STOCKHOLM UNIVERSITY
Department of Economic History and International Relations Master’s thesis in International Relations with specialization in GPE Spring term 2021
Student: Tove Andréasson Derner Supervisor: Camilla Elmhorn
A True Delivery Hero
A qualitative analysis of the feminization of on-demand food
courier work in Sweden
Keywords: The Swedish Gig Economy, Food Courier Work, Reproductive Labor,
Abstract
The past decades of globalization have seen striking changes in labor markets. The altering labor markets have resulted in a growing so-called ‘gig economy’, underpinned by neoliberal policies and characterized by global patterns of flexibilization, informalization, precarization, and feminization. The gig economy involves a variety of activities, and one such example is on-demand food courier work. Examining how two food delivery companies in Sweden construct, and create narratives around, food courier work, the purpose of this thesis is to understand how precarious working conditions are maintained in the Swedish gig economy. A theoretical framework based on feminst theories about reproductive labor, gender division of labor, feminization of labor as well as invisible labor is used to answer following research questions; how can we understand the precarious working conditions characterizing on-demand food courier work in Sweden from discussions concerning feminization of labor?; and how is on-demand food courier work constructed around gendered ideologies? Through a combined qualitative content and narrative analysis, material from two multinational food delivery companies, Foodora and Wolt, are analyzed. Two themes are identified; the curse of feminization and masculinizing food delivery. In the first theme, I found that in the cases of Foodora and Wolt, feminization is legitimized through the companies’ narrative around the work as a maintenance of the ‘real’ labor force, as leisure, and as the perfect flexible job. In the second theme, I found that despite the fact that food courier work is feminized in its labor standards, Foodora and Wolt use masculinized rhetoric to address (migrant) men as the desirable worker. This study highlights the downgrading of reproductive work in contemporary societies, and I argue that food courier work is not conceptualized as a ‘real’ job. This thesis thus contributes to existing literature on reproductive labor where it is argued that food courier work should be understood as a part of this sphere of work. It is also a contribution to the literature on feminization of labor where it is argued that masculinity plays an important role in altering (feminized) labor markets.
Abstract 2
1. Introduction 4
1.1 The Gig Economy 4
1.2 The Case of Sweden 6
1.3 Purpose & Research Question 7
1.4 Disposition 8
2. Previous Research 9
2.1 Informalization and Precarization 10
2.2 Reproductive Work 11
2.3 Precarious Work, and the Swedish Gig Worker 13
3. Theoretical Framework 16
3.1 Intersectionality as an Analytic Sensibility 16
3.2 Work and Labor as Analytical Concepts 17
3.2.1 The Definition of Work 17
3.2.2 Invisible Labor 18
3.2.3 Feminine versus Masculine Coded Work 21
3.3 Concluding Remarks 23
4. Methodology 23
4.1 Case Selection 24
4.2 Merging Qualitative Content Analysis and Storytelling 25
4.4 Operationalization 27
4.5 Critical Discussion on Source Material 29
5. Not a Real Job: Results from the Empirical Analysis 31
5.1 The Curse of Feminization 31
5.1.1 The Downgrading of Food Courier Work 31
5.1.2 Food Courier Work as Leisure 33
5.1.3 Re-conceptualizing Flexibility 36
5.2 Masculinizing Food Delivery 42
5.2.1 The Right Man for the Job 42
5.2.2 Becoming a True Delivery Hero 47
5.2.3 Food Courier Work as an Opportunity 51
6. Conclusion 57
6.1 Concluding Discussion 57
6.2 Recommendations for Further Research 61
1. Introduction
1.1 The Gig EconomyIn Sweden, an employee at the platform-based food delivery company Foodora make 70 Swedish Crowns (SEK) per hour on weekdays, 90 SEK per hour on the weekends, and additionally 20 SEK per delivery1 (Rinman, 2020; Wallén, 2020). This is almost half of
the median salary of the lowest paid occupational group in Sweden which is about 130 SEK. They work on demand, and must quickly respond to the orders on the app, otherwise they risk losing the job to another Foodora-courier (Rinman, 2020; Wallén, 2020; Ternby, 2021). This type of labor, referred to as ‘gig work’, can be understood as a result of neoliberal globalization, where the breadwinner-model of the post-World War II-era (stability and attachment to one firm) is changing. In general, contemporary labor markets are becoming more precarious, with a weakening bargaining power as well as declining wages and growing inequality (Benería, et al. 2015:136, see also; Vosko, 2010; Williams, 2014; Eriksson, 2018). These changes need to be contextualized within wider processes of globalization, which is a broadly used term, associated with both positive and negative changes. Those in favor of globalization, talk about the eternal benefits of economic growth, whilst the more critical voices point at growing inequalities. Irrespective of one’s opinion on globalization, one cannot deny that the past decades of globalization have seen striking changes in labor markets, and that these changes are highly gendered (Benería, 2016). As globalization has proceeded, the labor market has become more flexible, and the people concentrated in insecure forms of labor have multiplied. In association with this development, inequality has increased and the class-based society stayed intact, though more complex (Standing, 2011:7).
This thesis is located in current feminist scholarship of precariousness within the altering labor market. While the definition of the term ‘precarious’ is debated, most scholars agree on the understanding of precarity as a lack of security and/or stability (Standing, 2011; Vosko, 2010; Gore & LeBaron, 2019). Although precarious labor is often framed as a novelty, feminist scholars continously highlight the fact that (racialized)
1In February 2021, Foodora and the Swedish labor organization ‘Transportarbetarförbundet’ settled a
collective agreement which goes into effect from the first of April 2021 which will affect future wages (Svenska Transportarbetareförbundet, 2021).
female workers have historically been (and continues to be) exposed to precarious working conditions (see for example Mies, 1998; Eriksson, 2018). However, as a result of the feminization of labor, precariousness is no longer limited to women’s work (Benería, et al. 2015; Standing, 2011). Feminization of labor has a dual meaning and refers both to the increasing number of women participating in the paid labor market, and the increasing trend of flexible types of jobs which historically has categorized women’s work. The race to the bottom2has made some jobs traditionally held by men more similar
to those traditionally held by women, that is jobs with poor working conditions and low wages (Benería et al., 2015; Standing, 2011). Feminized labor thus illuminates an informalization of employment, where a growing number of women and men converge to precariousness and insecurity, that is, temporary, part-time or other forms of non-standard employment. The line between the informal and the formal economy has thus become blurred, which have led to a normalization of working conditions which previously were unacceptable within the formal economy (Benería et al., 2015:146; see also Standing, 2011). Feminist scholars have also pointed to the connection between the rapid growth of women’s participation in the labor market in the global North and precarious work among immigrant women, in the form of an increased demand of reproductive labor (Benería et al., 2012:7). However, this trend is increasingly seen for immigrant men as well (Gallo & Scrinzi, 2016; Standing, 2011) which further points at a changing labor market.
