The Swedish diaspora

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2009:015

M A S T E R ' S T H E S I S

The Swedish Diaspora

Adiam Freweyni Habte

Luleå University of Technology C/D Master thesis

Psychology

Department of Human Work Sciences Division of Engineering Psychology

2009:015 - ISSN: 1402-1781 - ISRN: LTU-C/DUPP--09/015--SE

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The Swedish Diaspora

Adiam Habte

Psykologi CD Luleå tekniska universitet Institutionen för Arbetsvetenskap Avdelningen för Teknisk psykologi

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Abstract

The purpose of this thesis was to explore if youths and adults that originated from another country than Sweden, which they resided in, perceived that they were accepted in Sweden.

Phenomenological interviews were conducted with eight participants, both male and female, between the ages of 21 to 50. The answers from the interviews were coded under four categories: us and them, discrimination, structural discrimination and no problems. Quotes were taken from the interviews and put under one of the four categories and analyzed. The theory used in this thesis was mainly Baumants (1990) Theory of Groups. The results showed that the participants, regardless of age and country of origin, did not feel accepted as Swedes in Sweden. However, not to be able to call oneself Swedish was not necessarily viewed as a negative thing.

Keywords: assimilation, Swedish, discrimination, acceptance.

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Sammanfattning

Syftet med examensarbetet var att undersöka om både ungdomar och vuxna som härstammade från ett annat land än Sverige, i vilket de nu bor i, upplevde att de var accepterade i Sverige.

Fenomenologiska intervjuer genomfördes med åtta deltagare, både kvinnor och män, i åldrarna 21 till 50 år. Intervjusvaren kodades och delades upp i fyra kategorier: vi and dem,

diskriminering, strukturell diskriminering och inga problem. Citat togs från intervjuerna och analyserades. Den teori som främst har använts är Baumants (1990) gruppteori. Resultaten visade att deltagarna, oavsett ålder och ursprungsland, inte kände sig accepterade som svenskar i Sverige. Detta sågs dock inte nödvändigtvis som något negativt.

Nyckelord: assimilering, svensk, diskriminering, acceptans.

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1 Introduction

1.1 Background

Today there are an estimated 130 million people in the world who live outside of their countries of origin (Clarke2003). This fact makes immigration one of the most significant social phenomena of our time.

In 2000 Sweden’s Central Bureau of Statistics (SCB, 2001) estimated that there were approximately one million people in Sweden that have physically migrated into the country and approximately 800 000 children that were born in Sweden with one or both parents born in another country. The Swedish population at that time was almost nine million, which means that those immigrants and their children made up for nearly 20 percent of the country’s population. This is a staggering number compared to 1 percent in 1940 and seven percent in 1974 according to Vogel (2006).

The first wave of immigrants that arrived in the 1940’s were labour immigrants who came from other European countries to a Sweden that was in great need of them because of the booming economy Sweden experienced after the war. They were welcomed and nothing was required from them other than fulfilling their duties towards their employer. The second wave of immigrants came to Sweden in the 1970’s. The majority of these immigrants were refugees who fled from Asia, Africa, South America, and the Middle East. The differences between the two groups of immigrants was not only that the first had jobs waiting for them, whereas the second came for humanitarian reasons and in greater numbers than the Swedish job market was able to accommodate. In addition, the first wave of immigrants came primarily from other European countries, and was as such less distinguishable from ethnic Swedes, than the second wave of immigrants, whose physical features were visibly different from ethnic Swedes (Vogel, 2006).

Prior to the arrival of the second wave of immigrants in the 1970’s the Swedish government had started a building project called the million homes programme. The goal was to provide the growing population with affordable housing. One million homes were built. These homes were located in the outskirts of the three major Swedish cities; Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö.

By the early 70’s the population, however, had declined and there was a surplus of housing that was unoccupied. These homes in the suburbs, then, became homes to the wave of immigrants that came to Sweden in the 70’s. As foreigners moved in, ethnic Swedes increasingly left these suburbs, with physical segregation as a consequence (Vogel, 2006). Today the three major Swedish cities are exceedingly segregated and as a result a whole generation is being isolated and alienated in the only home they have ever known.

1.2 Problem

Despite having a long history of immigration, the Swedish society seems to have failed in the integration process. After enjoying a seemingly carefree childhood, immigrant children and Swedish born children of international immigrants (CIM) are faced with a non-accepting society. When they are not accepted by the only country many of them have ever known they

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begin to feel alienated. Because of the segregation that exists in many larger Swedish cities, it is hard for Swedes and immigrants to have a natural meeting place. This causes any misconceptions they might have about each other to thrive and the gap between them to grow even deeper than it already is.

According to Baumant (1990), closeness is a prerequisite for empathy. Therefore, empathy cannot be established between Swedes and immigrants under currently existing circumstances.

If anything, segregation leads to experiences of rejection by the Swedish society for adult immigrants, children of international migrants (CIM) and immigrant youth (IY). A common defence among migrants against perceived, or real, rejection by the host society is reciprocal rejection.

Because of a lack of closeness between the main society and minorities stereotypes take form and a “we” and “them” attitude is established. When living in a segregated community, chances are that one is not going to take the necessary steps required to interact with mainstream society. Therefore, chances of assimilation or even integration are limited, although integration is seen as the most desirable acculturation strategy by the Swedish society. Consequently, adult immigrants but also CIM’s and IY’s often struggle with conflicting emotions, ranging from feelings of gratitude to feelings of bitterness, for not being completely a part of the Swedish society.

To raise a child in a country that one is not familiar with, can result in anxiety and inner conflicts for the parent but also for the child. Parents can feel alienated from mainstream society for a number of reasons, such as insufficient language skills, and may sometimes pass these feeling on to the child. The child, however, does not necessarily have to feel the same way, which can lead to a conflict within the family about how to act towards the majority. As far as CIM’s and IY’s are concerned, feelings of not being accepted in the only home a lot of these children have ever known, evokes the dream of a future somewhere else, a place where they imagine themselves to be more readily accepted. Places such as Great Britain or North America become idealized. The idea that anyone can fulfil their potential based on an individual’s own drive and ambition is attractive to many.

1.3 Definitions

Throughout this study, when referred to the participants of this thesis, the terms suggested by Vogel (2006) are used:

Immigrant youth (IY) - young individuals who have physically migrated to Sweden.

Children of international migrants (CIM) - children who were born in Sweden to at least one foreign born parent.

