Callmer, Johan
Fornvännen 1980 (75), s. 203-212
http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/1980_203 Ingår i: samla.raa.se
Debatt
Numismatics and Archaeology: some problems of the Viking Period
This is no reply to Linder Welin 1977. T h e main aim of this essay is to d u c i d a t e the question of the Eastern coins found in Viking graves: their earliest occurrence and econo- mic significance. A secondary aim is at least to suggest the character of possible Eastern contacts before the Viking Period. We shall also comment on the difficulty of dating the coins.
It seems important to start by stating that the author himself cannot dassify Oriental coins and is consequently restrided to dassi- fications made by others.
First and foremost as regards the question whether Western coins antedate Oriental coins in Seandinavia we must not forget the rare but important sceattas ( R i b e ) . Linder W d i n ' s assertion (1974 p . 24) that a great number of hoards contain Oriental coins which antedate the Western coins must be treated with caution. Among her examples (1974 p. 24 note 6) the Scanian find inclu- des only two coins ( H å r d h 1976 p. 3 6 ) ; S H M 5653 is a stray find of two cAbbäcid dirhams (Stenberger 1947 p . 105); S H M 3045 is a small hoard with only seven coins terminus post quem A.D. 802) (ibidem p.
6 9 ) ; S H M 8212 includes only one dassifiable coin of three coins in all) (ibidem p . 3 8 ) ; S H M 9818 A is not a hoard but a burial find (Arne 1934 p . 7, Callmer 1977 a p. 145).
Outside Seandinavia there is little if any evidence in the hoard material of the pene- tration of Oriental coins to Northern Europé before c. A.D. 800 (Kropotkin 1978). T w o hoards come to mind but both are poorly illuminated finds (Kropotkin 1971 nr 29 and nr 157). / / the present author's theory is correct the Charlemagne coins may also
antedate or be contemporary with the earliest Oriental coins (e.g. Moksnes, Callmer 1977a p. 126).
It is evident that neither archaeology nor numismatics could function in isolation and cooperation is recommended in treating the burial finds with Oriental coins. Although this must be an evaluation, we judge the evidence of find combinations to be of primary importance for dating. It is a gross misunderstanding to bdieve that many arte- facts are dated exclusivdy by coins. T h e validity of horizons of similar find combi- nations in the Viking Period has been recog- nized since the days of J a n Petersen.
I n a recent work the present a u t h o r h a d occasion to compare the evidence of combi- nations with the evidence of simple coin dates (Callmer 1977a p p . 76-7, 1 6 8 - 7 0 ) . It could be observed that dirhams used as true coin pendants, with the exception of Birka, hardly appear before the lOth century
(ibidem pp. 159, 170). Moreover dirhams occurring in burial finds often are very old.
This is better to solve the question of when the Oriental coins found in graves reached Seandinavia by establishing horizons of simi- lar find combinations, if possible with strati- graphic supporting data, giving absolute dates with the help of the låter coins present in the combinations than by direct recource to the coins dates. Indeed it seems as if the problems of the earliest Oriental coins are best tackled via the hoard material. It is not interesting per se to certify that an Oriental coin was struck at a certain date. T h e cardi- nal issues are where, when, how and why it was used. I n order to approach these questions the local dates of the latest use
of the coins must be established. I n our opinion our theory that the stray burial finds with early Oriental coins should be viewed against the background of numerous early coins in the ninth century hoards is plausible. Neverthdess our explanation is not wholly valid, mainly because there still seem to be too many early coins in late finds.
It is justified in this connection to scruti- nize the problem of the age of the coins in the graves. O n e way to comprehend the dichotomy between the nominal dates of Oriental coins and the dates of the finds is of course to study finds with more than one datable coin. Twelve of the Birkagraves1
were analysed, which demonstrated that the average nominal difference in time exceeds one hundred years. Similar differences pre- vail in Eastern Europé (Potin 1971 p. 72).
A few burial finds apart from those from Birka also show wide divergences ( S H M 9818, SSM gravf. 94.-A80 Spånga, U U M 5912, L a n g d a n d s M . Stengade CC) while three burial finds from Sweden and Eastern Prussia (Scandinavian) have minor diffe- rences between the nominal dates of the earliest and latest coins ( S H M 21589, S H M 25997:1, ex Prussia M 111:258:1197:29). It may be of interest to note that these three finds all date from the first half of the lOth century.