This thesis departs from feminst theories, and the choice to approach food courier gig work from a gender perspective is multiple. Firstly, food delivery relates to social reproduction as it substitutes previous unpaid housework (Huws, 2019:19). Secondly, the precarious working conditions that characterize food courier work closely relates to the concept of feminization of labor. Thirdly, within the Global Political Economy (GPE) scholarship, more attention should be placed on gender as a central factor in the relation between globalization and changing labor markets. Gender is a systemic manifestation of institutionalized codes, rules and norms. Further, gender is ‘relational’ which means that it involves masculinity as much as femininity, displacing the tendency of gender being primarily about women (Peterson, 2010:18-19). Most research on reproductive work and
2Cambridge Dictionary: “a situation in which companies compete with each other to reduce costs by
precariousness has been made on jobs such as au pairs, and domestic workers, however, I argue that the understanding of reproductive work must be broadened in line with changing labor markets. Due to trends such as feminization of labor, reproductive work no longer solely applies to the traditional understanding of care work i.e. caring for children and elderly, but must include other tasks that relate to the housework i.e. food delivery. Further, due to growing trends of feminization of labor and the fact that a majority of the food courier workers are men, it is important to ‘bring back men’ to the gendered analysis of precarious work.
The growing trends of informalization, flexibilization, and feminization, in combination with technological changes, have resulted in new forms of precarious employment, one such example is the so-called gig economy or platform-based economy. There is no official definition of a gig job, however, the Swedish initiative GigWatch (2021a) points at six common denominators that characterize a typical gig job; (1) it is coordinated through an app (2) workers are not guaranteed hours of work (3) the workers are not employed by the company (4) workers need to self-fund some, or all, of the needed work gear (5) the work is marketed as an extra-job and, (6) the work is marketed as flexible. Gig work is divided into ‘crowd work’ and ‘on-demand work’, where the former relates to tasks made virtually, via the internet, and the latter is tasks made locally, often including a physical meeting (Hunt & Samman, 2019; De Stefano, 2016). In this thesis, the focus will be on on-demand work because of its homogenous character, and that it generally refers to service-related tasks (although it may also be forms of clerical work), as such it is typically characterized by less-skilled and less-remunerated work (Hunt & Samman, 2019:8, see also De Stefano, 2016) and hence, more precarious. Further, on-demand work is understudied, and little research is done on the gendered aspects of this type of work (Hunt & Samman, 2019:8). The gig economy is an evident case of the flexibilization of the labor market and further strengthens the concerns about a growing pattern of an increasing amount of people ending up in precarious working and life conditions.
1.2 The Case of Sweden
The term ‘precarious employment’ is relatively absent in the Swedish political debate, however, that does not mean the absence of the phenomenon (Jonsson & Nyberg,
2009:194). In recent years, the Swedish media has reported about poor working conditions and low wages for on-demand food couriers (see for example Wisterberg, 2017; Sinclair & Sundström, 2020; Rinman, 2020). In interviews with workers from the food delivery company Foodora, interviewees explain how the environment is very stressful. For example, workers reveal that they need to keep a fast pace to be able to deliver in time, and during some shifts that have been extra stressful, workers fell with their bicycles several times per work shift (Rinman, 2020). A majority of the Swedish food couriers are foreign born men (Weidenstedt et al., 2020:7-8). It is thus important to illuminate how stereotypical ideas of both masculinity and femininity contribute to the increasing precariousness which is experienced by, what Standing (2011) defines as, an emerging dangerous class. This thesis explores if we can understand the gig economy’s precarious conditions as a result of a growing feminization of labor.
Sweden’s labor standards are based on the so-called ‘Swedish model’, and an equal relation between actors in the labor market, that is, employers, employees and the unions. There is no minimum wage, instead, wages and conditions are decided through negotiations in self-regulatory forms, and the social responsibility is put on these actors rather than on the state (Söderqvist, 2016:64). Despite the Swedish model, the gig economy in Sweden has evolved during the last decade, with low or no intervention from labor organizations. I thus argue that Sweden is a particularly interesting context to study, as it is considered, both nationally and globally, to be a country that cherishes equality and the rights of workers which most certainly is connected to the strong Swedish welfare state and model (see for example Bildt, 2013; Kommunal, 2016). Favorable and fair working conditions are even declared by the Swedish Government to be a human right (Regeringen, 2018). It seems to be a ‘new’ informalized economy developing on the side of the formal economy, almost as in a parallel universe, where precarious working conditions are the default. To better understand this default, I aim to investigate how work is constructed in this parallel but connected economy.
1.3 Purpose & Research Question
As noted, the gig economy has developed during the last decade, and is underpinned by neoliberal policies and characterized by global trends of flexibilization, informalization, precarization, and feminization. A majority of food courier workers in Sweden are
immigrant men, and therefore it is important to acknowledge men’s role as a part of the process of the feminization of labor, and incorporate them into the gender analysis of work and precarity. Examining how two food delivery companies in Sweden construct, and create narratives around, food courier work (see chapter 4 for case selection), the purpose of this thesis is to understand how precarious working conditions are maintained in the Swedish gig economy. This thesis departs from feminist theoretical discussions concerning work and how work historically has been seen as productive (coded masculine) or reproductive (coded feminine), and starts from the assumption that food delivery is an extension of reproductive work. The research questions are as follows:
● How can we understand the precarious working conditions characterizing on-demand food courier work in Sweden from discussions concerning feminization of labor?
● How is on-demand food courier work constructed around gendered ideologies?
The research problem will be targeted through a combined method of qualitative content and narrative analysis. Material from two multinational food delivery companies, Foodora and Wolt, which operate in the Swedish gig economy will be examined. The material which will be analyzed is texts and videos from the companies’ websites.
Precarious labor conditions are not a new phenomenon, however, through the gig economy it has taken new dimensions. By investigating on-demand platform work, new understandings of precarious work are brought to the research field. The findings from this study will thus contribute to the gender literature of reproductive labor, and the broader theme of precarious work, reproductive work, feminization of labor, intersectionality as well as how work is infused with gendered ideologies.
1.4 Disposition
The first part of the thesis is theoretically orientated, and begins with an overview of previous research within the research field of precarity and reproductive work. Previous research on the Swedish gig economy is presented and discussed in relation to the gender literature on precarious work. The chapter thus serves to both situate the research problem with existing literature, and to lay the foundation of the theoretical framework.
Thereafter, I move on to develop the analytical framework, focusing on intersectionality as an analytical sensibility, and work and labor as analytical concepts. In the third chapter, I attend to the methodological section and the chosen method, namely a combined qualitative content and narrative analysis. The chapter also includes a discussion on operationalization of the theoretical framework. Subsequently, the empirical analysis follows. The first part of the analysis addresses the first research question focusing on food courier work’s feminized character. The second part of the analysis concerns the second question, where I focus on the understanding of how food courier work is constructed around gendered ideologies. The final part of the thesis includes a conclusion which aims to compile the main finding of the study, answer the research questions, and propose ideas for further research on the gig economy.