International Migrants (IM) - for adults who migrated to Sweden in their adult years.

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1.4 Aim and research questions

The aim is to shed light on the issue of what it means to be of another origin than the origin of the country in which one resides and to contribute to the ongoing debate on this matter.

1. How do IY:s, CIM:s and IM:s identify as members of a society other than that of their origin?

2. What are their hopes and aspirations for the future?

3. What factors shape and mold these individuals?

2 Theoretical framework

Theory of Groups according to Baumant (1990)

2.1 A Normative Group

A normative group is the group that establishes an individual’s norms and behaviour. It does so through a system of rewards and punishments and also through affirming and correcting behaviour. Important normative groups are the family, close friends, teachers, bosses and also people that have an unobstructed insight in our lives as for example neighbours. An individual behaves according to the social patterns that they choose and/or are taught and the people that are in the normative group give the individual feedback for this behaviour. The different categories of people or individuals in the normative group only have as much importance as the individual attributes to them.

2.2 Comparative Groups

Comparative groups of reference are groups that an individual does not belong to and most likely has no direct face to face contact with. It is a group that the individual sees but that does not see the individual. This group can not supervise the individual or put pressure on the individual to conform to their ways, but the individual chooses to do so anyway. An example of a comparative group is the popular press.

The socialisation process never ends, it is in constant development. The process can be divided into two concepts; the primary and the secondary socialisation. In the primary socialisation the individual acquires elementary social skills and this takes place in the early childhood years. If the acquired skills that are taught are somehow insufficient or unfit this can have dire consequences when the individual in question has to leave his or her home environment for a strange place with another language and culture and acquire a new set of skills without forgetting the old ones.

2.3 Consociates

There is a line that can be drawn from every person and closest to us on this line are our consociates. These are people who we have direct face to face contact with. The consociates

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only populate a small part of the line, while most of the line is populated by people who live side by side but with whom we do not have a direct contact. The experience that we have of these groups of people can vary from practical experience to stereotyping. The further away on the line a person or a category of people are from the individual, the more generalized is the individuals reaction and awareness of them. The position of each category or individual person on the line is not permanent, which means he or she can move further away or closer to an individual depending on the knowledge and experiences that the person acquires. An individual person can also change categories and thereby move closer or further away from an individual. Mental and moral closeness consists of our ability and readiness to harbour feelings of compassion for others. A prerequisite for any person to feel compassion for others is that the person first and foremost needs to recognize that other people, just like us, are individuals.

When that is established one can begin to empathize and feel for others. This type of compassion is a sign of mental and moral closeness. The less of a distance there is between two people or between groups the stronger the compassion gets, while more distance makes it fade away and finally disappear.

2.4 “We and Them”

The concept of “we and them” is not just two different groups, but also two different attitudes.

“We” is associated with feelings such as confidence, affection, security, and cooperation, while

“them” is associated with feelings of suspicion, aversion, fear, and a readiness to fight. “We”

represents the group that the individual in question belongs to. What happens in this group is something that the individual understands. Negative qualities in the group as a whole, or in group members, are rationalized and blamed on reasons that are out of the group’s control.

“Them” is a group that the individual in question does not wish to belong to or cannot belong to. He or she therefore has a vague and fragmented idea of what goes on in that group. Since the individual does not understand their behaviour they are perceived as unpredictable and therefore scary. The “we” is a so called in-group and the “them” is the out-group. The in- and out-group attribute specific qualities to each other depend on the emotional characterization of their mutual antagonism. The out-group is the imaginary opposite of the in-group. The in-group needs the out-group in order to maintain its identity, solidarity within the group, and emotional security. There cannot be a feeling of an in-group without the notion of an out- group, hence, there has to be something “out there” in order for whatever is “inside” to truly be appreciated. Hostility, suspicion, and aggressiveness towards the out-group are generally depicted as necessary responses to the other side’s hostility and malice, and results in strengthened prejudice.

2.5 Prejudice

Prejudice is a refusal to admit that the enemy has any virtues along with a tendency to exaggerate their flaws. Prejudice works under the principle that “anything you say or do will be taken to the record and be used as evidence against you.” (Baumant, 1990, p. ?). The in-group can, with the help of prejudice claim that righteousness is on their side. Some groups have a stronger tendency than others to be prejudice and have a strong resentment against everything that is foreign; these groups have a rigid and sometimes compulsive need for conformity and are poorly equipped to handle any deviation from their learned behaviour. These individuals are also prone to have authoritarian personalities. There is no scientific explanation why some

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individuals are more prone to acquire these qualities. According to Gregory Bateson (1990), as cited in Baumant (1990), hostile attitudes prove to be accurate because they encourage hostile behaviour.

2.6 Schismogenes

When two groups interact every act triggers a stronger reaction from the other party and it makes both parties sink into a deep and long-lasting schism whether they want to or not. A symmetrical schism is when each party expresses their strength in the same way and tries to out do each other. A complementary schism is when both sides have different ways of responding to a threat from the other. The members of one side strengthen their determination when they see any signs of weakness from the other side, while the other side weakens their resistance when it is faced with manifestations of increased strength in the other party. This type of schism is common when the two parties that are interacting are not equals and there is one party that is the dominant and one that is the submissive. Bateson, as cited in Baumant (1990), also discusses the term reciprocity; this means that when both parties have something to offer one another their self destructive tendencies wear off.

3 Previous Research

3.1 Diaspora

According to Clarke (2003) the term Diasporas refers to a person who is from one country but originates from another and identifies with the country of origin. The term Diaspora can be approached from two different directions, as a typological tool and as a social condition. When the term is used typologically it refers to a group of people who have moved from one place to another and who still identify with their homeland. The homeland is just a metaphor, it may not even exist but it still carries significance for the individual. Clarke (2003) argues that Diasporas are people who have relocated for any of five different reasons; victim, labour, trade, imperial, and culture. All of these reasons are in some way forced upon the individual, which is the central idea behind this type of approach to the Diasporas’ phenomena. For example, the British who immigrated involuntarily to the different colonies were imperial Diasporas. The typological approach to the Diasporas’ issue is that it disregards the differences within the different groups. So it is more accurate to describe Diasporas as a condition: “The condition of being from one place but of another and identify with sentiments toward a homeland.” (Clarke, 2003, p.37).