O u r next step will be to study the remain- ing problem of the difference in time bet- ween the nominal terminus post quem and the date of the composition of individual sets of ornaments (Callmer 1977a pp. 170-1).
W e shall examine the relationship between the nominal terminus post quem and the early demarcations of, chronologically rele- vant stages of the Viking Period (cf. Call- mer 1977 a Chapters IV, V I I I ) in 61 burial finds at Birka containing Oriental, West- European, Byzantine and Scandinavian (the chronology sensu Malmer 1966) coins.2 We may state that the difference in time between the nominal terminus post quem and the demarcations in the case of Oriental coins generally is about 100 years. T h e difference in time in the case of West-European and Scandinavian coins is approximatdy twice as
great. Byzantine coins appear too seldom to allow any statement or comparison.
We may here c o n d u d e that very considcr- able differences exist between the nominal dates of Oriental coins, and that Oriental coins are generally much older than West- European and of course also Scandinavian coins in Viking graves.
If we look at the Oriental coins from Birka with a nominal date which can be stated within 25 years (cf. Sawyer 1962 p.
176) some periods are obviously better repre- sented than the average. T h e periods A.D.
776-800 and A.D. 801-825 have representa- tions which slightly exceed and more than double the average. T h e period A.D. 901-25 has a representation more than triple the average. These maxima closely agree with the maxima for nominal dates in the hoards.
T h e maximum during the period A.D. 7 7 6 - 825 is dependent on the very intensive minting during the reign of Caliph a r - R a s i d (A.D. 786-809). It has been suggested that coins minted in this period were never with- drawn but continued to dominate the coin stock of the Eastern Caliphate even in the area of circulation of the dirham in Northern and Eastern Europé for much of the ninth century (Fasmer 1925 p. 269). T h e second maximum derives from the intensive minting in the eastern provinces of the Caliphate administered by the Samanid dynasty during lhe first three decades of the lOth century (Janin 1956 p. 122).
It has been suggested that the strong repre- sentation of early coins among the dirhams found in Scandinavian graves of the Viking Period was dependent on the high frequency of early coins in the coin stock of the early hoards in Northern and Eastern Europé
(Callmer 19776 pp. 180-1). Capelle (1968 p. 17 sqq.) and Jansson (1970 p. 31 sqq.) both tried to reläte the coin-stock of the Viking hoards with coins found in graves in order to define the temporal distance between the nominal and the actual date of the coins in their find context. This stand- point must be understood to mean that lhe coins appearing in the graves were actually derived from the coin-stock of the hoards.
Debatt 205
This must however be considered an hypo- thesis.
We shall now proceed to examine the coins of 38 more or less a c c u r a t d y dated graves at Birka3 in order to study the rela- tionship between the coin-stock represented in the graves and in the hoards. In order to accomplish this comparison we here use the (p. 6) chronological stages elsewhere propo- sed by the present author. T h e period BP 11/
I I I is represented by one Idrlsid dirham.4
Idrisid dirhams seldom occur, apart from stray specimens, in hoards with a terminus post quem låter than the beginning of the 840's. T h e most probable date of the coin in the context of the hoards agrees fairly closely with the date in the grave context.
BP I V is represented by one Sassänian coin, one Omayyad, and five cAbbäsid dirhams.5
This body of coins also yields rather good agreement between the coin-stocks of the hoards and the burial finds although we could also expect to find one Tähirid or Saffärid dirham. But when we turn to the following period, corresponding to BP I V or V H - V I I - V H or V I I I the agreement is not satisfadory. This period is represented by one Omayyad, one cAbbäsid, one Tähirid and one Samanid dirham.6 Hoards with a terminus post quem låter than the first decade of the lOth century generally include some 90 % Samanid dirhams. BP V I I I is represented by three cAbbäsid and three Samanid dirhams7 which gives a better repre- sentation of Samanid dirhams but apparently the coin-stock of the grave finds differs somewhat from that of the hoards. It is characteristic that the single coin represent- ing BP V I is an cAbbäsid dirham.8 Sixteen grave finds could not be more accuratdy dassified than BP V I - X I I .9 T h e coins found in these graves include three Omayyad, eight
cAbbäsid, one Tähirid, one Saffärid and 11 Samanid dirhams. Samanid coins are no more numerous here but cAbbäsids are cer- tainly less well represented. T h e heavy pre- sence of Omayyad coins is remarkable.
