What motivates countries’ decisions to contribute to peacekeeping?

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Bachelor thesis

What motivates countries’ decisions to contribute to peacekeeping?

The case of Sweden

Author: Lovisa Sand Tutor: Manuela Nilsson Examinator: Heiko Fritz Term^{: VT20}

Subject: Peace and Development Level:^Bachelor

Course code^{: 2FU33E}

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Abstract

Following the mid 1990s, a drop in Swedish contributions to UN led peacekeeping have been evident and EU and NATO led operations have taken preference. However, in 2013 Sweden invested in a substantial troop contribution to a UN led peacekeeping operation in Mali. There is a lack of existing sources providing arguments for this sudden increase of support to a UN peacekeeping operation. This thesis looks at governmental documents and declarations of Sweden in order to find an understanding of why Sweden decided to contribute to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission (MINUSMA) in Mali in 2013. In light of the past trends of increased focus towards operations led by NATO or the EU, this research was interested in what motivated Sweden to implement a substantial troop

contribution to an UN led operation. Through tracing the arguments used by the Swedish government regarding their involvement in Mali and looking at core concepts of rational choice to find if the decision was rational.

Keywords: Peacekeeping, MINUSMA, Sweden, decision-making, rational choice.

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List of tables and figures

Figure 1: Number of multilateral peace operations, by type of conducting organization, 2008-17………23 Figure 2 : Number of Swedish Soldiers in international operations from 1964 until

2017……….26

Figure 3: Swedish contributions to peacekeeping 1994-2016……….26

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List of Abbreviations

AFISMA- African- Led International Support Mission to Mali AFISU- All Sources Information Unit

AU- African Union

CMA- Coordination of Azawad Movements

DDR- Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration ECOWAS- Economic Community Of West African States EU- European Union

EUTM Mali- European Union Training Mission Mali

EUCAP Sahel Mali- European Union Capacity Building Mission Sahel Mali EPON- The Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network

ICRC- International Committee of the Red Cross IGOs- Intergovernmental Organisations

ISAF- International Security Assistance Force KFOR- Kosovo Force

MINUSMA: United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali NATO- North Atlantic Treaty Organisation

NGOs- Non-governmental Organisations UN- United Nations

UNEF- United Nations Emergency Force UNSC- United Nations Security Council

UNTSO- United Nations Truce Supervision Organization PKO- Peacekeeping Operations

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Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1. Introduction, research problem and relevance

Since the implementation of the first armed United Nation (UN) peacekeeping operation (PKO) in 1956, Sweden has been a strong supporter and contributor. During the first two armed UN peacekeeping operations following the Suez crisis in 1956, UNEF (United Nations Emergency Force) 1 and UNEF 2, Sweden contributed with troops to both operations. Besides contributing with troops, Sweden has also been an important actor in shaping the development of UN peacekeeping, for example through collaboration and creation of joint training

programs and manuals (Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016; Försvarsmakten, 2019). For Sweden, the UN was a preferable way to act upon moral duties in fighting for human rights and an equal world, since it also was in line with the Swedish policy of neutrality and non-alignment (Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016; Björkdahl, 2013). However, when Sweden became a member of the European Union (EU) and joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) partnership for peace program in the mid-1990s, contributions to UN peacekeeping dropped and increased focus was directed towards EU and NATO led operations. Since then, Swedish presence in UN peacekeeping has remained lower than before the 1990s (Försvarsmakten, 2019; Försvarsdepartementet, 2013). Different explanations for this have been provided. For example, a push factor was the general disappointment with the performance of the UN at that time, particularly after the failures of UN peacekeeping operations in Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia and the Balkans. Other factors regarding security developments closer to home were also significant as pull factors in diverting Swedish focus away from UN peacekeeping, for example opportunities of cooperation with NATO and EU (Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016;

Försvarsdepartementet, 2013).

However, for the implementation of the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in 2013, Sweden has contributed with troops larger than to any other current UN stabilization mission. The number of Swedish persons stationed in Mali is

significantly higher than that in any other peacekeeping mission Sweden is currently involved in. By the end of February 2020, Sweden had 362 personnel stationed overseas, 225 of these in

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MINUSMA, 56 in Iraq and 23 in Afghanistan. These three are the only missions where more than 10 Swedish personnel have been participating in the field (Försvarsmakten, 2020).