After the atrocities of World War II race became a less acceptable reason to exclude people than it had been before. So the concept of the stranger was born. The stranger is a psychosocial character who occupies our world indefinitely without being invited. He is neither a friend nor an enemy and he does not keep the same distance that an enemy would. By not keeping this safe distance the stranger shows the main culture that the manufactured lines and boundaries that have been made up in the collective imagination of the main society are not real and can be crossed and redrawn at any time. The fact that the stranger does not abide by the rules of the main culture gives cause for ambivalence and insecurities. After race no longer was an

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acceptable reason to exclude people from the idea of a stranger that was excluded from the main culture because of adjusting difficulties was welcomed. The strangers are threatening because they are known but unknown. The part of the stranger that is unknown is made into what society wants, or needs to be, in order to make the stranger a symbol for all it believes it is not (Clarke, 2003)

3.2 Kruglanskis (2004) four acculturation strategies

While some people wish to assimilate completely to the new host country’s culture and seek day to day interaction with members of the host group, some people completely reject it and avoid the host group as best they can. Such processes are called acculturation. Kruglanski (2004) identified four different acculturation strategies. Each strategy is made up of two components;

behaviours and attitudes.

Assimilation which entails to relinquish ones cultural identity and to create a new one that is compatible with that of the members of the host group.

Separation takes place when individuals take great pride in holding on to their cultural identity at the expense of having any interaction with the host society.

Integration occurs when individuals have an interest in both maintaining the original cultural identity and, at the same time, interact with the main culture on a daily basis.

Marginalization occurs when there is little, or no, maintenance of the original cultural identity, either because of a lack of interest from the individual or because of a lack of a possibility to maintain the cultural identity. When this is combined with a lacking interest to have any affiliation with the host society it is called marginalization. The type of acculturation strategy that an individual adopts affects his or her stress level.

3.3 The process of assimilation

Types of Assimilation

Kalter and Granato (2002) identify three different types of assimilation:

- Economical assimilation, which means money, status, and prestige which equals physical wellbeing and social acceptance.

- Assimilation concerning family behaviour, which effects which values one passes on to the next generation.

- Spatial assimilation, which is where one chooses to live and education and living situation go hand in hand.

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It is more often, than not, presumed that immigrants prefer the company of their countrymen in their new environment, but studies show that while some immigrants view the presence of their co-nationals as a source of comfort and support an equal amount do not. Those who do seek closeness to their co-nationals are less likely to assimilate (Kruglanski, 2004).

Skills

Skills are also important in order to be comfortable and to ultimately feel at home in the new environment. A person with good language skills is more likely to assimilate, than somebody with poor language skills. In a society that tends to overlook the social distance between immigrants and the main culture, assimilation will take longer than in a society that actively works to reduce social disparity. A social distance from the main culture, which also can be upheld by immigrants themselves, will slow down assimilation considerable.

Education and Socioeconomic Status

An individual’s level of education is also of importance in adopting an acculturation strategy.

Outgoing and likeable individuals are more likely to make acquaintances with members of the host group and are therefore more likely to assimilate, or integrate, than individuals who are introverted and shy (unadventurous). Another important factor in the acculturation process is the reason why an individual decided to migrate. For instance, a person who has his or her mind set on a short visit will make a less conscious effort than a person who intends to make it a permanent relocation. Education and socioeconomic status in the homeland play a part in how individuals relate to the host country. The higher their educational, or occupational, status the more likely immigrants are to accept the host country. Finally, age determines the individual’s level of assimilation. The older a person is the harder it is to assimilate.

(Kruglanski, 2004).

3.4 Impact on Ethnic Identity and on Psychological Development

To be able to construct a self-identity that is positive and coherent is a critical part of an individual’s psychological development (Farver, 2002) as cited in Clarke. It can be particularly hard to do so when an individual is confronted with different types of value- and belief systems, one at home in the family and another in mainstream society, as for example by peers and in school. Individuals who have to fit into two environments that are very different will most likely experience stress that can lead to family conflict, anxiety, and low self esteem. For the second generation, immigrant adolescents, any developmental crisis that normally occurs can be reinforced because of the other stressful things that the adolescent is going through.

According to Farver (2002), as cited in Clarke the concept of acculturation is related to the concept of ethnic identity, but they are separate constructs. The concept of an ethnic identity refers to an individual’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group, how the individual feels about belonging to that group, and how the individual identifies him or herself as a member of an ethnic group. Farver (2002) as cited in Clarke states that research has shown that, as far as youth are concerned, an ethnic identity starts taking shape in the early stages of adolescence and is, or can be, completed by the time the individual completes high school. Children learn how to relate to the host country from their parents, from whom they also get their ideas on which they build their ethnic identities on. By reinforcing and modelling certain behaviours, knowingly and unknowingly, parents ethnically socialize their children and pass down ethnic identities to them. In a study conducted by Phinney, as cited in Baumant (1990), it was

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established that there was a high correlation between adolescents’ ethnic identity and close family relations.

Some ethnic groups have an easier time to acculturate than others. There is a positive correlation between acculturation and stress. The greater the difference between the culture of origin and the culture of the host country, the harder acculturation is.

3.5 The Pros and Cons of Living in Exile

There are several positive effects of living in exile such as independence, vision, and creativity (Graham & Khosravi, 1997). The individual acquires these skills in order to survive in the new environment without the support systems that the individual might have had in the old environment. There are, however, also negative effects of involuntary living in a strange environment. These are the feeling of incarceration, a state of purgatory that individuals might experience if they never fully settle in their new home country but see it as a temporary refuge.

The individual might also fall into a coma like state of indifference when being subjected to too much stress.

3.6 Immigration visa a vis Globalization

A globalized world needs immigration in order to continue to evolve both in diversity and population wise (Akyeampong, 2000). Immigration has evolved from an issue that was in the shadows to one that is prominent and even has become a priority for the socioeconomic status:

1) It is in everyone’s interest that immigration succeeds (society/the individual).

2) Successful immigration means integration, assimilation, loyalty, and good citizenship, but also diversity and multiple identities.

3) Migration in the global world has to be considered an international affair in the same way as field of trade or capital movements.

4) Immigration will continue to shape the world in the future and it is up to us if it is through freedom and solidarity, through conflict or a new iron curtain and discrimination. Instead of viewing immigration as a process that unites people and nations, immigration is seen as a threat. With the arrival of immigrants the host society in itself changes.

4 Method 4.1 Participants

A purposeful sample was chosen based on age, country of origin, and time spent in Sweden.