2. Previous Research
In recent years, the Swedish media have frequently reported about poor working conditions of on-demand food couriers in Sweden. Much of the focus has been put on the multinational company Foodora, who have been criticized for their low wages, and inhumane working conditions (Rinman, 2020; Wallén, 2020; Ternby, 2021). The title of a recent article in Dagens Nyheter (DN) pinpoints the phenomenon: “The food delivery workers that everyones sees, but no one knows” (Ternby, 2021, my translation). In the article, (male) workers state that they have had difficulties finding qualified jobs, and are therefore compelled to stay at Foodora even though their working conditions are poor. “They do not treat you like a human being”, says a worker in an interview with DN (Ternby, 2021, my translation). These working conditions closely relate to a growing concern about increasing precarity in global labor markets. The working experiences of food couriers must therefore be understood as an increasing social concern, and should be carefully investigated in relation to global patterns of the labor market.
The theoretical framework is inspired by previous scholarship on gender and precarious labor. As such, in this section, I aim to map out previous feminist scholarship on precarious work, before turning to the theoretical framework. This chapter begins with a presentation of relevant previous research on the informalization and precarization of the economy, and how that has affected contemporary labor markets. Thereafter, we turn
to previous feminist literature on reproductive work. Finally, previous research on Swedish gig work will be situated in relation to a critical feminist understanding of precarious work as both a gendered, and racialized process.
2.1 Informalization and Precarization
One important aspect to the discussion on precarious work is how the rhetoric around work has changed with neoliberalism. The earlier societies of Fordism, which can be defined as a “paradigm of regimented but well-compensated work”, was challenged by neoliberal ideas of flexibility, creativity and empowerment (Ming Curran, 2020:2668). This shift is what scholars refer to as the informalization of labor markets, and can be recognized in the growing precarization of the formal labor market, where an increasing number of workers are self-employed, part-time- or temporarily employed (Benería, 2016:151). Studies on the informal sector during the 1970s and the 1980s illuminated that informal types of employment were limited to low-income countries. The informal sector and the formal sector were depicted as two different economies developing independent of each other, where the former was characterized as backwards and inefficient, and the latter as modern and productive. With modernization and industrialization, the informal sector was assumed to wither away as the formal sector would “expand and absorb most informal activities and the associated working population” (Benería, 2016:151). This prediction failed, and by the 1990s there was instead a growing trend of informal employment within the formal sector. Since then, a growing number of workers have ended up in unstable forms of employment (Benería, 2016:152). Therefore, the growing precariat must be understood as a result of an informalization of the formal economy. Precarious jobs lead to vulnerability and poverty which, of course, is not a new phenomenon. However, with the deregulation of labor markets, global competition and increased flexibility it has “taken on new dimensions” (Benería, 2016:161).
Predictability and stability are two factors necessary for an endurable work life, and the precarious class lacks both. Precarious employment is characterized by the limitation of professionalization due to the lack of possibilities to “improvement in depth of competence and experience” (Standing, 2011:29). Precarious employment thus describes “insecure employment, jobs of limited duration, minimal labor protection but also no sense of career, no sense of secure occupational identity and few entitlements to
the state and enterprise benefits” (Standing, 2011:30). The capitalist society must therefore be seen as a system that “fosters a way of living based on competitiveness, meritocracy and flexibility” (Standing, 2011:30). In capitalist societies, the discrimination against disadvataged groups is solved “superficially” through “the embrace of the impartial ‘free’ market” (Ming Curran, 2020:2668). Interconnected with this discourse is the hierarchical rhetoric around people in the labor market, where certain skills, bodies and practices are more valuable than others (Ming Curran, 2020:2669). The gig economy may thus be seen as a result of a growing trend of informalization and precarization of formal labor markets.
2.2 Reproductive Work
The idea of reproductive labor originates from the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, and refers to the difference between the productive work of producing goods, and the reproductive work of maintenance of the labor power necessary for the productive work (Duffy, 2007:315). As mentioned in the introduction, the departure point of this thesis is that food delivery is an extension of reproductive work i.e. the maintenance of the labor force. As such, this part of the thesis contains a discussion of how feminist scholars have defined reproductive work, and how it has changed over time. It will then move forward to show how social reproduction theory has been used in previous research to make sense of precariousness on the labor market.
During the 1970s, the meaning of the concept was developed by feminst scholars who wanted to highlight and include previously invisible work in the home - women’s unpaid housework (Duffy, 2007:315). Feminist economists have likewise pinpointed the fact that mainstream economic models do not include unpaid housholdwork in their models. That is, within the capitalist system, work and labor has a patriarchal bias and refers solely to productive work despite the fact that women have been responsible for producing and maintaining the surplus-value-generating labor (Mies, 1998:46). Moreover, feminist scholars have pointed at women’s continued responsibility of unpaid household work, which has disadvantaged their access to the paid labor market and resulted in women being restricted to low-paid and low-status jobs that reinforces the subordinated relation between men and women (Duffy, 2007:315). In recent decades, however, unpaid housework is no longer a sufficient definition of reproductive work.
Two trends have affected the concept; the increasing number of women participating in the paid labor market, and a growing visibility of the role of paid workers within the reproductive sphere. As such, the concept of reproductive work has been broadened, including both unpaid and paid work (Duffy, 2007:316). During the 2000s, an intersectional approach to the concept was increasingly applied, which resulted in the understanding of a racial division of reproductive labor. This racial division of labor illuminates the hierarchical relations between workers within the reproductive sphere, and develops the idea of an asymmetric relation between men and women, including also race and class (Duffy, 2007:316). A feminist reading of social reproduction can be summarized as relating to the following aspects: the biological reproduction of species, the reproduction of the labor force, and the reproduction of provisioning and caring needs. These definitions all relate to the global gender order i.e. how gender both shapes, and is shaped by, societal hierarchies (Bakker & Gill, 2003:33).
Turning to literature on social reproduction within the gig economy, not much research has been conducted on the subject. The empirical studies that have been made on the relation between gender and the gig economy have been made on women. One example is an intersectional study of platform-based food delivery in the U.S, where Milkman et al. (2020:1) investigates the experiences of white working class women engaged in the food delivery sector. They found that the female food couriers expressed that they enjoyed the work as it enabled them to “make use of their previously unremunerated shopping and food preparation skills” (Milkman et al., 2020:2). In other words, they enjoyed getting paid for their previous unpaid reproductive work. Most women expressed that they enjoyed the work due to the possibility of having control over the scheduling. Some women even argued that workers got addicted to creating their own schedules and that they rather put up with poor working conditions than be tied to a 9-5 working schedule. One woman said: “You can treat them like slaves”, referring to what people can put up with as long as they can control their own schedules (Milkman et al., 2020:7). The fact that the workers especially valued flexibility so that they could prioritize the family over paid work illuminates how it enables the platform companies to “continually ratchet down pay levels and intensify exploitation” (Milkman et al., 2007:14). In the study, food delivery is understood as closely related to reproductive
work as the tasks performed by the workers in the study includes shopping groceries, and because a majority of the workers were women. Delivering food in this case closely relates to on-demand food courier work in Sweden in that it substitutes previous unpaid labor, it is flexible and it is poorly-paid.
The theoretical framework applied in this thesis departs from discussions in the previous research on reproductive labor. It builds on ideas about how this sphere of work is constantly undervalued which explains why it is characterized by low wages and poor working conditions (which will be further discussed in the chapter on theory).