With lhe six finds unquestionably datable to BP I X which include one Omayyad and seven Samanid d i r h a m s1 0 we reach a better
agreement between the dynastic composition of the coin-stocks of the burial finds and the hoards. T h e Samanid dirhams were however, with few exceptions struck before A.D. 930.
BP X I I is irregularly represented by two
cAbbäsid and one Samanid d i r h a m .1 1 O u r conslusion must be that the coin-stocks of the burial finds and the hoards are of similar although hardly identical composition for the greater part of the ninth century. During the first half of the lOth century there is little or no correspondence. T h e number of ninth century and earlier coins is much greater in the burial finds than in the hoards.
In the second half of the lOth century, at least temporarily, there is a doser likeness between grave finds and hoards, although mainly with the hoards from the first half of the century. As we know, late Samanid dirhams reached Seandinavia in very small quantities only. We may state that there is little reason to reläte coins found in graves diredly to the coin-stock represented in the hoards.
A peculiarity of the coin-stock represented in the graves is the heavy presence of Eastern Omayyad dirhams. As we have made clear elsewhere, the Omayyad dirhams constitute a considcrable part of many ninth century hoards (Callmer 19776 pp. 1 8 0 - 1 ) . It is of great interest to note that hoards with ter- mini post quem i n d u d i n g the third quarter of the ninth century, which contain an average or excessive representation of Omay- yad dirhams, came to light in Sweden, i n d u d - ing Åland, and on the Volga R o u t e .1 2 Conse- quently it is probable that these Omayyad dirhams reached Seandinavia during the first half and the middle of the ninth century along the Volga route. It is interesting to note a very strong representation of Omayyad dirhams in a burial ground from the late eighth or ninth century in the U d m u r t i a n ASSR (Janina 19626, Goldina 1970 pp. 9 1 - 3 ) . Hoards with a more southerly location have with few exceptions inconsiderable numbers of Omayyad d i r h a m s .1 3 We must now turn to the question of the character of the stock from which the coins found in the graves were derived.
Fornvännen 75 (1980)
It has been suggested that minting of Scandinavian coins started ca. A.D. 825 in Schleswig-Holstein ( M a l m e r 1966 p. 209).
It is surdy not too böld to interpret this minting as a phenomenon d i r e d l y connected with the prosperity of Hedeby and perhaps also of Ribe at that time. T h e minting may be regarded as motivated by commercial transactions rather than by taxation of land.
Consequently we may assume that commer- cial transactions in Schleswig-Holstein a n d Southern J u t l a n d could be so complicated that coins were constantly needed. It is highly significant that we do not find coins of this minting in hoards in Seandinavia un- til the lOth century and with a single excep- tion not earlier than the 940's (Malmer 1966 p. 202 T a b . 33). This observation seems to suggest that these Scandinavian coins were part of a coin-stock which for a considcrable period had few if any connections with the coin-stock of the hoards. Oriental coins may also have been part of this presumed coin- stock. I n fact they probably dominated it. It is likely that a coin-stock was accumulated for practical reasons during the second quar- ter of the ninth century and perhaps a little låter. E x a d l y at this time and up to the middle of the 860's we find the termini post quem of the majority of the finds which are rich in Omayyad dirhams. T h u s we may assume that from c. A.D. 825 to the middle of the ninth century a coin-stock adapted to complicated transactions in a well developed trade system was built up. This system was most probably used mostly in the major trading centres.
T h e emergence of the Scandinavian mint to supplement coins of foreign origin has parallels in the East with similar trade systems operating. Both the Chazarian (By- kov 1971, p. 26 sqq.) and the early Volga- Bulgarian (Fasmer 1926 p . 29 et seqq, J a - nina 1962 p. 192) minting has the same character. It is interesting in these cases to note the dependence of these mintings on foreign patterns.