The younger participants were between the ages of 21 and 25 years of age and the older between 45 and 50 years of age. The reason for these age groups being chosen was because of the wish to compare experiences between two age groups. The younger participants were all either born in Sweden or came here under the age of 5. The older participants had all migrated to Sweden between 20 and 40 years ago which would also give them an in depth experience of what it means to live in another country than the one they originate from, which is what this thesis wants to convey.

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Eight participants took part in the study, four men and four women. The participants’

countries of origin were Iran, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Cap Verde. What the participants had in common was that they all balanced two realities, one within their families and one in their interactions with mainstream society. Most were expected to live by the rules of their own, or their parents’ culture of origin, at the same time as they were, and still are, expected to succeed within the host society in which different sets of rules apply. For the purpose of confidentiality the participants will be referred to as either CIM (Children of International Migrants), IY (Immigrant Youth), or IM (International Migrants).

Woman age 25 (CIM) of Ethiopian Descent - Anne Man age 23 (CIM) of Eritrean Descent - Christian Man age 21 (CIM) of Cape Verdian Descent - David Woman age 24 (IY) from Iran – Bianca

Man age 50 (IY) from Cape Verde – Alex Man age 50 (IY) from Ethiopia – Benjamin Woman age 47 (IM) from Iran– Carolina Woman age 45 (IM) from Eritrea- Desiree

4.2 Material

Open ended interviews were used to collect data from the participants (Appendix 1). The interviews where divided into three parts; one where they were asked about their past experiences, one where they were asked about their current situation and their views on present life in context with the topic at hand and, finally, they were asked about their hopes, dreams, and expectations regarding the future.

4.3 Procedure

The method used is phenomenological interviewing (Marshall & Rossman 1999). What this kind of interviewing entails is studying a person’s lived experience in order to develop a world view. By starting from a phenomena, or a concept, there is an assumption that several individuals are connected through it. Phenomenological interviewing focuses on three parts, past experience with the phenomenon of interest, present experience with the phenomenon of interest and, finally, a combination of both past and present experience that describes the individuals experience with the phenomena as a whole. Prior to conducting a phenomenological interview the researcher should have a thorough understanding of his or her own lived experience in order to not let it interfere with those of the interviewees. The process of self-examination that the researcher goes through doing a phenomenological study is an ongoing process throughout the entire study. The advantage with a phenomenological study is that the researcher has a chance to let his or her own lived experience be reflected in the study.

The data is then divided into themes that can be analyzed. The phenomenological approach assumes that events in peoples’ lives guide actions and interactions. This requires the researcher to reflect deeply around his or her own experiences.

The interviews ranged from 35 to 90 minutes each and took place wherever the participants choose to meet the interviewer. Most interviews took place in the participants’ homes, but

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other venues were also chosen such as a coffee shop and a library. The interviewer took notes while conducting the interviews.

4.4 Data treatment

All interviews were transcribed, quotes were first divided into four different categories then analyzed and compared to other quotes. The categories worked as a base for constructing a purpose of study. Each theme was analyzed using theories from the theoretical framework and the interviewers own thoughts and experiences were used to interpret the participants’ thoughts and experiences.

4.5 Limitations of Study

The subject was only approached from an emotional point of view and what was of interest was the participants emotional experiences of living in Sweden as a member of the Diaspora.

5 Results and Analysis

The following themes evolved in the coding and analysis of the research material:

Theme #1 Discrimination

Theme #2 Structural discrimination Theme #3 Us and them

Theme #4 No problem

5.1 Theme 1. Discrimination

The experience of being a visible member of the diaspora can differ a great deal from the experience of members of the diaspora who’s exterior makes it possible to melt in with the main population. Prejudice is especially common toward individuals that belong to groups that the media has depicted in a negative way. But the media is not the only culprit in this matter, stereotyping can start at a grass root level and work its way up as well.

Individuals that originate from the Middle East are highly visible in the media and how they are portrayed is very seldom positive. One participant felt she was confronted with a lot of

misconceptions about her and her family but none of these misconceptions were accurate according to her: “Rules that they think apply to me, they don’t think I can see whoever I want and that I don’t celebrate Christmas. In some cases it is justified but not in mine.” (IY, 24) Although open and aggressive discrimination is uncommon according to the participants in this study, one of the participants had a vivid experience of it from his youth.

The final exercise in the military in Luleå. I was discriminated against by that the other guys, instead of talking to me wrote “fucking nigger, what are you doing here” on the wall. There was nobody else there but me so it was me they meant. This was in the 80’. (IY, 50)

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To be accepted amongst the Swedes is described by one of the participants as a constant process of proving yourself. To have a distinctive look makes it easier to be separated from the main population and the feeling of never feeling like one has the right to belong is evident.

I’d call myself a citizen of the world. I’m more accepted in Cape Verde than in Sweden. I’m not questioned there, here I am despite the fact that I have lived here for a long time. I’m sure people mean nothing by it, most of them are really nice people but it’s there. The talk about immigrants and things like that in general term and tell me things like “you aren’t like that”. Take someone like Henke Larsson, he is Swedish but he always has to perform better than they do. You are always reminded of your origin as soon as you make a mistake. It’s there, you can’t touch it but it’s there. Sweden is an amazing country in every way, but socially and when it comes to the people, that’s something else. People are taken care of and all that but you are never 100 % Swedish and you are always reminded of that fact. But for example when I did my military service. It was fine but as soon as I changed to another platoon it takes time for them to let you in. They accept me when I’ve proven myself but never 100%. I know everything about my family and my heritage but I can imagine that someone that’s adopted can have it really difficult. I would like to say that I am 100% Swedish but I can’t say that and they remind you of it when you least expect it. It is really complex. I was at my school reunion for the third to ninth grade. They started talking about immigration in a general way and then I felt like I was expected to defend or give some kind of explanation to the complex of problems. It’s a political issue; it’s not something I have read up on. You are expected to be some kind of spokesperson for them. Like I’m supposed to answer for what they do. It made me think of what it was like when we went to school. The ones who lived close to us were all immigrants, not Africans but Finish and Yugoslavian and whatever there was back then, The Swedes lived further away in the nicer neighbourhoods. Everybody went home to their own homes, people weren’t open to everybody. It was already segregated back then. The politicians haven’t learned anything. The ones that are afraid are the ones that are the most ignorant. (IY, 50)

The feeling that one should have a sense of gratitude towards the Swedish society creates a gap between the diaspora and the native Swedes. Whether feelings of gratitude are justified or not it makes it difficult to socialize between the groups because of the fact that some topics become sensitive or just off limits. For instance, in a group consisting of both members of the diaspora and native Swedes the native Swedes might take offense if the members of the diaspora started complaining that they weren’t getting enough money in welfare. The thought of this can make members of the diaspora reluctant to discuss issues of this nature with their Swedish friends or acquaintances or just distance themselves from them all together and socialize with people amongst whom they can feel free to be themselves.