When looking at trends and patterns of Sweden's involvement in peacekeeping operations it is evident that the decision to send troops to MINUSMA diverted from the previous trend of increased support to EU and NATO-led operations (Mattsson, 2010; Försvarsdepartementet, 2013; Heldt, 2012; Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016). However, there is a lack of information in the current research on why this is. The research problem, as further underlined in the literature review, is the absence of information on what motivations drove Sweden to contribute to MINUSMA.

There is a lack of information and studies on how the political decision process leading up to an informed decision comes about. This research will attempt to trace the arguments used for Sweden´s participation MINUSMA, looking at policies leading up to military interventions and presented arguments by government. Further the relation and connections between Mali and Sweden will be looked at in order to see if other incentives than those presented by government can be found.

This research can provide an insight to the defence and foreign policy of Sweden, as well as an understanding of the role Sweden wants to hold in the international community. Being able to better understand motivations, incentives and rationales to why countries, in this case Sweden, contribute to peacekeeping operations and what types of operations are prioritized is essential for the further development of peacekeeping. For instance, when trying to gather support and troop commitment from individual countries. This research could contribute to further discussions regarding foreign policy and troop contributions.

1.2. Research objective and questions

This study analyses Swedish governmental documents in order to find the main incentives explaining the recent trends of Swedish involvement in peacekeeping operations, in particular the decision to send troops to MINUSMA after a period of low presence in UN peacekeeping as well as a continued low number of contributions to other peacekeeping operations.

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The research questions are:

● Why did Sweden contribute with troops to MINUSMA?

● Was the decision for Sweden to contribute to MINUSMA rational?

Chapter 2: Previous research

From the early days of peacekeeping, there have been a lot of studies and literature written regarding the subject attempting to discuss and explain the development of peacekeeping as well as new trends changing the structure and design of peacekeeping operations. Particularly the shift away from traditional UN peacekeeping to a need for more complex multidimensional approaches due to new kinds of threats and conflicts evident after the end of cold war has been amply discussed in the literature (Mingst and Karns, 2007; Urquhart, 2009; Howard, 2019;

Bellamy and Williams, 2013; Gaibulloev et.al, 2015; Koops and Tardy, Macqueen and Williams, 2015).

Different literature and research has attempted to define main motivations and incentives to why countries contributed to peacekeeping operations (Bellamy and Williams, 2013;

Gaibulloev et.al, 2015; Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016). Rationales were categorized into five main categories rendering to be most important for explaining peacekeeping contributions includes: political, economic, security, institutional and normative arguments (Bellamy and Williams, 2013; Heldt, 2012). Contributions motivated by solely donor specific gains or sole public benefits have also been discussed in order to understand if countries contribute to enhance their own status or solely to help increase peace and stability in affected region (Gaibulloev et.al, 2015) .

When it comes to Swedish peacekeeping, Zetterlund and Nilsson (2016) provide a brief historic overview of Sweden's contributions to peacekeeping operations. Sweden´s participation in international peacekeeping has been characterized by contributing and

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Nilsson and Zetterlund (2016) discuss factors and circumstances affecting Sweden's decisions in regard to peacekeeping contributions as well as trace the shift from strong contributor to UN peacekeeping to a sharp decline following the mid 1990s. Further noting possible incentives for Sweden to contribute to UN peacekeeping, including a pre-existing relationship with the country in question, opportunity to increase experience and moral obligations (Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016). Björkdahl (2013) discusses the concept of norm entrepreneurism, arguing that Sweden´s involvement in peacekeeping are motivated by a will to shape agendas and construct norms for conflict prevention and promotion of peace and stability. Further decrease of participation in UN peacekeeping missions have according to the Swedish government partly been due to higher demands of EU and NATO led missions. A shift away from the strong principle of neutrality following the end of cold war and along with EU membership have also been used to explain the decline in UN peacekeeping operations (Mattsson, 2010;

Försvarsdepartementet, 2013; Heldt, 2012). A report by United Nations Association of Sweden recognizes the significant drop in Sweden's participation in UN peacekeeping during past decades, also noting that EU- and NATO-led operations have taken preference (UNA Sweden, 2017). In the report it is recognized that the contributions to the shorter intervention in Liberia in 2004-2006 and the current, rather longer-term mission in Mali diverts from that trend (UNA Sweden, 2017).

