will be used as well, in defining antisemitism and anti-Zionism and the history behind them. Hansson’s work is thus mainly used in trying to differentiate the different types of Zionism and how ideology has evolved and to provide the international context.
1.3. Theoretical perspective
The theoretical framework that will be employed in this thesis consists of three main parts. The first concern’s identity and identifying factors. It encompasses everything from the setting, modernity, right down to the individual means for creating an identity. The second part regards the Swedish-Jewish identity as a whole, both as a group identity and on a more individual level and discusses which types of identity that is available for them in the specific Swedish context. Each part is divided into subsections. In the first part, the theory of identity will be presented and motivated as to why it suits this thesis. In the second part, the ability to use these tools of identity will be explained. Lastly, the third part will present the specific Swedish-Jewish identity.
1.3.1 Identity.
Identity in modern times is a choice, a choice from an almost endless buffé of identities. The individual can choose any one identity at any time but can also have multiple identities simultaneously. However, regardless of what the individual chooses there is a catch, the response, and acceptance of the majority surrounding the individual. If the individual’s identity is rejected by the majority, it loses validation. One can claim an identity but if the majority does not accept or acknowledges that identity it lacks validation.
The famous British sociologist Anthony Giddens has developed the type of theory49 that I am going to use to explain identity in the modern world. He claims that the notion of identity in the modern world is always changing and no longer a given fact. He understands modernity in this sense meaning the period the twentieth century and onwards. It includes social forms as the nation-
49 Giddens 1991.
state and capitalism, and the creation of a controlling element and bureaucracy, the rise of organization within the state.50 Giddens stresses that the creation and replacement of tradition in favor of natural and social scientific knowledge create uncertainty about the foundations in both society and natural science. Everything is now open to revision and new findings.51 The rise of modern media and its ability to offer the recipients the possibility of a global experience is also, according to Giddens, of great importance. It is now possible to both create and be part of a larger group over a very large distance, as is for instance the case with the Jewish diaspora and its relation to Israel. As Giddens puts it, “the intrusion of distant events into everyday consciousness”52 is very important.
It enables the recipients of the media outlet to create a familiarity with the phenomenon experienced through the media. Even though it becomes a factor in a person or a group's day-to- day life it can also take on a life of its own. It can create a difference between the real event and the experienced event through the media. When these two realities come into contact, contradictions become obvious. The media thus does not provide an accurate view of reality, it rather creates another form of reality. This does not mean that there are several realities but rather that the media can influence reality very far from actual places and events.53 Identity and self- identification are no longer restricted by the time-space effect, it can change and influence much faster than before. One can talk about a global milieu. Now, for most people in the world, oneself becomes a “reflexive project”54, what this means is that the individual identity now has to be constructed and explored by each individual on their own. This can be attributed to the lack of clear coming-of-age rituals in modern society. Society no longer offers clear boundaries and ready- made identities. Modernity has replaced the smaller communities and their protection of tradition.
Now it is larger and more impersonal organizations that shape identity.55
The individual, we assume, is ontologically aware. He or she knows what they are doing and why. The circumstances surrounding actions and reactions can usually be accounted for by the individual. The behavior is not something that just happens but rather is the result of a longer process.56 This leads to existential questions regarding who we are, who we are in relation to others, and the meaning of our existence. How are personal identity and external reality be understood?57 One key aspect, central to this thesis is that identities are rational – individuals and groups identify themselves in relation to other groups and their members. This process, this social exchange relies on language of some kind. The main point is the expression of the inner self and the inability to properly translate it to other individuals. The point is not to be understood fully but rather
50 Giddens 1991, pp 14–16.
51 Giddens 1991, p 21.
52 Giddens 1991, p 27.
53 Giddens 1991, p 25–27.
54 Giddens 1991, p 32.
55 Giddens 1991, pp 32–33.
56 Giddens 1991, p 35.
57 Giddens 1991, pp 47–48.
understanding how social contact works regarding identity. The keyword here is “faith”58, faith that we can confidently rely on and account for other people’s integrity. It is tied together with social interaction if we cannot depend on the response of others the real world is uncontrollable. All social interaction would be diminished to a constant struggle to create something together, a social community.59 This is important for this thesis in the way that the Swedish Jews constantly have to try and convey who they are and define themselves in relation to the majority. They have to define themselves against a majority that might not fully understand them and their motives, that is why they also have to have the “faith” that Giddens advocates.