And you know what it feels like, after I turned 18, every year after that I became more and more unswedish. Despite the fact that I was still a student

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and that I spoke perfect Swedish, they still saw you as someone who was leaching of society when my parents paid just as much in taxes as the Swedish children’s parents. And they were regarded as someone who was just using their god given right, while we were leaches and should be grateful to be here.

And please understand me correctly; I am grateful to be here because I would have been another person otherwise. I’m not bitter but there are Swedish ideologies and beliefs that make me bitter and therefore I feel like I have to get out of here and not come back until I have something to show and that’s how I feel. (CIM, 25)

Members of the diaspora are questioned to a greater extent than native Swedes are when they want to collect benefits of some sort. Before this occurs they might not ever have experienced being questioned or seen as different, but as soon as they need something from society there is a general idea from the main population that they should feel extra grateful for being able to receive these things. And this attitude is directed towards members of the diaspora regardless of how long they actually have been in Sweden.

I don’t become insulted if someone asks me where I’m from, I understand that people are curious, I’m curious too. But immigrants and Swedes ask that question in two different ways. Immigrants ask so that they can place your appearance and to see if you have any common acquaintances. Swedes ask to be able to put you in a box. And then there are some types of people that are less attractive to them, some people have a bad reputation. It’s weird to say that but you can actually feel the difference. Swedes also have uncomfortable follow up questions like “why did you come to Sweden” and “how do you like it here”. I even think someone once asked me if I have adjusted. And I just “I was born here, what do you mean adjust”? I think there is a big difference.

(CIM, 25)

Never having to have to come to terms with one’s ethnical identity while growing up can lead to a rude awakening in an individual’s adolescence/early adulthood.

Because my experience is that if you are born in Sweden you are not faced with racism often while growing up. Many of my friends who grew up here that aren’t even born here always say “Sweden really isn’t racist”. It’s not until you get to that age where you are going to apply for a job and have something to say about what happens in society and maybe start dating a Swedish guy and have mixed babies. That is when they get like that “Sweden for Swedes”. It’s when you become too integrated. Because somewhere there is where they want to draw the line. And that line is what separates them from us. Deep down inside they see us as visitors and sometime I feel like they are just waiting for us to pick up and leave. Little do these bastards know that even if we leave we will be back. (CIM, 25)

The experience of a younger and an older member of the diaspora can vary a great deal.

The experience of an older member can be a more positive one because experiences of a true sense of gratitude towards a country that took you in, and helped you out, in your time of need. The need to belong may not be something these individuals feel that they

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want or need. On the other hand there can also be a stronger sense of anger or rejection due to the fact that they came here asking for help and because of that have always been seen as freeloaders.

It has happened that the people I have socialized with think that I came here to take their job and their money and they are not comfortable around us.

And you feel it right away. Not everybody but most of them. I pay taxes and work like everybody else. My children don’t have that feeling. I think that they think they are better people than us. I see it like that. They think that they are better because they are Swedish; they think they are a better race and better people. I do things that make me a good person and I do right by me. I am the type of person who stands up for myself. (IM, 47)

Being older when one emigrates to another country means that an ethnical identity already has been established. So the need to belong, and be accepted, isn’t as strong as it might be for a younger person. As long as individuals feel that they are being treated fairly and get what they deserve they can feel content. The complexity of problems is very different from how a younger person might feel. To not be accepted in the only home one has ever known is not only painful but can lead to a strong feeling of rootlessness and a will to leave. The diaspora in Sweden have in some ways accepted their fate, there is a type of “take it or leave it” attitude when it comes to these issues. If one does not want to “take it” the option is to leave and live somewhere else that is better suitable for the ones needs.

One of the participants expressed a strong will to leave Sweden and said that she could never see a future for herself here. When asked how come she simply stated “I just don’t see them accepting people like me.” (CIM, 25)

5.2 Theme 2. Structural discrimination

The most obvious way of structural discrimination is segregation. In the three major Swedish cities segregation is a fact that cannot be ignored. Segregation creates a strong sense of “we and them” due to the lack of closeness between the groups that are being segregated from each other. It also creates prejudice for the same reasons. To arrive in a new homeland and then be placed in a community with a large group of people with similar background can be comforting; it can help the individual feel less lonely. This of course is a good thing, however, not having any contact with members of the main culture can make the new country seem strange and scary. This, in turn, causes the individual to lean back even more into his or her comfort zone. Is segregation simply a matter of economics where the Swedish government put low income families in housing that they can afford or is it a way to structurally discriminate against individuals?

It’s positive [to grow up in a neighbourhood predominantly populated by members of the diaspora] because you learn to appreciate and respect all people when you are exposed to different types of people and environments and cultures. It makes you yourself become multicultural even though you’re not.

It’s bad because society gathers a bunch of people that aren’t strong financially or linguistically in the same neighbourhood. You are giving them tools that are broken. So, instead of looking for support in society or the country, they look

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for support in each other and two weak people can’t build something together.

(CIM, 25)

To grow up in a multicultural environment has benefits. These benefits are, however, more on an intrapersonal level than on a level that will benefit an individual in actual day to day life.

For me it was an obligation. When you live in a country you have to know the language in order to not be dependent on anybody else. I don’t want to be dependent on my kids. If you are you lose your authority and as a single mother that’s important to me. They didn’t want to help me make phone calls, they always said “you have to call yourself, you have to go yourself, you have to talk yourself” They were my teachers; they were always correcting me and helping me with pronunciation and things like that. Maybe I learned the language faster than others because others were dependent on their husbands and I only had myself. I think it is easier to learn Swedish for those who speak another language than their mother tongue language. I spoke English, not good but managed and that made the Swedish a lot easier to learn than if I only spoke Persian. I studied in college in London for a year and the English language was a big help for me. (IM, 47)

To get a job and to be able to support oneself is a dream that many newly arrived share. This is often a motivator to learn the language. Not being able to speak the language does not only make it harder to get a job but can also make an individual dependent on family members or others in their life. To be dependent on one’s children, or spouse, can make parents lose their authority and leave husbands feeling demasculized. In general any individual not being able to function independently in the society that they live in is at great risk for experiencing depression and isolation.

