Exemption of religious clerics
14. Political affiliation
Freedom of political expression
14.01 The United States State Department ‘2012 Human Rights Report: Eritrea’, published on 19 April 2013, stated:
‘The government came to power in a 1993 popular referendum, in which voters chose to have an independent country managed by a transitional government. This government did not permit the formation of a democratic system. The government twice scheduled elections in accordance with the constitution but cancelled them without explanation. An official declaration in 2003 asserted that, “in accordance with the prevailing wish of the people, it is not the time to establish political parties, and discussion of the
establishment has been postponed.” Government officials also stated that
implementation of the constitution was not possible until the border demarcation with Ethiopia was final.’ [3b] (section 3)
14.02 The ‘Freedom in the World 2013’ report, published by Freedom House on 16 March 2013, explained that:
‘Eritrea is not an electoral democracy. Created in 1994 as a successor to the EPLF, the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) is the only legal political party.
Instead of moving toward a democratic system, the PFDJ government has become harshly authoritarian since the end of the war with Ethiopia.
‘A new constitution was ratified in 1997, calling for “conditional” political pluralism and an elected 150-seat National Assembly, which would choose the president from among its members by a majority vote. However, this system has never been implemented, as national elections planned for 2001 have been postponed indefinitely. The Transitional National Assembly is comprised of 75 PFDJ members and 75 elected members. In 2004, regional assembly elections were conducted, but they were carefully orchestrated by the PFDJ and offered no real choice to voters. The PFDJ and the military, both strictly subordinate to President Isaias Afwerki, are in practice the only institutions of political significance in Eritrea.’ [9] (Political Rights and Civil Liberties)
14.03 The Bertelsmann Stiftung Transformation Index Eritrea Country Report 2012, published in 2013, stated that:
‘There are no associations or interest groups permitted which are independent of the PFDJ. The party claims to be the sole organization representing the interests of all societal groups and has suppressed the emergence of independent civil society
organizations. Local elders remained highly respected by the general public and acted as mediators in conflicts between various societal groups, such as in land conflicts, but remained barred from intervening in political affairs.’ [89] (Section 5)
Freedom of association and assembly
14.04 The United States State Department ‘2012 Human Rights Report: Eritrea’, published on 19 April 2013, stated:
‘The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of assembly and association; however, the government restricted these rights in practice. For some public gatherings, the government sporadically required those assembling to obtain permits. Gatherings of more than seven persons without prior approval, with the exception of events such as weddings, funerals, and religious observances, were subject to investigation unless the gatherings appeared to be social in nature or
occurred in the context of meetings of government-affiliated organizations. Gatherings appearing to be political or religious in nature were subject to government interference.
‘Freedom of Association. The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of association; however, the government did not respect this right in practice.
‘The government did not allow the formation of any political parties other than the PFDJ.
It also prohibited the formation of associations except those with official sponsorship.’
[3b] (section 2b)
14.05 The United States State Department ‘2012 Human Rights Report: Eritrea’, published on 19 April 2013, stated: ‘Membership in the PFDJ, the only legal political party, was not mandatory; however, some categories of individuals, particularly those occupying
government positions, were pressured to join. The majority of citizens were occasionally convoked to attend political indoctrination meetings irrespective of PFDJ membership.’
[3b] (section 1f)
Opposition groups and political activists
14.06 The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) ‘World Factbook’ section on Eritrea, updated on 13 August 2013, lists the names of various opposition groups and the names of their leaders:
‘Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP) [HAGOS, Mesfin]; Eritrean Islamic Jihad or EIJ (includes Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement or EIJM also known as the Abu Sihel Movement); Eritrean Islamic Salvation or EIS (also known as the Arafa Movement);
Eritrean Liberation Front or ELF [ABDULLAH Muhammed]; Eritrean National Alliance or ENA (a coalition including EIJ, EIS, ELF, and a number of ELF factions) [HERUY Tedla Biru]; Eritrean Public Forum or EPF [ARADOM Iyob].’ [1]
14.07 The Asmarino report, ‘Mesfin Hagos steps down as chair of EDP’, dated 9 April 2009, stated that Mesfin Hagos resigned from his post as head of the Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP) in April 2009. The Central Council of the EDP elected Tesfamichael Yohannes to be the new head of the party. [68c]
14.08 The International Crisis Group report, ‘Eritrea: The Siege State’, published on 21 September 2010, provided an analysis of the political opposition:
‘Political debate and pluralism have rarely flourished in Eritrea: briefly in the late 1940s;
as part of the underground nationalist movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s; and then even more briefly in 2000-2001. The EPLF [Eritrean People’s Liberation Front] is the product of a splinter opposition movement to the then-dominant ELF. The civil war between the ELF [Eritrean Liberation Front] and EPLF confirmed in the minds of its leadership that there was no room for debate and dissent in the vortex of violent
competing nationalisms and in the face of the powerful Ethiopian enemy. Therefore, the EPLF permitted no other liberation front to operate within the country, just as it accepted no disunity within its own ranks. Once driven into Sudan in 1981 and then scattered into European and North American exile, however, the ELF spawned a range of movements that opposed the EPLF from abroad. While some fighters and factions rejoined the EPLF in the late 1980s, the rest remained firmly outside the political fold.