T h e commercially motivated coin-stock remained largely unchanged for about a century although stray specimens of Samanid
dirhams may have occurred from c. A.D. 900.
This siability could be considered proof of the efficiency of the system. Not until BP V I I I are the Samanid dirhams more frequent. From this period onward the coin-stock was continuously supplemented with Samanid dirhams. T h e old part of the coin-stock continued to play a major role for a long time to come. Only in BP I X do we encounter a clear dominance of Samanid coins. Scandinavian coins from the early stage of the late minting are also included in the coin-stock in the mid lOth century (Arbman 1943, graves Nos.
735, 738, 847, 943, 968). This late Scandi- navian minting appears to differ from the early one. This time Scandinavian coins a p p e a r in the hoards fairly rapidly. T h e upper time limit of the existence of this presumed coin-stock is difficult to fix. It is possible that it outlived the lOth century for it is only c. A.D. 1000 that Anglo-Saxon and German coins start to appear frequently in burial finds. In Eastern Europé dirhams are still found in graves throughout the l l t h century (several examples in Potin 1971 pp.
7 6 - 1 1 8 ) . During the second half of the lOth century this system certainly existed p a r a l l d to other n o n - m o n d a r y and perhaps also monetary systems in Seandinavia.
T o sum up we think that there existed during the Viking Period a fundionally mo- tivated coin-stock which is not identical with the coin-stock of the hoards. We believe that the coins which appear in the graves were derived mainly from this and not from the coin-stock of the hoards. This coin-stock we think functioned in a well balanced exchange system. T h e paralysed multitude of coins in the hoards seems in many cases to be an exponent of a different and less well balanced exchange situation. Probably in that situation prestige rather than economics motivated one of the partners. T h e occurrence of hoards may generally be attributed to the failure of two different sides to conform in an exchange situation.
T h e period of optimal function of this
"Scandinavian" coin-stock may well have been the period from the middle of the ninth Fornvännen 75 (1980)
Debatt 207 to the second third of the lOth century.
Using other premises Bolin argued that this period was of prime importance for North- European trade in Viking times (Bolin 1939).
At the end of this period we m e d pheno- mena of instability, the most important of which is the occurrence of n o n - m o n d a r y hack-silver. A certain connection between the weights of these hack-silver fragments and coins is probable, first with the dirham
(ca. 3 g) and låter with the West-European pennies (ca. 1—1.5 g) (Kiersnowski 1956 p. 238, Lundström 1973 p. 8 1 ) . It has been suggested that n o n - m o n d a r y hack-silver was introduced and regularly used as early as the beginning of the lOth century ( H å r d h
19766 pp. 135—7). T h e very few, prima facie reliable, finds with terminus post quem earlier than A.D. 940 weigh very light in comparison with the väst majority of hoards with n o n - m o n d a r y hack-silver with a termi- nus post quem A.D. 940 or laler. Among South- and West-Scandinavian (i.e. from Norway, Denmark and the Swedish pro- vinces Bohuslän, Halland, Skåne and Ble- kinge) hoards comprising n o n - m o n d a r y hack-silver and i n d u d i n g more than ten i n t a d datable coins with a terminus post quem A.D. 900-929 we may note Grimestad
(Skaare 1976 p. 138), Bräcke ( H å r d h 1976a find nr 4 0 ) , O p p m a n n a (ibidem, find nr 108) and Sandvik (Sarauw & Alin 1923 p . 339). Among hoards from lhe same area with terminus post quem A.D. 930—939 we may only cite Teisen (Skaare 1976 p .
130) and Halmstad (Slottskvarnen) ( H å r d h 1976a, find nr 19) T h e find from Pålstorp (ibidem, find nr 112) may include one German O t t o coin. T w o hoards have a terminus post quem A.D. 940-949: Terslev
(Skovmand 1942, find nr 11:45) and Ronn- vik (Skaare 1976 p. 173) T h e find from Bovlund may certainly be låter since it com- prised 2 Buwaihid dirhams. T h e number of finds from the second half of the century is overwhelming.