It was difficult, very difficult [to learn the language]. You want to work, you want to support yourself. But the system wants to hold you down, it’s hard.

For some it is a dream to support oneself but they can’t. I was lucky actually.

I had an education that guaranteed a job otherwise I would have never gotten a job. I think they have to give people jobs, people don’t feel good from sitting at home, to sit at home is not good. Then you feel bad and have to go see a psychologist and that costs society money. If you work you feel good, you get a routine and learn the language a lot better, you learn the everyday language in a whole other way than if you read or take a course. To sit at home is simply a viscous circle. (IM, 47)

Participants that felt like members of the diaspora were expected to live up to higher standards than the native Swedes. One participant felt that CIM:s and YI:s were accepted as Swedes only if they contributed with something extraordinary. “Zlatan Ibrahimovic, Ljudmila ”on drugs” Engqvist, Markus Samuelsson. There you have three examples of people that would have been losers if it weren’t for the international attention that they got.” (CIM, 25)

To constantly be alert and aware of what one has to prove can feel like an untenable situation, therefore a will to leave grow inside of many young members of the diaspora.

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There is an idea of a place where one can be judged solely based on one’s qualifications and not on one’s ethnicity. What place that is varies from individual to individual, it can be the old homeland or some other multicultural country like the USA or Great Britain.

Because I feel like I have put too much time on my education and at bettering myself as a person to have time for all the shit one has to go through here.

You are not hired based on your qualifications here but there are other things that weigh in. In Sweden you are only valued if you bring something extraordinary to the table. Only then they will accept you as Swedish. (CIM, 25)

5.3 Theme 3. Us and them

The notion of an ”us” and a ”them” is usually based on the precondition that the in-group (us) is superior to the out-group (them) (Baumant, 1990). In terms of culture the difference between the Swedish culture and the cultures that the participants in this study identified with, or at least viewed as familiar, is that the Swedish culture is a culture where the individual is

encouraged to care for his or her own needs first whereas in the cultures that the participants spoke of as their own, family and the community mattered more.

A normative group is the group that establishes an individual’s norms and behaviours (Baumant, 1990). This is a process that takes place over time through a system of rewards, punishments, affirmations and corrections for whatever behaviour an individual displays. In collectivistic societies individualistic behaviour can be regarded as selfish and therefore discouraged through this process.

I have been completely affected by the Swedish culture. I can’t think of anything special but I have learned a lot from them when it comes to lifestyle.

You become a little selfish here, you become an individualist, it doesn’t work otherwise. I have become like them I want it to be quiet. Their lifestyle affected me. Not in a negative way, I can’t say but you become more law- abiding. You get this “right needs to be right” mentality. (IM, 47)

A fair question to ask is whether the collectivistic way of life emerged out of love or simply because there was a physical need for it. It is relatively safe to assume that it’s the latter of the two options. In Sweden today there is no psychical need to live in large communities consisting of family and friends. The development from a collectivistic society to an individualistic goes hand in hand with a higher material living standard.

There is a big difference [between Sweden and Cape Verde]. In Cape Verde one also works and comes home but there the door is always open.

People are coming and going all the time, like a revolving door. In Sweden you are in your apartment. There [in Cape Verde] you are outside more and you socialize more, although it can be attributed to the weather. Here it takes a long time to get to know people that live in your own building.

So there is a very big difference. (IY, 50)

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In order for one person to feel true compassion for another person, the person has to be recognized as an individual and not just a member of a group. To cluster people into groups makes is easier to ignore their suffering. If a line is drawn from each individual the people closest to us on this line are called consociates. Consociates are people that the individual regards as close and with whom the individual has direct contact. Furthest away on line are people that the individual has the most generalized image of. This can be due to lack of direct contact or taught in behaviour. A groups place on the line is not constant, it can be changed simply be reaching out (Baumant 1990).

Immigrants have more humour, Swedes are more active, they are always doing something. An immigrant would say something like “I don’t know, too tired to do anything, that’s boring. There is nothing to do.” A Swede would say something like “Let’s go out and find something to do.” Immigrants are more narrow minded, immigrants like meeting girls at parties and Swedes like to drink. (CIM, 21)

The cultural conflict is probably also going on on an intrapersonal level. It’s a battle the individual fights with him- or herself. There are trade offs to both ways of life, whichever ways of life one might be torn between. In the case of the individualistic culture versus the collectivistic one, the individualistic culture allows the individual to live a more authentic life in the sense that individualistic societies are based on the idea that your choices and the consequences of them are your own to deal with. This means that family and friends don’t get involved to the same extent that they would in a collectivistic community. Since the individual has more people to answer to in a collectivistic culture this might prevent him or her to make controversial decisions or, at least, to be open about them. On the other hand in a collectivistic environment the individual can always count on someone to help when one is in need.

I would call my circle of friends very mixed. I don’t think about where people are from at first but, and this might sound awful, I decide where the friendship goes based on that. I feel I have more in common with my own people. It hasn’t always been like that but then things have happened that have made me gravitate towards people that look like me. You can’t ask a Swedish friend for favours or expect anything from them, like you can with an immigrant friend. Sooner or later that side comes out. (CIM, 25)

The concept of “we and them” is very much present in the Swedish Diaspora community.

From the participants experiences one can make the assumption that there is a mutual feeling of “we and them” between the native Swedes and the diaspora. The climate between the native Swedes and the diaspora is characterized by hostility, suspicion, and prejudice. At times the participants did not even know that they had these feelings but they acted accordingly anyway. There is also a desire to keep a distance from native Swedes, amongst the participants, both the younger ones and the older.

I would prefer that my children have a mix of both Swedish and immigrant friends but I’d prefer that they only have immigrant friends than only Swedish friends. I’ve never had a close, good Swedish friend, all is relative but I get along better with immigrants. (CIM, 23)

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I don’t want to live in a Swedish neighbourhood. I remember when we went to visit [the participants husband’s Swedish adoptive mother] and everybody stared at us. It was an unsafe feeling. They would never say anything but they keep an eye on you, the ostracize you. The neighbourhood we live in now is safe like that, it’s mixed. (IM, 45)

The general concensus was that Swedes were unaccepting of things that are different. The fear of things that are different becomes so strong that the only way to protect oneself from it is to not acknowledge the difference or the person that embodies this difference at all.

Even at the university I have come across a lot of ignorance. People act so unaccepting towards people that are unlike them. I don’t consider myself to be the norm, I’m different and everybody else is different to and that’s okay.