2.3 Precarious Work, and the Swedish Gig Worker
When investigating ‘on-demand’ work within the gig economy, one must ask the question; who is the gig worker? As discussed in previous sections, men are increasingly entering a feminized and precarious labor market, however, it is pivotal to emphasize that this is not just men in general who end up in this sector. To make a proper and holistic analysis of the Swedish gig economy, one must apply an intersectional lens on the platform based food delivery service. Within the previous literature on precarious work, scholars have highlighted the importance of incorporating a post-colonial perspective to understand who ends up in precarious forms of labor and who gets excluded from national welfare. Particularly, scholars have illuminated the importance migrant workers play in the maintenance of reproductive work, which makes them socially important actors, yet their work is generally characterized by precariousness (see for example Gutiérrez Rodríguez, 2013; Williams, 2014; Eriksson, 2018).
The fact that migrants play an important role in food courier work is illuminated in a study by Weidenstedt et al. (2020). They examine the incentives for choosing a gig job, and who the gig worker in Sweden is, through 34 qualitative interviews with food couriers at Foodora, Uber eats and Wolt (Weidenstedt et al., 2020:7-8). They found that there was a similarity in the extraction of the workers as well as similarities in possibilities in the labor market but a variety in age. More than a half of the interviewees had immigrated from Asian countries such as Pakistan and India (Weidenstedt et al., 2020:37). Out of the 34 interviewees, solely two workers were women. The reason that the distribution in terms of gender was not more equal is because this distribution reflects reality. The amount of women who are engaged in food courier work is very low
(Weidenstedt et al., 2020:36). Further, the educational level differed but they found that more than 50 % of the participants had at least three years of university education. Based on the interviews, it appeared that they particularly were unsatisfied with the management and the transparens of the platforms as well as the limited engagement and care from the platform companies. Several of the participants in the study reveal the difficulties to find a job and thus see the gig job as a ‘buffer’ until another job opportunity appears. Other participants reported that they worked part-time as food couriers, either as a complement to studies, combined with another part-time job or aside from working on starting their own business. Overall, a majority of the participants argued that the gig job was a temporary solution until they could get another main occupation (Weidenstedt et al., 2020:7-8). Although I do not aspire to conduct an interview study, this study is important for this thesis as it lays the foundation of what we actually know about the Swedish gig workers.
The fact that migrants tend to end up in precarious working conditions have been emphasized by several researchers. Scholarship on gender and precarity highlight how post-colonial (feminist) theories offer useful anlaytical entry-points for making sense of global power relations (Eriksson, 2018:6). In her study on precarity in the EU labor market, Gutiérrez Rodríguez (2013:197) uses the concept of ‘coloniality of power’ to analyze how migration policies are characterized with social hierarchies by examining the effects of categorizing and classifying people into different legal statuses. She found that the EU does not explicitly classify people based on race but uses a “classification logic that produces different degrees of inclusion or exclusion to citizenship reminiscent of technologies of colonial othering” (Gutiérrez Rodríguez, 2013:197). In other words, EU migration policy is based on colonial thinking, where migrants from former European colonies are required a Visa to enter the EU as well as fulfill requirements set by migration laws. If they do not fulfill these requirements, they risk being denied an entry and hence fall into the dehumanized status of illegal worker characterized by precarious and exploitative working conditions (Gutiérrez Rodríguez, 2013:198).
Gallo and Scrinzi (2016), too, highlights the impact that restrictive immigration policies have on different groups of migrants, and specifically the effects of differentiating groups based on the criteria of nationality, gender and education. Schrover
and Maloney (2013:7) note that besides the categorization of migrants as either labor, colonial, refugee, or family, categories such as gender, race, ethnicity, class or religion also determine the working and living experiences of migrants. Categorization can be defined as “the grouping of individuals into collective entities that come with rights (or the denial thereof)” and is crucial in analyses of work and migration as it is used by states to either deny or grant rights (Schrover & Moloney, 2013:9). Similarly to Schrover and Moloney (2013), Gallo and Scrinzi (2016) illuminate the role of the states, and how it distinguishes between citizens and migrants, as well as between different groups of migrants. Interconnected to the distinguishing of migrant groups is the rhetoric of some migrants as ‘good’ and others as ‘bad’ as well as ‘useful migrants’ or ‘unuseful migrants’ (2016:86). This rhetoric may be seen as a result of institutional actors’ usage of a utilitarian discourse around needed versus not needed migrants. In France, for example, post-colonial migration has been labeled as ‘chosen migration’, and in the UK, Eastern European migrants have been labeled as ‘good for the economy’. Contemporary racism is partly based on these images of different migrant groups which has resulted in the construction, and exclusion, of “the racialized Other” (Gallo & Scrinzi, 2016:86-88). Williams (2014:14), points at the importance of examining the racialized factors which are intertwined with reproductive labor, and discusses how the racial division of labor explains the role of ethnic minorities in the reproductive sector in the global North. Migrant workers have been used in the process of commodifying reproductive work, she argues, and that this is true in both liberal and social democratic states (Williams, 2014:16). In Sweden, for example, statistics from 2014 show that about 39 % of assistant nurses are foreign-born, and 46% among people working as personal assistants (Williams, 2014:19).
Previous research on gender and precarious work has developed over time and provides theories, perspectives and concepts to the research field. The studies I refer to in this thesis concern different contexts, countries, and research objects that together provide a holistic understanding of the altering labor markets, and of the people who end up in precarious work. As such, the theoretical framework I use in this thesis is based on these previous studies and literature, although constructed and customized to be applied to the Swedish gig economy. In particular, I will bring the following theories and concepts to
the theoretical framework; an understanding of a gendered and racialized division of productive and reproductive work, the concept of feminized labor, as well as the connection between migration and precarious work.
3. Theoretical Framework
The purpose of this study is to gain more knowledge about precarious working conditions in the Swedish gig economy. The theoretical framework is thus based on previous research from feminist scholars, and further devloped to suit this theis research questions and purpose. In this chapter, I present how work and labor will be adopted as analytical concepts. Furthermore, I present how these concepts are used in order to understand how precarious conditions are maintained in on-demand food courier work as well as how food courier work is constructed around gendered ideologies. Based on discussions in previous sections, it is clear that an intersection lens is fruitful for conducting a rich study of gender and precarious work As such, intersectionality will be used in addition to labor and work.
3.1 Intersectionality as an Analytic Sensibility
To get a holistic picture of food courier work and its poor labor standards, one must carefully investigate how precarious working conditions not only relate to gender but also to other categories such as class, nationality or migration status. As such, I understand work, labor and precariousness as related to a societal hierarchical order that can only be recognized through an intersectional lens.