T h e situation before the arrival (in large numbers) of West-European coins, with the point of gravity among the Oriental coins in the Samanid dirhams struck during the
early decades of the lOth century i n d u d i n g the early years of Nasr b. Ahmad's reign (to ca. A.D 933), certainly poses considcrable problems for the dating of hoards. T h e decline of Oriental silver circulating after A.D. 933 is connected with the so-called silver crisis in the Caliphate (Janin 1956 p . 128 e. s., Davidovic 1959 p. 38 sqq, Fedorov- Davydov 1962 p. 186 sqq.) and it is probable that the most striking conseqences of this crisis were in the Barbarian periphery of the Caliphate. These changes of major economic conditions should not be forgotten when treating the economic development also of Northern Europé. T h e occurrence of the n o n - m o n d a r y hack-silver proper should be seen against the background of the monetary hack-silver which appeared earlier and which is well known from the Caliphate (Lewicki
1952 p. 225 e. s., Stepkovå 1956 p. 300 e. s.) T h e occurrence of the non-monetary hack- silver is primarily motivated by a deficit in monetary silver. T h e development in the second half of the lOth century of exchange systems with monetary and n o n - m o n d a r y silver is highly complex, as suggested above, certainly i n d u d i n g different levels. It will not be treated here.
A diagnostic feature of the unstable eco- nomic situation from the 930's onward is the frequent appearance of weights in the find- material of Northern and Eastern Europé.
Weights and scales are not unknown earlier but the introduction of the spherical weights with flattcned poles as gravegoods is syn- chronous with the instability of the Samanid coinage after A.D. 933. Not one of the nume- rous finds of weights and scales listed by Hatz (1974 pp. 110-4) could be dated earlier than ca. 930.
Another important factor, possibly poli- tical, results in a certain check on the flow of Oriental silver to Seandinavia. There is also a notable change in the centre of gravity of trade material found from Western to Eastern Seandinavia which may have meant problems of reorganization (Callmer 1977a p p . 162, 175-6)^
There is however a small group of finds with non-monetary hack-silver with a possible
Fornvännen 75 (1980)
date of deposition in the first third of the lOth century (see above). This small group includes the finds from Grimestad, Teisen, Sandvik and Halmstad. They are all located in the vicinity of the Oslo fjord and Swedish Westcoast area. T o this group we may perhaps attribute the finds from Bräcke and
(more controversial) O p p m a n n a . T h e rela- tion of the find from Kättilstorp (Widéen
1955 p. 81) to this group is uncertain but should be considered. In this connection we may remember the shift in the centre of gravity of long-distance trade from Western to Eastern Seandinavia in this period. It is thereby possible that these western finds indicate an exchange system in the shadow of the better balanced older (and at that time Eastern) system.
T h e concept of different spheres of valua- tion put forward by the author (Callmer
19776 p. 181) may explain minor devia- tions in time but will not suffice to account for the whole phenomenon of differences in dates described above.
T h e segmentation of the economy of the Viking Period, however, seems to be w i d d y agreed although its character is differently appreciated (cf. O d n e r 1973, Keller 1976).
T h e integration of silver in everyday trans- actions at the subsistence level seems im- probable in Seandinavia prior to ca. A.D.
1000 (cf. Kiersnowski 1956 p. 247).
T h e boom in trade and exchange, of which the appearance of the Oriental coins is one of many manifestations, and the emergence of sovereign states make the Viking age one of the most dynamic and important periods in the development of Seandinavia. T h e importance of long-distance trade for the development of states is stressed by several authors ( e . g . Callmer 1977a pp. 178-9).
Believing this to be the major achievement of the Viking Period in Seandinavia we are greatly concemed about the evolution of long-distance trade in the Viking Period and its true dimensions of which the Oriental coins are an outstanding source-material.
It is notable that a clash of opinions on datings similar to that between Welin and the author has recently been prominent in
East-European archaeology. We are here concemed with the question of the dating of the Brody-Nevolino complex. Early datings based diredly on coin dates (Erdélyi et al.
1969 pp. 5 0 - 1 , 8 2 - 3 ) were critidzed for their lack of a p p r e d a t i o n of the fact that coins may be old and very old at deposition
(Kovalevskaja & Krasnov 1973 p. 282). A comparison between the two different appro- aches discussed above shows late dates for the method with recognized strata of find combinations (ibidem pp. 2 8 3 - 4 ) . T h e date suggested for the complex in question is seventh-eighth century (ibidem p. 286, Gol- dina 1970 Table A (second half of the seventh century to first half of the ninth century), Ambroz 1973 p. 298 (c. A.D. 6 8 0 - 690 to the middle or the second half of the ninth c e n t u r y ) ; see also Kovalevskaja 1969).