‘There consequently has always been a broad opposition outside the country, ranging from branches of the ELF; to ethnocentric ‘liberation’ organisations (notably Kunama and Afar); to new parties fronted by former EPLF leaders and other dissidents in exile.
These remain divided. Some advocate constitutional, negotiated transition and thus a degree of engagement with the EPLF; others call for renewal of armed struggle. There are also starkly different perceptions of the regime, whether as a Tigrinya dictatorship or a manifestation of Christian hegemony. Thus, there are sometimes sharp
disagreements between Tigrinya highlanders in exile - especially those associated with the armed struggle - and Muslims - especially those from or purporting to represent the lowlands. There are likewise disagreements over leadership and structure.
‘No legal opposition party or broad opposition movement exists - yet - in the country.
Hostility to the government is manifest in silent, fearful, brooding disengagement from the state and tacit withdrawal of support from the ‘tegadelay’ [“EPLF fighter” (Tigrinyan)]
generation. Yet, despite the deep disillusionment and low morale, overseas opposition parties are regarded somewhat sceptically. Ordinary citizens are not yet persuaded that any of them would significantly improve their lot. Many believe the leaders of some of these movements are cut from much the same cloth as the president and are at the least unsure of their democratic credentials…the only opposition movement of any
significance which operates inside Eritrea, at least part of the time, is Eritrean Islamic Jihad (EIJ), an armed, radical Islamic front. Founded in the early 1980s, it enjoyed the support of both the Sudanese government and Osama bin Laden in the 1990s. It continues to operate covertly at a relatively low level in the western lowlands and northern mountains. Until the recent thaw in relations with Sudan, Asmara regularly accused Khartoum of providing support and bases to enable it to cross the remote border with ease. Despite the low-level of its activities, EIJ has potential to tap into the alienation of young Muslims, who are increasingly aggrieved at state interference in Muslim institutions, land alienation, the economic domination of highlanders (especially in the western lowlands), the state’s refusal to recognise Arabic as an official language, the lack of Muslim representation in the upper echelons of the political and military leadership and the recruitment of Muslim women into the army.’ [18a] (pages 12-13) 14.09 Young Eritreans living abroad have organised themselves and have formed political
organisations, such as the Eritrean Youth Solidarity for Change (EYSC). The EYSC website, accessed on 12 August 2013, stated that: ‘EYSC was formed in the midst of the Arab Spring that was sweeping countries in North Africa and the Middle East. In February of 2011, a few individuals decided to take advantage of this phenomenon and the power of cyber technology such as Facebook and Twitter to organize Eritreans online. Membership of EYSC’s Facebook group quickly rose to 10,000 and created unprecedented opportunities for all pro-democracy Eritreans to get to know each other and work together.’ The EYSC website explains that its mission is to:
‘1. To awaken the fighting spirit of the Eritrean youth, revamp the Eritrean national pride, and channel it toward the establishment of a democratic government that respects human rights.
‘2. To defeat the PFDJ’s pro-dictatorship network world-wide.
‘3. To help remove dictator Isaias Afeworki and the remnants of his dictatorial regime from power.’ [96]
14.10 A CNN news report, ‘Eritrean Youth are at it again: Massive Demonstrations planned in Eritrea on May 24’, dated 9 April 2012, reported on a mass protest organised by
Eritrean youths living abroad:
‘A coalition of Eritrean Youth all over the world are planning massive nationwide
protests against the regime of Isaias Afewerki, who has clinched to power for 21 years.
Eritrean Diaspora are organizing for support within Eritrea by disseminating flyers in Eritrean bars, schools, and restaurants and also using "Robo-calls" to an estimated 10,000 Eritreans…The group Eritrean Youth Solidarity for Change (EYSC) which boasts 11,000+ members has organized a campaign inside Eritrea called "Arbi Harnet" which translates to Freedom Friday. The Freedom Friday Campaign calls upon the people inside Eritrea to protest dictatorship by emptying the streets of Eritrea’s cities every Friday after 6 PM…Eritrean opposition youth movements around the world are
coordinating major demonstrations on May 24 [2012] in order to bring down the regime of Isaias Afewerki. Coalition groups include, but are not limited to: Popular Movement for Democracy and Justice, May 24 – Eritrean Youth Movement, EYC-EYSC NA Interim Board, Eritrean Youth Movement for Change.’ [44]
See also Political system; Women - political rights; Annex B Political Organisations;
Human Rights Institutions, Organisations and Activists.
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