The idea of using intersectionality as an analytic sensibility is based on Erikssons’ (2018:13) work, in which she states that intersectionality informs her reading of how inequalities are connected to the categories of gender, class, race/ethnicity and nationality. In the discussion of a feminization of labor and a growing precarization of labor markets, it is important to highlight the fact that it is not solely a gendered process, but also a racialized one. The precariat is not a homogenous group i.e. being a ‘backpacker’ who lives on fleeting jobs is not the same as being an ‘illegal’ migrant worrying about the police. Nonetheless, they do have in common that “their labor is instrumental (to live), opportunistic (taking what comes) and precarious (insecure)” (Standing, 2011:17).
from labor legislation and social security schemes, and why it is characterized by low wages, poor working conditions and long working hours (Mundlak & Shamir, 2014:192). Legacies of, and contemporary, racial hierarchies explains the poor and inadequate policies for migrant reproductive labors, and the idea of the woman and her ‘labor of love’ illustrates the public ignorance towards the poor working conditions and low wages characterizing reproductive work (Mundlak & Shamir, 2014:192). I thus strive to approach the empirical material from an intersectional perspective to provide a holistic picture of food courier work in Sweden. Such an approach will help to understand how food courier work is constructed around gendered and racialized ideologies.
3.2 Work and Labor as Analytical Concepts
Against the backdrop of the previous literature, the first part of this section presents the theoretical departure point on how work is understood in this thesis which has been elaborated upon from a feminist understanding of social reproduction. Thereafter, the concept of invisible labor is introduced which will be used as a theoretical tool to be able to analyze reproductive work and its invisible character. Finally, the concept of feminization of labor is presented and contextualized in relation to food courier work.
3.2.1 The Definition of Work
In order to analyze what upholds precarious labor structures, one must first unravel what the concept of work means. The understanding of a structural division between productive and reproductive work is fundamental in a gendered analysis of labor -reproductive work is a necessity for the industrial economy yet not recognized as ‘real work’ (Mies, 1998:45). As a result of the asymmetric division of productive and reproductive work, caring work is devalued, and so are those engaged in this type of work (Acker, 2004:27).
In this study, I will follow Gallo and Scrinzi’s (2016:10) understanding of reproductive labor as encompassing “moral, emotional, and material care, addressing the needs of dependent individuals (children and adults) as well as those of the active population”. Moreover, I will incorporate Duffy’s (2005:72-75) concept of non-nurturant care work which involves ‘less valuable’ caring tasks such as cleaning, food services or laundering. Food delivery is thus conceptualized as non-nurturant care work as it is an
extension of food service work. It is particularly important to note the racial-ethnic hierarchy in reproductive labor, where the division of nurturant and non-nurturant labor is racialized, meaning that the latter is typically occupied by people of color, migrants or other marginalized groups (Duffy, 2005:72; 2007:331). As such, the concept of non-nurturant care work is suitable in this thesis because a majority of Swedish food couriers is foreign born. Recent decades have seen an increasing demand for reproductive labor which, in combination with the development of online platforms, has led to a change in the organization of household services. This has resulted in a growth of platforms that are “providing through the market a wide range of services that make it possible to substitute paid for unpaid labour” including services such as food delivery, gardening, and childcare etc (Huws, 2019:19). Tasks which are included in reproductive work continuously are “shaped and reshaped in a complex interplay between economic, social, cultural and technological factors” (Huws, 2019:10). The development of online platforms have thus led to a shift of the “hassle of housework” from housewives to racialized minorities (Huws, 2019).
Against this backdrop, food courier is understood as reproductive work as it is a form of caring for the needs of the population, it fits the description of non-nurturant care work, and it substitutes previous unpaid labor. As illuminated in the chapter of previous research, the definition of reproductive labor is dynamic. However, the most significant aspect of this theory, which my theoretical framework builds upon, is the understanding of what tasks that are recognized as respectable enough to be included in the category of ‘real’ work. Reproductive labor may thus be understood as an umbrella term for work related to the maintenance of the ‘real’ labor force which is characterized by precarious working conditions due to the biological determinism that underpins it. Drawn from a feminist understaning of work and labor, I wish to analyze the narrative around work in the context of the Swedish on-demand food courier work.
3.2.2 Invisible Labor
To illuminate what activities that count as ‘real’ work in a capitalist society, the concept of ‘invisible labor’ is fruitful. In this section, the concept of invisible labor will be elaborated upon using Poster et al. 's (2016:9) understanding of invisible labor, and parts of Budd’s (2016:31) framework for conceptualizing work and implications for invisible
labor. While reproductive labor may be seen as an umbrella term for different types of activities, the concept of invisible labor is a useful tool to conceptualize reproductive activities as it highlights the difference between productive and reproductive labor. That is, visible labor are those engaged in productive labor, and invisible labor are those engaged in reproductive labor. Drawn from Poster et al.’s (2016:6) definition of invisible labor, the scope of the concept is, thus, broader than just unpaid housework, including activities within the paid labor market. Invisible labor is understood as work that is done in an arrangement between an employer and a worker, but which is “overlooked, ignored, and/or devalued by employers, consumers, workers, and ultimately the legal system itself” (Poster et al., 2016:6).
The concept of invisibility may also be seen as a symbolic concept, for example, some work can be devalued because it is confused with leisure (Poster et al., 2016:6). Women’s unpaid household work is a useful example of work that is associated with leisure, for example, preparing meals is considered to be an act of love and thus not valued as a proper job (Poster et al., 2016:4). The invisible character of certain jobs are important if one wishes to examine why some jobs are not rewarded or compensated equally to other jobs (Poster et al., 2016:9). In this thesis, the concept of invisible labor will be contextualized in relation to Foodora’s and Wolt’s rhetoric around work. Invisibility of labor is used as a potential variable to the precarious working conditions of food couriers. For example, if work is constructed similar to how one understands leisure, it may be a sign of invisibility. As noted above, the concept of invisible labor is useful both to identify power relations and gender norms. To conceptualize the concept of invisible work and make it useful in this thesis, parts of Budd’s (2016:30) framework will be used, which “provide the range of possible individual and social meanings of work”.
Work may be understood as a curse. This means that work is considered to be a necessity for the human experience, but is not considered to be “one of the higher purposes of the human experience” (Budd, 2016:30). Interconnected with this is the social hierarchical order where there is an expectation on the lower class to perform low status jobs which naturalizes each groups’ place in society. For example, in modern societies, there is an unquestioned expectation on marginalized groups to do ‘women’s work’ which reinforces social hierarchies. Work that is undesirable is understood as a
‘necessary evil’ which is a curse of the lower class, and thus becomes invisible to an elite who consider their own work to be more valuable (Budd, 2016:30-32). The conceptualization of work as a curse is useful in the analysis of food courier work as it can illuminate the naturalization of poor working conditions, as the activities performed by food couriers may be seen as a natural activity of the lower classes.
Work can be conceptualized as freedom. In capitalist societies based on economic liberalism, labor is seen as tasks that workers can choose to sell in the market i.e. an economic commodity (Budd, 2016:32). As such, everyone can control their own fruits of labor and work is therefore seen as “an activity undertaken by individuals who are free of their choosing and to quit at will” (Budd, 2016:32). The free will to work, or quit working, and the fact that a worker can accumulate as much as they wish to is what gives it moral approval (Budd, 2016:32). This understanding is useful as it closely relates to the flexibilization of the market and the shift risk onto workers. Work as freedom will therefore be used to understand how the precarious conditions are naturalized by pointing at workers’ free will to work.