Kovalevskaja and Krasnov (1973) stressed the importance of combinations in their treatment of the chronology of the burial ground at Nevolino. T h e construction of a simple combination graph for the different types of artefacts allows discernment of three groups which may be supposed to be chronologically valid. These are one early, one late, and one intermediate. I n an ana- lysis of belt mounts Kovalevskaja is able to indicate the lack of imported Siberian mounts which can be dated to c. A.D. 800.
This observation makes a dating to the eighth century very plausible (Kovalevskaja
& Krasnov 1973 pp. 286-7 and Kovalevskaja 1972 p. 108). T h e connections between Ne- volino and the two famous burial grounds Polom I and Mydlan Saj are also studied and yield the same indications (Kovalevskaja
& Krasnov 1973 p . 286).
Goldina (1970) sought to clarify the chro- nology of the Lomovatovo culture in the basin of the Karna river using a number of scientifically excavated burial grounds in- d u d i n g that at Nevolino. T h e basis of this analysis comprised a carefully devised dassi- fication system for the artefacts found in the graves. T h e relationships are valued accord- ing to a statistical formula (Goldina 1970 p . 95 sqq). This method was also successfully applied to the problem of dating Medieval Fornvännen 75 (1980)
Debatt 209 Finds of belt mounts of
Brody-Nevolino type.
nomad graves in South-Eastern Europé (Fedorov-Davydov 1965, 1966a, 19666, 1970). Goldina's analysis also includes a far- reaching comparative study with commen- taries on the entire East-European and West-Asian material.
It is interesting to note, also in this ma- terial from other parts of Eastern Europé and Asia, a considcrable number of coins which were apparently very old when they were deposited. This suggests that a coin- stock similar to that sketched above was fundioning earlier along the Volga Route than in Seandinavia.
These datings are highly significant as indicating, inter alia, the beginning of the Saltov-Majaki complex (typical phase) must derive from the late eighth century or per- haps even a little earlier than A.D. 800. In the Saltov-Majaki complex and contemporary cultures we encounter dirhams, several of which are of early minting (c. f. Andrae 1975 p. 155, Arne 1935 pp. 188-9, J a n i n a 19626).
Moreover the Brody-Nevolino material mentioned above may be relevant to our understanding of early Scandinavian con-
tacts with the East. T h e belt mounts charac- teristic of this complex are found from Gamla Uppsala in the west to Tomsk in the east with frequent occurrences in Western Finland and the Basin of the Karna river (see Fig. 1; the m a p is based on Ambroz 1973 and Kivikoski 1973; the m a p is in- complete for the Kama-Vjatka region). T h e ultimate South-Easteuropean origin of these types of mounts is evident and they probably reached the Baltic as a result of trading along the Volga route which presumably carried north-south traffic already in the seventh century (Lescenko 1971 pp. 18—21;
cited after Bulkin & Lebedev 1974 p. 12).
In an attempt to define these early contacts we suggest that by reason of ancient east- western Communications in North-Eastern Europé between the Finno-Ugric peoples Finland became involved during the eighth century in the developing trade systems on the Volga north-south route (c. f. H a c k m a n 1938 pp. 186-8, Kivikoski 1939 pp, 113-4, 241-2, Vilkuna 1965 p. 86, Meinander 1973 pp. 149-50). In all probability, however, no Oriental coins accompanied these Eastern
Fornvännen 75 (1980)
b e l t s w i t h m o u n t s . N e v e r t h d e s s o t h e r E a s t e r n m a t e r i a l , e. g. b e a d s , m a y o c c u r s o m e w h a t e a r l i e r in F i n l a n d t h a n in S e a n d i n a v i a p r o - p e r a l t h o u g h t h i s q u e s t i o n n e e d s t o b e f u r t h e r d u c i d a t e d . S c a n d i n a v i a ' s m a j o r e x c h a n g e a r e a s t o t h e east w e r e i n t h e e i g h t h c e n t u r y F i n l a n d a n d t h e B a l t i c s t a t e s a n d n o t f u r t h e r east.