It doesn’t have to be about race and stuff like that, it can also be about different disabilities and conditions that people have. A thought like that would never cross my mind and if it did I would be too ashamed to admit it.

There has to be a respect for other people. (CIM, 25)

There is also prejudice amongst the diaspora towards other immigrant groups within the diaspora. There is a notion within the diasporan community that children are better off having mainly Swedish playmates. This is thought to help their linguistic development and also to make them better adjusted in society. This can be due to projection, projecting ones negative image and feelings of lack of accomplishment on to other immigrant groups or maybe even ones own.

At first I had a negative image of immigrants and a good image of the Swedes. I wanted my kids to be with them. When my daughter started school I wanted her to be with the Swedish kids and the Swedish kids ignored her and it hit that they are no better than us. Now I just want my daughter to have friends that she’s happy with and for some reason all her friends are Eritreans. (IM, 45)

Contact with native Swedes is desired but hard to achieve. There is a barrier between the diaspora and native Swedes, which both sides are responsible for. Society also plays an important role in making sure that the gap between them is maintained by segregating the two groups.

The contact with their countrymen was strong but it was hard to make Swedish friends. The language was a big part of that and the culture. And the Swedes lived in another way than they did, so it was hard for them to find eachother. Can see it in my own generation, when we became teenagers there was a club called Afrikana where we went. You never went to the Swedish places. You stood out there. You were exotic. In their eyes you were never Swedish, only the people who know me and know that I have lived here for a long time see me as Swedish. You are accepted into the group immediately and even if you are it’s always there. For me that have a family and my own culture it’s not that hard because I know what my origin is but I can imagine

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that it is hard for those who are adopted and aren’t aware of their roots in the same way. (IY, 50)

I can honestly say that I don’t have one Swedish friend but I do spend a lot of time with my daughter’s in-laws that are Swedish but I don’t have one Swedish friend that I can trust or not trust but… But my daughters in-laws for example we spend time together, we go out to eat and go to a spa. We spend time together both with the rest of the family and by ourselves. In the beginning it was a little difficult so spend time with them because I didn’t know the language. I was ashamed to speak but now it’s better. Most Swedish friends we spend time with is through the children. For example my son’s girlfriend’s mother was here and we had a great time. I don’t have a problem to socialize with them for example the people from my work, when we spend time together we have a great time but we’re not that close, no we’re not. It’s a disadvantage. In London when I studied there we had many English friends, they were in our place and we were in theirs. I think Swedes are a little afraid of socializing with us. They don’t reach out to us and when we reach out to them they become afraid and a little distant. It’s okay to go out through work, but not more because then they try to distance themselves.

(IM, 47)

To avoid contact with members of the diaspora can be a way for native Swedes to avoid conflict.

When they socialize with other native Swedes they might feel more comfortable because they have the same frame of reference and therefore know, or at least assume, they know how to act and what social rules to apply. Not knowing can be a source of anxiety and, therefore, avoiding the person symbolizing this anxiety is a way to avoid conflict. The same behaviour can be observed amongst the diaspora, both toward native Swedes and toward other groups within the diaspora.

The ideal would be to meet a guy from my homeland that is brought up in Sweden because then I know that we have the same values and that we have grown up the same way. A guy from my homeland with strong Swedish influences. I shouldn’t really care about those things and just think about who makes me happy but… (CIM, 25)

The younger population of the diaspora, no matter how strong their cultural influences from home were and however alienated they might have felt at times from mainstream society, still to some extent identified with the Swedish way of life. This is also true of the older population of the diaspora, although maybe not to the same extent. What some of the older participants in this study seemed to miss in the Swedish culture was human warmth. The lack of warmth was attributed to the individualistic way of life.

You end up in a world where you lose compassion for other people and it’s not pretty. To be selfish or an individualist makes you lose all compassion for other people. It’s in my moral and ethic that if someone needs my help, I give it and I’m there for others. It might be a hassle for me but that’s okay. For example once when I was on the bus home, there was a man that was getting of and he fell and hurt himself. He was just laying there and nobody reacted

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but we immigrants ran to help him and call the ambulance and waited with him till it got there. What are they afraid of? How can you be so cold? Where is the civil courage? Swedes don’t have any civil courage. They are afraid to get involved in anything. You can’t say everybody but some of them. Now a days I go to the Red Cross and help out and there are a lot of doctors that help illegal aliens so there are Swedes that aren’t like that. But most of them are afraid to show their emotions. (IM, 47)

5.4 Theme 4. No Problems.

Some participants expressed an acceptance of their situation. They had come to terms with the fact that they did not completely belong in Sweden and that they were not regarded as Swedish by the main culture. This made them create their own identity, a third option that was not Swedish, nor the identity of their parents. They became disconnected from both cultures.

“.…. don’t know if I’m Persian or Swedish. I don’t define myself based on those kinds of terms.” (IY, 24)

To be disconnected from both cultures was not regarded as something negative but rather as another perspective. To some of the participants it was the only way of life they had ever known so it wasn’t negative or a positive, just status quo.

No, it’s probably negative to people who wants to put us in box. It would have made certain situations easier because people have an easier time handling it rather than explaining the back-story but it’s nothing that I miss.

(IY, 24)

Always having to explain oneself, to account for ones appearance was seen as a nuisence by the participants. To escape follow up questions and explanations one of the participants said he resorted to telling people what he assumed they wanted to hear.

I see myself as a mix. Overseas I say that I’m from Sweden. I guess I’m Swedish and it’s easier to say. If anybody here asks I’ll say I’m Cape Verdean and then it takes five minutes to explain what that is, weird. I don’t feel like having a long exposition to a person that I’ll never meet again so it’s just easier to that I’m Swedish. (CIM, 23)

The will to leave Sweden and seek happiness in America was something one of the participants expressed. Living in America was an appealing idea to some of the

participants; one participant expressed that desire but was also most aware of the struggles that it would entail. And despite the increase of quality that he might expericense in his social life he felt that it wouldn’t be worth loosing some of the comforts that he had gotten accustomed to from living in Sweden.