One of the most important existential questions is what self-identity is. It is, almost exclusively a person’s self-consciousness. This means that self-identity is not something given at birth, it is something created through thoughts and actions. It is regularly changed, created, reworked, and maintained through reflexive activities.60
This description is valid for the Swedish-Jewish group since they live in modernity. In fact, they live in one nation-state and often, since the establishment of the state of Israel, have ties to another which makes the theory even more suitable. Since it implies a tension and potential conflict between both the Swedish-Jewish group and the majority in Sweden. Furthermore, the idea of the ability to create and own identity is relevant. Some aspects that might mean or result in an “intrusion of distant events into everyday consciousness”61 are such things as Aliyah, the Israel-Palestinian conflict, the role of Hebrew, religious circumcision, and the traditional slaughter of animals. All these factors might not be part of every Swedish-Jewish person’s life but when faced with it in the media it might create an intrusion. This intrusion is done by the Swedish majority, it intrudes in a way that creates conflict. These are also things that might be difficult to convey, to communicate to the majority, something that makes the situation more complicated. Also, the fact that the Swedish-Jewish group has to define itself against the majority surrounding it creates tension as does the fact that some people in the majority neither recognizes the minority status of the Jews nor recognize them as fellow Swedes.
The second part of the theoretical frame regarding identity, in general, will be Albert O.
Hirschmann and his theory of people in exile. The key concepts in his models are “exit”, “protest”
and “loyalty” and they are used to explain the individual’s relationship to different types of communities of people and organizations of various kinds.62 The model was originally constructed to explain economic behavior but has since been expanded to analyze questions regarding identity and inter-group relations and how minorities respond to state actions that affect them. The concept of “loyalty” in Hirschmann’s theory is manifested through speech, writing, action, and so on. This
58 Giddens 1991, p 51.
59 Giddens 1991, pp 51–52.
60 Giddens 1991, p 52.
61 Giddens 1991, p 27.
62 Rosengren 2013, p 15.
means that people more likely are going to protest when their identity is threatened, and their loyalty is challenged.63 Henrik Rosengren has used Hirschmann's model to explain the actions and perception of individual refugees and exiles from Nazi–Germany living in Sweden.64 Some of them were Jews and thus regarded as being foreign, both as Jews and as Germans. Rosengren discusses how they negotiated their German, Jewish, and Swedish identities and loyalties both in relation to Germany and to Sweden. This is highly relevant also for this thesis. Swedish Jews can, depending on their identities and their assessment of the situation chose either “exit”, “protest” or “loyalty”.
65 For instance, facing a ban on circumcision, they can choose to accept the ban and even defend it against fellow Jews, or they can stay but protest, claiming their rights as Swedes and/or as a national minority in Sweden, or they can decide to leave for Israel or another country where circumcision is regarded as self-evident. Hirschmann's model thus makes it possible to systematically study how the Swedish Jews respond to perceived intrusions, to threats against their identity as Jews and how they in these cases might use their Swedish identity as well as the connections to Israel.
Hirschmann's model will be used to classify how the Swedish-Jewish group reacts in Judisk Krönika, which of the three types are exercised, and if it changes regarding different subjects and over time.
1.3.2 Jewish identity, Swedish identity, Swedish-Jewish identity, and Israeli identity.
The second part of the theoretical framework deals with specific Jewish identity and Swedish- Jewish identification. This ties in with the previous part regarding identity but from a more specific Jewish point of view.