A report published by the Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network stated that the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) experienced some successes in its mandate to improve stability and security in the region (EPON, 2019), but is still challenged with the difficult issues of insecurity, conflict and threats to civilians

(EPON,2019; Wiklund, Lackenbauer, 2016; Lyammouri, 2018). Particularly following 2016, there has been a steady decrease of the abilities of MINUSMA to fulfil its mandate with a recurrence of fighting in the North of the country (EPON, 2019). Swedish contributions have been responsible for intelligence and surveillance in order to meet the mandate of MINUSMA (Wiklund, Lackenbauer, 2016). The future of MINUSMA faces several challenges, including what regions should receive increased focus, issues on managing surveillance teams (Wiklund, Lackenbauer, 2016; EPON, 2019). It is important to note that a consensus among the

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population in Mali exists believing that a withdrawal of MINUSMA’s presence would most likely leave Mali worse off in regard to security concerns (EPON, 2019).

In research regarding peacekeeping and Sweden, there is a lack of information and analysis concerning the incentives leading up to why Sweden decided to contribute to MINUSMA.

Looking at past trends of Sweden's involvement in peacekeeping, it is evident that the recent contribution of troops to UN-led operation MINUSMA contradicts the previous pattern of increased focus on EU- and NATO-led operations (Mattsson, 2010; Försvarsdepartementet, 2013; Heldt, 2012; Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016). This study is interested in investigating why this diversion from the previous general trend occurred^. By analysing Sweden's contributions to peacekeeping and by using the theory of rational choice, this study aims to find an answer to why the decision to contribute to MINUSMA was taken.

Chapter 3: Methodology

3.1 Qualitative desk study

I will apply a qualitative method to my research. By doing a qualitative analysis, relevant information for the topic can be found through interpreting and analyzing documents (Bryman, 2012). The main difference between qualitative and quantitative research is that quantitative research uses numerical data as measurements and variables for the analysis while the focus of qualitative research is analyzing through looking at words, processes and explanations

(Bryman, 2012). This study is designed to look for possible explanations to the phenomena in question, in this case Sweden's contributions to MINUSMA. The aim to find possible

explanations and understandings rather than concrete facts makes a qualitative study the most appropriate.

3.2 Sources

This study aims to look at motivations and arguments used for peacekeeping contributions and thus most information will be found in documents, texts, and statements by governmental organs, thereby concluding that a qualitative research method is most useful in looking for an explanation for the chosen research questions. This study will trace the arguments used in

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regard to peacekeeping contributions. The sources will consist of primary sources in form of documents and texts provided by Swedish governmental organs in order to analyze the foreign and security policy of Sweden and to understand the main objectives with regard to foreign and security. Propositions, deliberations, reports and statements by government organs such as the Swedish Defence Commission Secretariat and the parliament will be analyzed in order to find arguments for Sweden’s participation in MINUSMA.

A proposition entails a document issued by the Swedish Government providing a suggestion for an action, to the Parliament of Sweden (Regeringskansliet n.d). Following the first

proposition resulting in a Swedish troop contribution to MINUSMA in 2013, new propositions have been published each year suggesting extensions of Sweden´s contribution to MINUSMA.

In this study all of propositions that regards the decision to be involved in MINUSMA will be analyzed in order to answer the research questions.

This study will use the eight existing governmental propositions regarding Swedish

participation in MINUSMA; Proposition: 2012/13:173; Proposition 2013/14:189; Proposition 2014/15:68; Proposition 2015/16: 119; Proposition 2016/17:128; Proposition 2017/18:180;

Proposition 2018/19:69; and Proposition 2019/20:29 all available on the web through the Parliament of Sweden. Moreover, eight statements of government policy in foreign affairs throughout the years 2013 to 2020, government letter 2016/17:196 regarding Sweden's policy for international crisis management and summary of Sweden's security policy by the Swedish defence commission secretariat will be analyzed. In total a number of 19 governmental documents will be looked at, and additional secondary literature.

3.3 Process-tracing

The method of process-tracing has been widely used by scientists in political studies as well as international relations. The method is used to address the issue of process, the process being a set of steps and decisions resulting in the phenomena that is subject for this research. In this study it will be used to trace and analyze arguments by the Swedish government with the objective to find and analyze the causal process (George and Bennett, 2005).