Work is understood as a commodity which is an understanding based on the ‘law of supply and demand’ of liberal economies where labor is treated as any other commodity (Budd, 2016:33). This concept is useful, as it illuminates the ‘free will’ of the market and thus how conditions and wages are understood as out of the employer's hands. If work is seen as a commodity, then the price of it is merely based on the demand on the market. As such, the employer can reject its responsibility for wages and conditions and claim that they only follow the market. The concept will be used to analyze the construction of work and how flexibilization is justified by pointing at work as only available when there is a demand for the service.
Finally, work can be understood as occupational citizenship. When people are considered citizens, they become decommodified and receive a status of “more than just factors of production” (Budd, 2016:34). Citizen workers receive certain rights and standards which are not affected by the market i.e. their working conditions are not based on the law of supply and demand (Budd, 2016:34). As discussed in previous chapters, marginalized groups such as non-citizens like migrants tend to be particularly vulnerable
to poor labor standards. This conceptualization is particularly important to illuminate that precarious working conditions are underpinned by racism.
The concept of invisible labor is useful to deepen the understanding of work and will be used in this thesis to examine how food courier work is undervalued in forms of working conditions and wages. Based on the research questions, the concept of invisible labor will thus be used to illuminate how the construction of food courier work, the gendered expectations of the labor, and who the companies targeting, all contribute to the invisibility of the labor and its precarious conditions.
3.2.3 Feminine versus Masculine Coded Work
Feminization of labor is a crucial factor in changing labor markets (Benería et al., 2012:112-113), and illuminates the informalization and flexibilization as well as the cheapening of labor forces, and thus has much in common with the concept of precarity (Guiterrez-Rodriguez, 2013:192). This can be recognized in that labor markets are changing from full-time, secure and beneficial kinds of employment to labor markets characterized by feminized employment, that is, low paid, insecure and lacking social benefits (Acker, 2004:35). As a result of neoliberal policies that favour flexibility, both men and women are pushed towards precariousness. Feminization of labor, thus, explains both the increased number of women in the labor force, and the feminization of work itself whereby precarious working conditions (long regarded as the norm for women’s work) has become the general mode of production (Guiterrez-Rodriguez, 2013:192). In this thesis, the concept of feminization of labor will be used in terms of feminization of work itself. Particularly the relation between feminization and flexibilization will be examined.
In order to get a grip of the conception of feminization of labor one must understand that gender is structural. Because gender is infused in both language and culture, it affects not only what we think but also who we are (Peterson, 2010:18). Interconnected with this structure is the dichotomy of gender codes, where masculine qualities (such as control and power) dominate female qualities (such as emotion and passivity) (Peterson, 2010:18-19). All feminized statuses are devalued, which means that feminine devalorization not only serves the category of women but also marginalized men. The devaluarization is both ideological and material, which means that concepts,
cultural expression as well as work can become feminized (Peterson, 2010:18-19). Ideas about different gender qualities are reflected in the division of work. The gender division of labor illuminates the organization of tasks based on what is characterized as ‘feminine’ and ‘masculine’ (Eriksson, 2018:25). The highly valued identities produced by globalization (with the Rational Economic Man on top) has created a hierarchical order linked to power, status and value (Acker, 2004; Barker & Feiner, 2010; Eriksson, 2018). Just as masculine qualities are ‘favored’ over feminine qualities, masculine coded work is considered to be more valuable than feminine coded work (Eriksson, 2018:25). Masculine coded work is associated with tasks that are ‘hard’, ‘skilled’ and ‘heavy’, whilst female coded work relates to tasks that are ‘light’, ‘unskilled’ and which require ‘dexterity’ (Eriksson, 2018:25). Stereotypes of femininity and masculinity are used differently to create “desirable workers (and managers) and desired behaviors” (Acker, 2004:34). For example, marginalized groups are assumed to be “docile, cheap to employ, and able to endure boring, repetitive work” (Acker, 2004:34). In this thesis, masculinity is an interesting term in the analysis of precarious food courier work. Obviously, there is not solely one definition of the term masculinity as there are several ways of being a man. However, it is possible to say something about the globalized stereotype of being a man (Acker, 2004:28). The ideal man is characterized by hegemonic masculinity, attributed to leaders or other types of influential figures such as famous business leaders or sports stars. Globalized masculinities may also be understood as the division between the male colonizer and the colonized, whereas the former is referred to as more manly than the latter which legitimizes the dominant hegemonic man. In modern times, the world has experienced a combination of these two types of masculinity where the hegemonic man is based on the organization of dominance (Acker, 2004:28-29). Notions of what is considered to be masculine and feminine coded work, will be used to examine how food courier work is constructed around gendered ideologies. The feminization of labor also challenges traditional structures of family roles. Due to the historical gender contract, the idea of women as responsible for housework (housewives) and men as responsible for the earning of a family income (breadwinners), still is an ideal for many families and men. The growing trends of feminized labor, naturally, challenges the opportunities for men (and women) to find a stable job with a decent salary (Acker, 2004:36). As a majority of
the food couriers in Sweden are men, I argue it is crucial to investigate this work based on the gendered images and ideologies of masculinity.
The understanding of a growing feminization of labor is an established insight in the research field, and therefore it is important to investigate how masculinity fits into this ‘new’ labor market. As such, this thesis contributes to the research field of feminization of labor by examining food courier work and its relation to femininity and masculinity. Research on men’s occupation in what is typically considered to be ‘female work’ highlight how work is framed around stereotypical ideas about femininity and masculinity “that ask men to comply with, or conform to, public expectations of bodily behaviour that constrain their embodied experiences of work” (Gallo & Scrinzi, 2016:15). By analyzing how masculinity fits into this feminine coded sector, we are able to achieve a more relational understanding on how gender operates in altering labor markets.
3.3 Concluding Remarks
In this thesis, theories on a division of reproductive and productive work will be used to examine how the companies construct work, and whether it is possible to identify connections between how work is constructed and the idea of feminization of labor. The concept of invisible labor will be used as a tool to examine how food courier work, due to its reproductive character, is devalued. Furthermore, theories on feminine versus masculine coded work will be used to examine how work is organized around gender ideologies. Finally, intersectionality will saturate the analysis. It is particularly useful to identify who the gig worker is, and how the companies’ rhetoric around work targets specific social groups as desirable workers. The theoretical concepts are also presented in a table in section 4.4.
4. Methodology
The starting point of this thesis is that the Swedish gig economy is a result of a global informalization of labor markets. With an intersectional lens, I strive to include a more holistic view of the underlying power relations that underpin these processes. Two companies, Foodora, and Wolt, who operate within the Swedish gig economy will be
analyzed in order to point at bigger global patterns. As such, I aim to gain more knowledge about the constantly changing phenomenon of feminization of labor. Hence, the research problem is targeted from an interpretivist perspective, which is concerned with increasing the knowledge of the ideas and norms that underpin international politics (Lamont, 2015:18) by investigating how “particular notions taken for granted are constituted and contested” (Lamont, 2015:43). In terms of this thesis, these notions concern the reconstitution of the feminization of labor and its diffusion onto new territories such as food courier work.