In the case of the Jewish people in Europe at the beginning of the twentieth century, Jewish identity was limited by the nation-states and antisemitism. The question was whether or not to accept the Jews as an integral part of the nations and nation-states if they were considered to possible to assimilate or not if the national and Jewish identities were compatible. The strategy from leading proponents of the Jewish communities was to stress that their national identity was the same as that of the majority population – the only difference concerned religion (which was regarded as a private matter). The Zionists of course saw it differently. For them, the Jews were a separate nation, a people in need of a (a nation) state of their own.66 The solution for some Jews was to simply try and not create an internal conflict - they would rather try to create what some have called “bivalence”.67 Bivalence means a “’non-conflicting interlinking of elements selected
63 Rosengren 2013, p 16.
64 Rosengren 2013, p 10.
65 Rosengren 2013, p 17.
66 Rosengren 2007, pp 68–69.
67 Rosengren 2007, p 70.
from two cultures, possessed, approximately, in the same degree and accepted as close to one’s value systems’”.68 The original meaning, stated by Antonina Kloskowska, a Polish sociologist, is that the individual can retain and cherish more than one national culture. It is originally meant to be viewed from the individual’s point of view, but it can be applied to a group perspective. Henrik Rosengren uses it to see how the majority have accepted or rejected attempts to have this
“bivalence”. In the context of being Jewish, it may be more controversial to lay claim to more than one culture.69 When trying to access three cultures, such as the Swedish, the Jewish, and the Israeli, it can be understood as “polyvalence”70. This, according to Kloskowska, means that nationality and ethnicity are clearly defined but that the individual can move between them and transgress the boundaries. However, the boundaries are still there and important but permeable. The individual has the possibility to move between them and their values.71 So, the creation of identity can and will always be chosen by both the individual and simultaneously responded to on a collective level.
The individual lives in symbiosis with the majority surrounding it. This creates the narrative of oneself, a narrative about identity in which both the individual and the group take part in. This narrative is important because it becomes a story about oneself in response to the world. The expression of one’s identity becomes a more active action, it requires a choice to express and choose one’s identity. Identity is not stagnant but rather something that changes and evolves through one’s life.
When dealing with Jewishness and identity several concepts come to mind, such as religion, history, and tradition. Jewish identity, according to halacha, Jewish law defined by “blood” e.g., to have a Jewish mother – Judaism is in this way matrilineal – and Religion. Today, however, some Jewish communities, in Stockholm and Gothenburg for instance, also accept a patrilineal decent, e.g., to have a Jewish father. This definition is strongly opposed by the orthodox and ultra-orthodox Jews. We thus already here see that Jewish identity is heavily contested. Judaism understood as a religion comes in many different forms: liberal, conservative, orthodox and ultra-orthodox, etc.
Being Jewish can also be defined as having or belong to a specific ethnicity, Jews can have an ethnic identity as Jews but also have every possible other ethnic identity – for instance, Swedish.
Jewishness can be defined by language, or rather languages, Hebrew, Yiddish, Ladino, and many others, or a place like Jerusalem.72 The Jewish identity or rather the (often conflicting) multiple Jewish identities can and are highly individual but at the same time very collective. Hardly any Jewish person shares everything with their fellow Jews, but many may share something, and this can become a unifying factor. The central piece of Jewish identity may never truly be one (1) thing, although Judaism plays a role even for Jews who are atheists. There is always a danger when trying
68 Rosengren 2007, p 70.
69 Rosengren 2007, p 70.
70 Rosengren 2007, p 71.
71 Rosengren 2007, p 71.
72 Böhm 1993, pp 41–42.
to define Jewish (and other) identity and that is that both the similarities between the members of the group, their ideas, and customs are exaggerated and the difference to other groups are exaggerated as well. Elements regarded as Jewish might also exist elsewhere. They have just been branded as Jewish because they are expressed both by Jews and in cultural representations of Jews.
A good example could be the overprotecting and worried mothers, a universal phenomenon that has been attributed to Jewish identity.73 Regarding the identity as being Jewish is often combined with the identity of being a minority. As a strategy of trying to fit in the Swedish part of the Swedish- Jewish identity might be stressed, the need to embrace and become more Swedish to prevent accusations of being foreign. The feeling of being a stranger but still a stranger on the inside can become a part of this identity, both as a consequence of personal deliberations and decisions and as a consequence of being questioned by the majority. The surrounding society and its ability to allow and tolerate dual, or even triple identities are also tied together with this.74 Like any identity, the Jewish identity must be cultivated through education, experience, and through embracing it.