A d d e n d u m
T h e following corrections to Fig. 1 in Callmer 19776 are necessary. Nr 3 on the map is Nr 4 in the key. Nr 8 on the map is the locality Mokajmy-Söjki ( e . g . Storchnest), district of Gdarisk, Poland (Markov 1910 pp. 110-1). Nrs 59, 60 and 74 are outside the map, whereas Nr 72 is on the map.
Notes
• Arbman 1943, graves No. 83A, 644, 707, 731, 834, 886, 943, 954, 967, 1057, 1151,; grave No.
750 as omitted for obvious reasons.
1 Arbman 1943, graves No. 29, 66, 306A, 306B, 465, 508, 517, 526, 557, 632, 639, 644, 646, 707, 738, 750, 764, 834, 835, 837, 838, 844, 847, 943, 954, 963, 964, 965, 968, 978, 1010;
S H M 1304:1844:20:7, S H M 8238:2, S H M 9818, S H M 15413:20, S H M 16557:1, S H M 19464:7, S H M 19802:4, S H M 19926, S H M 21589, S H M 25840:59:2, S H M 25840:59:3, S H M 27361:2;
G L M 7171; U O C 5305-6, 5357-9, U O C 7541-7, U O C 9426-34; H M B 6228, H M B 7761; T A M 17-24, T A M 14060, T A M 18198; N M K C 1820, N M K C 4273 seqq., N M K C 6192 seqq.; ex- Prussia M. (Königsberg) 111:258:1197:29, gra- ves No. 125 in Kiev, B:l at Zaljuvscik, 6 : V I I I at Zaozer'e, X I V at Hittola, and grave C X V I I at Vachrusevo (Callmer 1977A pp. 169-70).
» Arbman 1943, graves No. 83A, 99, 187, 197, 306B, 457, 465, 4 7 1 , 475, 517, 524, 550, 581, 632, 639, 644, 707, 731, 750, 777, 832, 834, 835, 838, 843B, 844, 886, 943, 954, 957, 964, 967, 977, 1010, 1053, 1057, 1081, 1151.
4 Arbman 1943, grave No. 457.
s Arbman 1943, graves Nos. 83A, 550, 632, 639, 1151.
• Arbman 1943, graves Nos. 99, 524, 1010, 1081.
7 Arbman 1943, graves Nos. 834, 838, 843B.
8 Arbman 1943, grave No. 844.
• Arbman 1943, graves Nos. 187, 197, 465, 471, 475, 581, 707, 731, 750, 777, 886, 957, 964, 977, 1053, 1057.
" Arbman 1943, graves Nos. 306B, 517, 644, 832, 835, 967.
11 Arbman 1943, graves Nos. 943 and 954.
«• Callmer 1977B hoards Nos. 4, 6, 10, 12, 13, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 30, 3 1 , 32, Kropotkin
1971 hoard No. 124, Markov 1910 hoard No.
313 (Russia); T h e exceptions are Callmer 1977B hoards Nos. 14, 29, 36.
11 T h e exceptions are Callmer 1977B, hoards No.
9, 28, 34 and Kropotkin 1971 hoards Nos. 12, 76, 92.
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Fornvännen 75 (1980)
Sammanfattning
Med syfte att få en klarare uppfattning om dens myntstockar. En hypotetisk funktionell osäkerheten i myntdateringar, särskilt date- myntstock kan ge en förklaring till de iakt- ringar baserade på orientaliska mynt, av tagna skillnaderna. Problemen med date- gravfynd från vikingatid göres en genomgång ringar av gravfynd med mynt ges en vidare av ett större antal skandinaviska gravfynd, belysning genom ett östeuropeiskt exempel.
Gravfynd med mer än ett mynt synes all- Genom detta exempel erhåller också frågan mänt visa på ett tidsavstånd på ca 100 år om karaktären av Skandinaviens östliga för- mellan prägling och sista förvärv. En kvali- binddser före vikingatiden sannolikt en rik- tativ analys av myntfynden visar en betydan- tig belysning.
de skillnad mellan gravfyndens och skattfyn-
Fornvännen 75 (1980)