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This study will use a theory-oriented approach to process-tracing using a rational choice framework tracing arguments used in regards to peacekeeping contributions on an institutional level of analysis. George and Bennett (2005, pp 208) mention that this approach has been efficiently used when constructing detailed historical case studies. The use of process-tracing in this study is appropriate, it provides a possibility to analyze the process leading to

decision-making and is useful in determining the ability of rational choice theory to anticipate the causal process resulting in an outcome (George and Bennett, 2005).

Process-tracing entails finding likely causes for the outcome of an action or event through looking at the process that led up to that outcome. In the case of this study this means analyzing documents and statements regarding peacekeeping operations, MINUSMA in special, to find out what led to the decision to contribute to MINUSMA. George and Bennett (2005) emphasizes the importance of being mindful that the process cannot exclude all other possible causes and thus recognizing that the outcome could have come about due to different means (George and Bennett, 2005).

George and Bennett (2005) further mention that process-tracing can be useful in finding explanations for deviating outcomes, the decision of Sweden to contribute to MINUSMA could be considered a deviating decision since it diverts from the previous general trend of decreasing participation in UN led peacekeeping (George, Bennett, 2005).

3.4 Text analysis

As Bryman (2012) mentions, an interpretivist position is often most beneficial in finding an understanding of the social world. In order to answer the research questions of this study, a case study of Sweden will be conducted. For this study, an interpretivist position will help provide a deeper understanding of the behavior and motivations of the Swedish government, particularly the Ministry of Defense, for example through interpretation of governmental documents including Sweden´s Defense policy, propositions regarding participating in peacekeeping, reports by defense department, and official statements. Further secondary literaturewill be interpreted to increase understanding of knowledge of contexts surrounding chosen research questions.

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I will conduct a desk study using text analysis, attempting to find arguments in texts to be able to answer the research questions. In this research text analysis of documents entails written documents in different forms, for instance including official documents, articles, news, and statements. There are advantages of using text analysis, for example when using existing documents text analysis is an unobtrusive method, meaning that using the document does not affect it in any sense, it has no reactive effect. Another advantage is that it is often perceived as a transparent method, since document is being used in its original form it can be subjected to replications, reliability checks and follow up studies. Some possible disadvantages that needs to be considered regards scrutiny of used documents, looking at authenticity and credibility of documents is important to ensure or acknowledge possible biases or distortions of the documents (Robson, McCartan, 2016; Bryman, 2012). This study will apply a

hermeneutic approach, Bryman (2012) argues that it is important to understand why the text was written through looking at the historical and social context of the text in question.

Knowledge of who, why and from what perspective the text was produced could provide relevant insight to the study as well as increase awareness of possible biases (Robson, McCartan, 2016; Bryman, 2012).

3.5 Case study

Case study is a research strategy that have been widely used for a long time within different disciplines (Robson and McCartan, 2016). This research will follow the design of a case study. In case studies the research is especially focused on the context and difficulty of the case in question, thus the case becomes the evident situation or phenomena that is of interest (Bryman, 2012). Commonly case studies entail research involving empirical analysis of a specific situation or phenomenon within its existing context using different sources (Robson, McCartan, 2016). Bryman (2012) further argues that case studies are characterized by the researcher’s objective being to clarify and explain the distinctive attributes of the case in question.

This is a single case study where the decision to participate in MINUSMA will be studied. The case thus entails Sweden´s incentives for contributing to peacekeeping. In carrying out a case

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study it is important to acknowledge an often discussed issue, that the results of a single case cannot be used to make predictions or generalizations about other cases, rather it opens up for speculations and further research (Robson, McCartan, 2016).

3.6. Abduction

When conducting research, one can find a distinction between deductive, inductive and abductive reasoning. Deductive approaches begin with a theory and thereafter research is carried out. The researcher begins with a theoretical idea and then deduce a hypothesis that later is analyzed. An inductive approach is the opposite direction of deductive, here theory is the output of a research process (Bryman, 2012). The abductive approach does not entail either an inductive or deductive approach, rather it entails the application of a theory to a certain topic. These different types of reasoning can also be described as different models of inferences where each type entails separate ways of reasoning, of moving from one thing to another thing. Abductive inference entails when the phenomena in a study is looked at from a new or different framework or within a different context. The aim is to provide a new

understanding of something due to analyzing from a new set of ideas (Danermark, 2002;

Bryman 2012). Bryman (2012) further argues that abductive reasoning regards when a social phenomenon is interpreted through perspective of those in the same social world as the phenomenon.