I would have wanted to go to America but that didn’t happen. . . .I don’t want to go there and look for work; I want to come to stabile financial economic circumstances. I want a better life there than the one I have here

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otherwise I don’t want to go there. It’s not only about having it better financially; there are other things that matter to. Even if I would have lived there it depends on me. If I work 3-4 jobs it’s going to be monotonous there too. And if I leave the house when everybody else comes home then I’m gonna be pretty locked there too. Then I wont meet anybody neither human beings or animals. But I can agree with people who say that there is more life there. (IY, 50)

Growing up in a segregated neighbourhood in a large metropolitan area or growing up in a small town with all Swedish neighbours can make a big difference on how an individual comes to view his or her ethnical identity. In a small town where there is no other member of the diaspora to create an “us” with one might feel a kinship with the main culture and might find other things that establish an “us and them” besides ethnicity.

I don’t believe that the differences depend on which country you originate from but rather where they are raised. If they are brought up in a big or small town and so on. Most immigrant friends that I have have lived in Sweden so long that it isn’t as much about where they’re from but where they’re brought up. (IY, 24)

6 Discussion

The new generation of CIM:s and IY:s have mixed feelings towards Sweden, some good and some bad. But all of them agree that they do not feel completely accepted here. This fact makes some of them not feel any loyalty towards society in the sense that they just see Sweden as somewhere where they spend their early years, where they collect benefits, such as free education and healthcare, and then go and live out their full potential somewhere else in the world.

By being exposed to a normative group that encourages collectivistic behaviour and discourages individualistic behaviour an individual starts to believe that being individualistic is something negative. The individual might see a negative behaviour where someone who grew up in a Swedish environment does not place any value. The participants were mainly from cultures were individualistic behaviour was seen as something negative and this affected their view of Swedish culture, which also Baumants (1990) theory of a normative group states.

The media has moulded a whole generation into buying an idea of “the promised land”. The promised land is a place where anybody can achieve success, this calibre of success might not be easily achieved in Sweden so children of the diaspora want to go to places that they feel represent the promised land for their needs such as America and Great Britain. The idea of

“the promised land” might be more attractive to children of the diaspora since Swedish children might feel that they have a real chance to make it in their homeland.

A participant spoke of having high expectations on Swedish people, just to discover that they were no better than anybody else. When the participant in question started seeing Swedish people around as individuals she saw them for what they really were. The process of a group

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going from being strangers to becoming one’s consociates does not necessarily mean that an individual’s image of them becomes more positive states Baumant (1990).

Participants spoke of not feeling like they were being let in by the main culture. This made them create their own identity, a third option that differs both from Swedish culture and from the culture of their parents. To have this identity to hold on to makes the will to be let in less powerful and strengthens the idea of a “we” and a “them”.

Since the diaspora has little or no contact with the main culture according to what the participants disclosed, prejudice is expected to be strong within both the groups (Baumant 1990).

The diaspora as well as the new immigrants want to be integrated into society. The main culture wants them to be integrated in society. If this was acknowledged a dialogue could take place and the risk of sinking deeper into a schismogenes would be avoided (Baumant 1990). However, as long as the problem is avoided the process will go further and further.

The adult immigrants seem to be more content with the thought of a future in Sweden for themselves than the younger ones. That can be due to several factors such as the fact that they feel that they have already lived the part of their lives were they should have realized themselves and are now focusing on their children and their jobs. None of the older participants were unemployed so that might give an incorrect image of how the general public of older immigrants really felt regarding a future in Sweden, since many of them are unemployed. Also the numbers of participants were few, perhaps too few to make a valid point.

6.1 Validity of Study

The interviews that were used as a tool for collecting data were conducted in different environments for each participant. Only twice were the interviews conducted on so called neutral ground, most often they were conducted in the participants’ homes where there were interruptions such as phone calls and people coming and going. The lack of seclusion could have made some participants reluctant to share certain details that they might not want their family members to hear. This might effect the validity of the study negatively since they might not be honest, which leads to that incorrect data might have been processed. Some respondents might not have been totally forthcoming or unable to express their point, this in turn could mean that a point was lost and/or at the discretion of the interviewer to interpret as they wish.

6.2 Reliability of Study

The reliability of this study is dependent on the interviewer’s interpretation of the participants’

answers. Should they be misunderstood, or not get their correct point across, it would have a direct effect on the end result. The fact that the interviews were conducted by the same interviewer every time speaks for reliability. Other factors such as the different locations where the interviews were conducted could have had an effect on the respondents’ behaviour;

becoming inhibited or exceptionally comfortable. The relationship between the interviewer and the participant can also have effected the reliability, because the participants might have speculated about what the interviewer might have expected or wanted to hear, and they might

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have wanted to please the interviewer. Taking notes instead of recording the interviews can make valuable information go unnoticed.

6.3 Ethics

All participants were assured complete confidentiality. Their names were changed in the final paper and none of the participants know who else participated in the study. The participants were told that the interview was for a thesis on integration issues, but no further details were given. Participation was voluntary and no payment or compensation was given to any of the participants.

6.4 Propositions for Future Research

An interesting point of comparison could be to interview both children of foreign origins and Swedish children and then compare their views on life. First when the children are very young, perhaps under the age of 12, and then later, when the children are 18 or so, to conduct a follow up study to study if anything has changed in their mindset and view of the world. The children that would be interviewed should be randomly selected from all social backgrounds and there should be equal amounts of boys and girls. It might also be interesting to conduct research about the differences between growing up in a larger metropolitan area and in a small town for members of the diaspora.

The Swedish diaspora

M A S T E R ' S T H E S I S

The Swedish Diaspora

Adiam Freweyni Habte

The Swedish Diaspora

Adiam Habte

Abstract

Sammanfattning

Table of Contents

1 Introduction

1.1 Background

1.2 Problem

1.3 Definitions

1.4 Aim and research questions

2 Theoretical framework

2.1 A Normative Group

2.2 Comparative Groups

2.3 Consociates

2.4 “We and Them”

2.5 Prejudice

2.6 Schismogenes

3 Previous Research

3.1 Diaspora

3.2 Kruglanskis (2004) four acculturation strategies

3.3 The process of assimilation

3.4 Impact on Ethnic Identity and on Psychological Development

3.5 The Pros and Cons of Living in Exile

3.6 Immigration visa a vis Globalization

4 Method 4.1 Participants

4.2 Material

4.3 Procedure

4.4 Data treatment

4.5 Limitations of Study

5 Results and Analysis

5.1 Theme 1. Discrimination

5.2 Theme 2. Structural discrimination

5.3 Theme 3. Us and them

5.4 Theme 4. No Problems.

6 Discussion

6.1 Validity of Study

6.2 Reliability of Study

6.3 Ethics

6.4 Propositions for Future Research