otherwise, it can turn into fragmented and fixed defined attributes.75
Lasse Dencik argues that the Jewish existence and identification today (1993) has three cornerstones: religion, ethnicity, and Zionism. Religion is based on the fact that a great number of Jews understand their Jewish identity in religious terms. Many Jews, the majority are not religiously observant, some are atheists but still conscious about being Jews. Regardless, of whether they are atheists, agnostics or religious (reform, conservative, orthodox, ultraorthodox, etc.) Judaism is something they all have to take into consideration and the pressure to do so comes both from within the Jewish group and as a consequence of external pressure.76 Ethnicity means belonging to a specific ethnicity/people. “All Jews belong to the Jewish people.”77, Dencik claims. This is regardless of how much one defines oneself as a Jew or not at all. A Jewish person is part of a specific collective with the same historical experiences, that can be very real such as the Holocaust, or more mythical such as the exodus from Egypt. Regardless, it provides the group with habits and ways that can become identifying factors for individuals within the Jewish group. These factors can be in the form of language, rituals songs and melodies, and food. Historical traumas that are shared by the group can make the members of the group very aware of the collective struggle and destiny of one’s group. This can mean that any individual Jew sees his or her “world through the Jewish experience prism.”78
73 Böhm. 1993, pp 44–45.
74 Böhm 1993, p 45.
75 Böhm 1993, p 46.
76 Dencik 1993, p 49.
77 ”Alla judar hör till det judiska folket.” Dencik 1993 p 49. Dencik knows that is not really true. For orthodox and ultraorthodox Jews, you have to be halachically Jewish to count e.g., either have a Jewish mother or have converted to Judaism (guided by an orthodox rabbi).
78 ” […] ser världen genom den judiska erfarenhetens prisma.” Dencik, 1993, p 50.
The last cornerstone is Zionism.79 almost all Jews have some form of relation to Zionism. This ranges from Jews that are anti-Israel and opposes the state of Israel and its existence to staunch supporters of Israel on different levels. The first category consists of extremist groups, either on the far left or ultraorthodox groups. Individuals in the second category can be “a-Zionists” meaning that they approve of the state of Israel’s existence and its place as a home and refuge for Jews but do not support its political course. There are also conflicting feelings regarding Aliyah, the migration to Israel. Israel and the existence of Zionism is something all Jews have to deal with, both from an internal group dynamic but also as a consequence of external pressure.80 Dencik labels these three parts, this three-way idea of existence, firstly Judaism as religion, secondly the Jewish as a lens through which experiences and events are filtered, and lastly the existence of Israel.
This, according to Dencik, is valid for all understanding Jewish identity in general. All Jews position themselves somewhere in this “Jewish triangle” However the position, can change over time.81 Furthermore, the triangle is a way of describing a generic Jewish identity. In order to understand, for instance, the Swedish-Jewish identity, one more triangle must be added, Dencik argues. This is the understanding of Jewish identity that this thesis will employ with one slight modification, Zionism is attributed to the Israeli identity, but this will be explained below. First, however, the second triangle should be discussed.
Dencik argues that the Swedish Jews have this type of three-way filter but with additional parts, one plus one triangle. These parts focus on, firstly, Swedish citizenship and the rights that follow from it, such as the right to participate in elections but also a feeling of belonging. The second part is “Swedishness”.82 The Swedish Jews not only filter their experiences through a Jewish lens but through a Swedish one as well. This means is that certain Swedish elements are familiar and provide comfort. Such things can be holidays, cultural traditions, and literature.83 The last part is
“secularized Lutheranism”.84 This may seem strange but is self-evident given the fact that Sweden is a Lutheran country albeit a secular one. Dencik’s point is that Sweden, in spite of being one of the most secular countries is also very Lutheran, but in a secular way and this has also affected the Swedish Jews. As expressions of this secular Lutheranism, Dencik mentions, the importance of rationality and the idea that a person’s faith and religious practices are seen as a private matter, something concerning only the individual and God. This also means that religion is understood as solely to do with faith, sola fidei, not with what is done. Religious acts, especially if they clash with what is regarded as rational, is as a consequence of this, regarded as old-fashioned and as an expression of superstition, something that has no place in modern, rational societies like Sweden.