This chapter begins with a discussion on the selected cases (Foodora and Wolt). Thereafter comes a presentation of the method chosen for this thesis - a combined qualitative content and narrative analysis. Finally, a description of the empirical material, why it was chosen, and how it relates to the research is provided.
4.1 Case Selection
There are several companies that operate within the on-demand gig economy, and as such the starting point for the case selection was GigWatch’s (n.d.b) list of gig companies established in Sweden. The case selection was made through a limitation to companies who only are engaged in food delivery: Foodora and Wolt. As this is not a comparative case study, I chose to include both Foodora and Wolt in the analysis in order to have enough material to analyze. As such, Foodora and Wolt will not be analyzed separately, but together in order to answer the research questions. This works in accordance with the purpose of the study which is to gain more knowledge about how precarious working conditions are maintained in the Swedish gig economy through companies’ construction of, and rhetoric around, work. Before turning to the sections about the chosen methods, I wish to provide some information about the selected companies.
Foodora was started in 2015, and is part of the global company Delivery Hero with its headquarters in Berlin. Foodora is solely engaged in home delivery of restaurant food, and has around 400 restaurants connected to their services. Foodora describes themselves as “Swedens most popular marketplace for home delivery of restaurant food” (n.d.a). Foodora does not see themselves as a ‘gig company’ because their workers are employed and have scheduled hours (n.d.a). However, whether or not Foodora describes themselves as a gig company, both Wolt and Foodora operate within the on-demand gig
economy. This assumption is based on GigWatch’s definition and list if of gig companies3. Wolt was also first launched in 2015, and is a Finnish tech-company that
operates in 23 countries and focuses on delivering food either from restaurants, grocery stores, retail shops or boutiques. They describe their services as an easy way for “hungry people to find great food from our restaurant partners to either pick it up themself, or have it delivered by one of our delivery partners” (Wolt, n.d.a).
It is important to note that the companies’ differs in employment contracts. Workers of Foodora are employed, whereas the workers of Wolt are self-employed. Despite that employment types matter in a discussion on precarious labor conditions, I will not pay attention to this difference. I wish to understand how work itself is constructed, rather than to examine what employment types are preferable in order to maintain fair labor standards. The reason for examining both Foodora and Wolt is thus to get a solid amount of material to be able to say something about how food courier work is constructed in the Swedish gig economy. Hence, I do not strive to compare the two companies, but rather to illuminate their respective rhetoric around work. However, I aspire to be constantly transparent in what material that comes from what company as well as in which parts the two companies differ.
4.2 Merging Qualitative Content Analysis and Storytelling
In this thesis, a combination of qualitative content and narrative analysis (storytelling) is used. I argue that storytelling is a fruitful method to illustrate the importance of the content in an analysis. In this section, I will first present qualitative content analysis as a method, and how it is applied in this study. Thereafter, I will turn to a discussion on narrative analysis (storytelling) and how that is utilized in this thesis. Finally, I will provide a brief discussion on why it is useful to merge the two methods.
Qualitative content analysis closely relates to other forms of qualitative methods, and can broadly be defined as a tool used to systematically analyze texts, where the content may refer to themes and/or core ideas. It can also include analysis of ‘formal aspects’ i.e. “how narratives are formatted and delivered” (Drisko & Maschi, 2015:82, 85). Generally, qualitative content analysis can be used as a method to describe a complex phenomena, and to test theories (Drisko & Maschi, 2015:86). A qualitative
content analysis is thus suitable for this study as it has a deductive approach. The theoretical framework used in this thesis is based on critical feminist theories, and studies that are built on critical theories use interpretation “to explore the meaning of texts and symbolic expressions, including the interpretation of texts that interpret still other texts” (Drisko & Maschi, 2015:82). As the purpose of this thesis is to investigate how precarious working conditions are upheld within Swedish platform-based food courier work, and not to explain the phenomenon of precarious work per se, content analysis is a fruitful method.
As a first step in my empirical analysis, an identification of central theoretical concepts and categories were identified before the material was processed. In a second step the data was approached with the purpose to build awareness of the context of the data which meant to become informed about the content in the texts and videos, to notice key content, and “to begin to identify connections within the data and preliminary categories” (Drisko & Maschi, 2015:102). Using the method of coding helped me as a researcher to “develop new knowledge and to address fully the research question that frames the study” (Drisko & Maschi, 2015:102). Qualitative content analysis is thus used as a tool to process the data through coding and identifying themes. As such, the empirical analysis is divided into two themes which are based on the theoretical framework and informed by a reading of the empirical material. The identified themes are; the curse of feminization and masculinizing food delivery (see section 4.4). As the aim of this thesis is to investigate how the companies maintain precarious working conditions through an analysis of material from the companies’ webpages, I argue it is fruitful to combine a content analysis with a narrative analysis. By adding a narrative analysis, and examining the material through storytelling, it becomes possible to understand how these different themes contribute to a certain narrative.
Narrative analysis can thus be seen as a way of analyzing material through storytelling (Robertsson, 2012:222). In this thesis, the narrative analysis is applied to examine how storytelling is used by Foodora and Wolt to create a certain narrative around food courier work in order to uphold precarious labor standards. Narratives, and storytelling, are important to understand how social actors communicate, as such a researcher “needs to become interested in narrative as a form of knowledge, a form of
social life, and a form of communication” (Czarniawska, 2000:2). It further illuminates power relations within society (Robertson, 2012:226). As such, storytelling is used to reflect power relations between the employer and the worker by examining how the companies build stories around the work and the workers.
Narrative can be understood in terms of gender ideologies, but also how companies create a positive narrative around a work that in reality is precarious. To examine my empirical material as a narrative helps me as a researcher to make sense of reality, and is a useful starting point in investigations on seperation of power, and how different phenomena are constructed as ‘normal’ (Robertson, 2012:256). As such, in the analysis of the construction of food courier work, storytelling is a useful tool to identify how precarious working conditions have become normalized. To be able to use narrative analysis in practice, and to examine how the companies use storytelling to depict the typical food courier worker, two of Czarniawska’s guidelines are used; interpret the stories (what do they say), and analyze the stories (how do they say it) (2000:5). To practically use storytelling in this thesis, Robertson’s (2012) idea about how different phenomena can be normalized using storytelling, and Czarniawska’s (2000) guideline on how to analyze stories will be used.
The methodology used in this thesis may thus be seen as a two-stage method. Content analysis is used as a tool for coding data, and to identify themes in the different texts and videos. Storytelling, then, is used to understand how these themes contribute to a certain narrative. That is, how the companies’ use a certain language, and rhetoric, to naturalize precarious working conditions.
4.4 Operationalization
Before turning to operationalization, a reminder of the research questions may be useful;
How can we understand the precarious working conditions characterizing on-demand food courier work in Sweden from discussions concerning feminization of labor?; and How is on-demand food courier work constructed around gendered ideologies? The
empirical analysis is divided into two parts based on the two main themes identified in the analysis; the curse of feminization and masculinizing food delivery. In the first part of the analysis, I answer the first research question, and illuminate how we can make sense of the precarious labor standards that characterize food courier work based on discussions
on feminization of labor. In the second part of the analysis, I focus on the second research question and how Foodora and Wolt’s rhetoric is masculinized and constructed around gender ideologies. Both parts of the empirical analysis take its departure point in the theoretical framework which is presented in Table 1.