79 Dencik does not specify it but he seems to refer to political Zionism. There are other forms, cultural and messianic Zionism as well.
80 Dencik, 1993, p 50.
81 Dencik 1993, p 51.
82 ”Svenskhet.” Dencik 1993, p 52.
83 Dencik 1993, p 52.
84 ”sekulariserad lutheranism” Dencik 1993, p 53.
This is a significant difference from the Jewish religious practices, that are done in groups and have a much greater impact on day-to-day life.85 It is, to some extent, the difference between orthodoxy and orthopraxy.
Figure 1. The diasporas Star of David.86
Therefore, a six-sided model, a Star of David, is more appropriate for understanding the identity of the Swedish Jews. The sides are: 1)Judaism as religion, 2) Jewishness as a filter, 3) the existence of the state of Israel, 4) Sweden as a homeland, 5) the Swedish as a filter, and 6) secularized Lutheranism. These two triangles together form- “the diasporas Star of David”.87 Every Jewish person lives within these, the only difference is that the American Jews have their “American triangle”, and the French Jews have their “French triangle”. Just as in the case of the Jewish triangle, people move between these points and may position themselves at more than one base at any given time in their lives.88 This model, the diasporas Star of David, as Dencik puts it, will be used in this thesis. The first triangle represents Jewish identity in general, the two triangles together the Swedish-Jewish identity, and the Swedish triangle will serve as a definition of the Swedish identity as well.
The last part of the identity, the Israeli is the easier one but is also complicated. When promoting an Israeli identity, it can concern everything from how things are done “there”, i.e., comparisons favorable for Israel, and positive descriptions of how the customs are in the actual land of Israel, Eretz Israel, to defend Israel and Zionism in various forms.89 In this thesis, Zionism is linked to Israeli identity.
85 Dencik 1993, p 53.
86 Dencik 1993, p 55.
87 “Diasporans davidsstjärna” Dencik 1993, p 54.
88 Dencik 1993, pp 54–57.
89 Eretz Israel means the land of Israel in Hebrew. Ilicki, 1933, p 134.
Zionism is the foundation of modern Israel, the idea was formulated by Theodor Herzl in his book The Jewish state. Here he outlined a state based on modernism, humanitarian values, and traditions all mixed into one. The place that was decided upon was Palestine, which today is the state of Israel. 90 The Swedish-Jewish group that initially, at the beginning of the 20th century showed little interest in Zionism was open to Zionism after the war, the support for it was strong. To some extent, this had to do with the fact that the demography of the Swedish Jewry changed radically because of the Holocaust. Of the 11-13000 Holocaust survivors who came to Sweden, roughly 600 remained, thereby doubling the size of the Swedish-Jewish community.91
The state of Israel is a sort of moral benchmark for Jews in the diaspora. Israel was a new fresh influence after the Holocaust it stood for a living Jewishness which was a new thing, for a future.
It was a negation of the minority status and persecution in Europe and elsewhere, a state of one’s own, reflecting the dichotomy central in Zionism between then and there – defenselessness and persecution in Europe before 1948 and here and now, in a Jewish state with a military force.92 Zionism becomes a gateway but also a gatekeeper for the Israeli identity regarding the Swedish-Jewish group.
Swedish Jews seem to care for Israel regardless of political course, but it also creates tensions.
There is a struggle between having an Israeli identity based on Zionism and remain living in Sweden, as the majority of the Swedish-Jewish group have done. The core of Zionism is, as mentioned above, that the diasporic life is not and cannot be a full Jewish life, that all Jews should live in Israel, so to have a connection and have and express an Israeli identity or aspects of an Israeli identity but still not want to migrate becomes a problem. Israel is thus both a source of pride and, most important a possible refuge, a safe haven if things should get worse in the diaspora but also a source of conflict between Zionist and non-Zionist Jewish and between Jews in general and the majority population. Israel and the relationship to it becomes something that separates the Swedish-Jewish groups from the majority in Sweden.93 So regarding Zionism, it can and will be interpreted as the foundation of an Israeli identity in this thesis, it is more complex, but the connection can still be made.
In my analysis I will use Dencik’s and Hirschmann’s models heuristically, to help me see and systematically analyze the results I get from my Boolean datamining. What this means is that Dencik’s models will be used to see where the Swedish-Jews stand in his “Star of David”, what type of identity is enforced, when, and how. Hirschmann’s model will be used to explain what types of action that are promoted in Judisk Krönika if they fit into the concepts of his model.
90 Carlberg 1993, pp 143–144.
91 Narrowe 1990 & Grosin & Orzolek 2009, p 93 & Sjögren 2001, p 72.
92 Carlberg 1993, pp 148–149.
93 Carlberg 1993, pp 151–152.
1.4. Aim and research questions.
The main purpose of this thesis is to try and identify what type of identities and identifications that are promoted in the leading Swedish-Jewish periodical Judisk Krönika between 1948 and 1988 and to try to discern and explain the continuities and changes identified. To achieve the aim a set of research questions have been formulated:
• What constitutes the Swedish Jewish identity and what does it entail?
• How do the Swedish Jewish group express their identity in relation to the Swedish, the Jewish, and the Israeli aspects?
• Which identity conflicts among Swedish Jews and between the different aspects of the Swedish-Jewish identities can be identified and how are they resolved?
• What changes and what remains the same in the Swedish-Jewish identity/ies?
The questions direct the attention to the active creation of an identity, how this is promoted, and through which actions.
The questions are designed to try to understand collective identity, how do the Swedish Jews understand their position in regard to their “double” and in some cases a “triple loyalty”.
The study covers the cold war, a period that includes all the larger wars that Israel has fought, (1948, 1956, 1967, 1973, 1982). It begins with the establishment of the Jewish state in 1948, the year after the cold war commenced, and ends in 1988. Given the fact that the conflict in the Middle East generates both legitimate criticism of the State of Israel and its actions and anti-Semitic attacks, this should ensure that both the defense and criticism of Israel will show up in the sources.94 This period in history has made such a mark outside of the local context of the Palestine–Israel conflict, that the world took notice. This is useful for me because of the bond that the Swedish-Jews have or are perceived to have with Israel. In these times the groups’ collective identity regarding “loyalty”
might be questioned, that is why this time frame is chosen. The study ends with the cold war which is also about to end.
The period studied also covers most of the Folkhemmet, the people's home era as well as a strong society (det starka samhället) a concept coined by Social Democratic prime minister Tage Erlander to describe the expansion of the welfare state in the 1960s. it was a period when Sweden was “a model to the world” something that affected the understanding of Sweden and Swedishness but also meant a modernization that demanded and promoted unity in all fields of life. Folkhemmet was not in conflict with the Swedish-Jewish minority, but it did emphasize Swedish exceptionalism and
94 Bachner 2000, p 42–43.
the kind of rational secular Lutheranism that Dencik mentions, something that might have created tensions for those who did not want to conform to all modern ideas. At the same time, Jews were granted exceptions, for instance when it came to education. When a uniform educational system for mandatory education was introduced (1947, 1962 completed 1972), the Swedish Jews were given the right to start a school of their own, Hillelskolan in Stockholm(1955).95
The second reason this period is interesting when discussing Swedish-Jewish identity is the warm relationship between the Swedish and Israeli Social Democratic. Israel was governed by the Labor party from 1948 and until 1977 and Sweden had Social Democratic governments from 1932 to 1976. Israel was in Sweden referred to as “the people’s home in the desert”. Young Swedes went to Israel and worked on kibbutz. In the Middle East conflict, Sweden sided with the Jewish state, although the start with the assignation of count Folke Bernadotte in Jerusalem in 1948 caused some friction, and the close ties between the two countries remained intact until the six days war in 1967 and the shift in Swedish foreign policy that occurred during the 1960s and resulted in a more critical stance against Israel and strong support for the Palestinians, a development that affected Swedish Jewry and its relationship to Sweden. 96
Finally, a note on definitions. The difference between antisemitism and anti–Zionism might be a problem, they are very similar and share a lot of characteristics but are not synonyms.97 I will provide a definition of antisemitism in a later chapter. but it is important to mention them early in the text because it is an important distinction between them.