In order to identify and describe key meanings in the companies’ rhetoric around work, the theories are divided into indicators, and description of indicators. For example, in Table 1 the indicator of feminization of labor is the deterioration of labor conditions, and may be identified when companies construct work as ‘flexible’ or as a ‘part-time job’. The empirical analysis works back and forth between an inductive and a deductive approach. Table 1 was first constructed based on the theoretical framework where possible indicators and description of indicators were identified (deductive approach). During the analytical process, other measures and indicators were recognized and I revised Table 1 based on these findings (inductive approach).
Table 1: Operationalization of Analytical Framework on Foodora’s and Wolt’s construction of work
Theory Indicator Description of Indicator
Reproductive labor Maintenance of the labor force ● Previously unpaid housework
● Moral, material and/or emotional care of labor force ● Non-nurturant care work
Hegemonic Masculinity Stereotypical male traits idealized as the masculine ideal
● Control, power, dominance
Gender division of labor Work coded as either masculine
or feminine ●● Feminine: unskilled and lightMasculine: skilled and heavy
Feminization of labor Deterioration of labor conditions ● Insecurity
● Low monetary compensation ● Few or no social benefits
Invisible Labor Devalued work Work associated with:
● Leisure ● Women’s work ● Economic liberalism ● The law of supply/demand ● Non-citizenship
Developed by the author based on; Mies (1998), Acker (2004), Duffy (2005), Benería (2012), Gallo & Scrinzi (2016), Poster (2016), Budd (2016), Eriksson (2018), Huws (2019)
4.5 Critical Discussion on Source Material
The empirical material consists of different types of documents: texts from the companies’ websites, one report from Wolt on Flexible and fair platform work, eight short videos on the experiences of workers from Foodora called ‘meet the rider’4, as well
as three videos from a registered account at Foodora called ‘online onboarding’. The videos received from the registered account at Foodora differ from the other material in terms of accessibility. In order to gain access to this material, one has to register on Foodora’s website. This registration is not connected to a contract or any other obligations to Foodora5. Rather, they are videos accessible to those interested in learning
more about what it means to be a food courier at Foodora specifically. As such, I do not differentiate between the material in the analysis. The reason is that I am interested in how the companies construct a narrative around the work. In this sense, having different types of material can be seen as a strength as it provides a multilayered approach to the research question. In the online onboarding videos we hear a speaker who is showing, and talking from, a presentation about what it is like to be a food courier at Foodora. After each introduction video, you get to do a quiz with questions on the information which was shared in the video. The last two parts include information related to the Covid-19 outbreak and an application form asking for information about passport number, personal number/coordination number and bank information etc6. The ‘meet the
rider’ videos, on the other hand, is accessed partly from Foodora’s YouTube account called ‘foodora riders’, and partly from Foodora’s webpage. The YouTube account contains a total of 21 videos which were uploaded between December 2018 and February 2019. All videos contain the same visuals, however six videos were longer and contained more information. As such, these six videos were selected. On Foodora’s webpage there were two additional videos which were added to the material.
Wolt, on the other hand, does not work with promotion in the form of videos but has published a short report on fair platform-work. Additionally, Wolt has a more detailed
6The last step in this process was to send an application to become a rider at Foodora. However, I did not
fulfill this step.
5These videos are thus only available through a registration at Foodora. Transcripts available upon request. 4On the YouTube account, these videos have different names. For example, some videos are called ‘meet
the rider’ and others ‘meet *name of rider*’. In the analysis, I have labelled them ‘meet the rider’ videos for the sake of convenience
website which consists of more information pages than Foodora. However, when all the material was compiled, the amount of material from the two companies was, by and large, equal. In addition to material based on the pages for job seekers, I have included information pages focusing on the consumer including both pages for private consumers and for companies. Thereby, I will be able to examine the rhetoric used while targeting job seekers, and the rhetoric used while targeting business clients. I argue that this is interesting as it can be fruitful to compare how the work is presented to clients in relation to how work is presented to job seekers. Naturally there may be both positive and negative aspects regarding the different character of the material. It would be a disadvantage if the purpose was to compare the two companies as it could be difficult to compare a report with several videos. However, I do not wish to compare the material but rather to compile different data so that I am able to see patterns in the construction of work. As such, I argue that it is an advantage to have different types of material as I am able to examine how two different companies construct certain narratives around work.
To be able to have a consequent approach to all the material, all material was first transcribed into text7. As the analysis strives to increase the understanding of how
companies construct work around gender ideologies as well as how we can make sense of precarious working conditions based on discussions of feminization of labor, the analysis is limited to the language and what is actually said and written. Hence, how the videos are filmed, what music that is used in the videos or other types of figurative aspects is not taken into consideration.
Finally, the material solely consists of information from the companies’ web pages. As such, I will not be able to say something about the companies’ intention of the information which will be analyzed, nor can I say something about how the workers interpret the information. However, that is not the intention. Rather, the purpose of this thesis is to gain more knowledge on how precarious conditions are maintained in the Swedish gig economy. To fulfill this purpose, I will investigate how we can understand precarious work based on how companies construct and present work. As such, it makes sense to choose material produced by the companies. Therefore, I argue that the empirical material chosen for this study is suitable for the purpose.
5. Not a Real Job: Results from the Empirical Analysis
The past decades of globalization have seen striking changes in labor markets, where more and more people end up in precarious working situations such as on-demand food courier work. In recent years, Swedish media has reported about the inhumane working conditions and poor wages which characterize on-demand food delivery work, ranging from severe accidents, unsafe working environments, and insufficient working gear (see Ohlin, 2017; Rinman, 2020; Wallén, 2020; Sinclair & Sundström, 2020; Ternby, 2021). Although the Swedish Government declares favorable and fair working conditions as a human right (Regeringen, 2018), a growing trend of precarious on-demand labor has been recognized in Sweden. The purpose of this thesis is to understand how precarious working conditions are maintained in the Swedish gig economy by examining two companies who operate within on-demand food delivery.
In this part of the thesis, the results from the empirical analysis will be presented. The chapter is divided into two themes: The curse of feminization and Masculinizing food
delivery. The first theme focuses on how we can make sense of the precarious working
conditions of on-demand food courier work in Sweden, based on discussions on feminization of labor. The second part of the analysis examines how food courier work is constructed around gendered ideologies.
5.1 The Curse of Feminization
In this section, the aim is to answer the first research question; “How can we understand
the precarious working conditions characterizing on-demand food courier work in Sweden from discussions concerning feminization of labor?” I will illuminate how food
courier work is devalued through its binary relationship to other productive work, connection to non-productive activity, and through the reconceptualization of flexibility as favourable for workers.
5.1.1 The Downgrading of Food Courier Work
We build a connection between restaurants and retailers that want to make and sell food and other products, couriers that want to earn through delivering those products, and customers who want to free up time and effort to focus on the more important things in life (Wolt, n.d.a).