1.5. Sources
The source material used in this study is the most important of the Swedish-Jewish publications, Judisk Krönika ¸The Jewish Chronicle. It is not only the most important of the Swedish-Jewish journals but also an important part of the Swedish media landscape in general. The readership is primarily Jews, but the Journal is open for subscription to anyone, and non-Jews publish regularly in the journal. It is thus both a Jewish voice and an arena for the majority of Swedes and Swedish Jews to meet and interact, something that makes it ideally suited as the source for a study of Swedish-Jewish identity. Furthermore, it is also used for announcements, for calls by Jewish communities and organizations, it has an editorial that addresses topical Jewish issues, there are letters to the editor, articles about Israel, debates, and so on. Thus, it contains all kinds of material relevant for the study of identities. Some people and organizations appear more frequently and are more prominent in the discussions than others and will therefore be named and introduced but since I am more interested in the identities as such, the individuals are not that important.
95 Magnusson 2017, p 18.
96 Andersson 2017, p 20 & Bachner 2000, p 84.
97 Hansson. 1986, p 74–75.
Judisk Krönika started in the 1930s. it was created to discuss political problems regarding the Jews in Sweden, to educate them in Jewish matters, and also to try and counteract the negative stereotypes of Jews.98 In the first number it is stated:
“Judisk Krönika is a common-Jewish-political journal, that will depict different sides of Jewish life in the past and the present, as well as a journal that is up to date, that will address the problems, that directly and indirectly concern Judaism.99
It started as and have remained a journal by Jews but not exclusively for a Jewish audience. The publication is still in print today. It describes itself in the following way “our ambition is to be part of the Swedish culture and at the same time safeguard the Jewish.”100 During the period studied, it is explicitly stated to be a mouthpiece of Zionism. Even David Ben-Gurion goes as far as saying that Judisk Krönika has done a lot to spread the knowledge about the Israeli people’s struggle.101 The idea of reaching out to all the Swedish Jews was important. The goal was to spread information and promote an idea of loyalty towards Israel and the building of the state. This was done by working together with Jewish organizations that funded such projects in Israel.102 The idea of Israel as a place for the Jews to return to is present in articles dealing with how to “bring home the exiles.”103 The idea of a triumphant return to a homeland for the Jews is promoted.104The idea of a specific Jewish duty towards Israel is stressed in Judisk Krönika, it focuses on what the individual Jew in Sweden can and should do for Israel. This is tied together with older Jewish traditions such as charity work and giving thought to one’s actions during the past year. This can be connected to an idea of providing for Israel, the state takes the form and shape of someone in need.105 From now I will refer to Judisk Krönika as JK.
I will provide a description of a rather typical issue JK, to show and explain how it is
constructed. The different issues might differ in shape and size, both between them but also over time but the issue described still gives a reasonable general understanding of the content.
There was a second Jewish journal during part of the time studied, Judisk Tidskrift, Jewish Journal, but it ends in 1964 which makes it less suitable for my study. Furthermore, writers who contributed to Judisk Tidskrift also wrote for Judisk Krönika, among them the Zionist historian Hugo Valentin.
Judisk Tidskrift was established by Marcus Ehrenpreis, the then chief rabbi of Stockholm, who also was a Zionist. The difference between the two journals was thus not primarily ideological. Initially,
98 Sjögren 2001, pp 11–12.
99 ”Judisk krönika är ett allmänt. judiskt-politiskt organ, som skall skildra olika sidor av judiskt liv i forntid och nuet, samt ett aktuellt organ, som skall ta ställning till de problem, vilka direkt eller indirekt beröra judendomen.” JK 1 May 1932 p 3.
100 Om oss (About us). Judisk Krönikas Webpage.
101 Sjögren 2001, p 87.
102 Sjögren 2001, p 92.
103 ”hemföra de landsflyktiga” Sjögren 2001, p 114.
104 Sjögren 2001, p 114.
105 Sjögren 2001, pp 117–119.