Robson and McCartan (2016) distinguish between open systems and closed systems of real-world research, whereas the former entails situations where research is subjected to external influences. Common for open systems research is finding explanations and causes for a phenomenon that has occurred but due to constantly changing processes and structures, the research cannot give absolute predictions about the future. In this research it is important to acknowledge the constantly changing context and actors, therefore it is difficult to make predictions. Further Robson and McCartan (2016) notes that abductive approaches are often appropriate when carrying out open systems research.

3.7. Ethical considerations

The research of this essay will be accomplished through a qualitative desk study and therefore an ethical consideration is not expected to be required.

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3.8. Limitations and Delimitations

The planned research is delimited through a sole focus on Sweden's involvement in

peacekeeping rather than doing a comparative study. The aim of this study is to gain a better understanding of Sweden´s incentives to peacekeeping therefore it is only necessary to analyze Sweden's contributions to PKOs.

In order to answer the research questions there is a need to find documents providing

arguments and information of the Swedish contribution to MINUSMA. This requires looking at and analyzing official document and protocols. Limitations regard access and availability to documents. The propositions used contained arguments for why Sweden contributed to

MINUSMA but lacked information on why Sweden chose to increase support to UN led peacekeeping at that specific time.

Chapter 4: Analytical Framework

4.1. The concept of peacekeeping

Peacekeeping has changed and developed since its first appearance in 1948 (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, Hugh, 201; UN Peacekeeping n.d). The United Nations defines peacekeeping as a tool used for aiding countries that have or are affected by conflict to create possibilities for peace and security (UN Peacekeeping n.d). The modern multidimensional peacekeeping operations handle a variety of tasks, including monitoring human rights, security sector reforms, implementing disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs, organizing elections, protecting civilians etc. further the multidimensional operations are not limited to military actors, often other groups are included such as humanitarian workers, legal experts, police officers, economist, administrators and so on (UN Peacekeeping n.d). Mingst and Karns (2007 p: 318-321) further defined UN peacekeeping as a mission authorized by the United Nations to provide assistance in preserving or restoring peace and security in areas affected by conflict through the use of, but not limited to, military personnel with restricted rights to the use of force. However peacekeeping operations are also often implemented by regional

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organizations, for instance EU, AU or NATO. In this study the use of the term peacekeeping will regard international operations with the goal to contribute to successful and secure transitions from conflict to peace, including protection of civilians and carrying out the

mandate of the mission (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, Hugh, 2016). Motivations to peacekeeping contributions will be analyzed through different perspectives.

In his analysis of Sweden and peacekeeping, Wolke (2019) lists common characteristics of peacekeeping operations. Implementation of an international PKO requires an international mandate, Sweden remains dependent on a UNSC mandate before sending troops to any international peacekeeping operation (Wolke, 2019; Regeringskansliet,2017). Typically, peacekeeping operations are constructed by multinational forces and multifunctional

operations through usage of various tasks (Wolke, 2019; Försvarsdepartementet, 2013). Other characteristics of PKO are that they have consent of the host country, they have an objective to support conflict affected areas, protect civilians, help preserve stability or/and support a

peaceful transition (UN Peacekeeping n.d).

Wolke (2019) categorizes six different types of peacekeeping operations. The first one consists of preventive measures. The second one he calls traditional peacekeeping, entailing a situation where all parties to the conflict have approved the peacekeeping mission’s presence, i.e. it is not enforced and military actions are limited. The third type entails peacekeeping where there officially is a ceasefire but in reality, violence stills occur. The fourth regards enforced peace operations. The fifth type has the objective to support a transition from conflict to peace through implementation of a peaceful agreement. And the final type is more focused on administering a transition, where the international community have taken upon the responsibility to implement a political transition.

The main objective of the UN charter is to maintain international peace and security, chapter six, seven and eight regards peace operations (UN Charter, ch 6,7,8). Chapter six of the UN charter addresses pacific settlements of disputes and emphasizes the use of peaceful means in order to manage disputes (UN Charter, ch 6). Chapter six have commonly been linked with peace operations, however the security council are not obligated to refer to a certain chapter of

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the charter when passing a resolution. Chapter seven of the UN Charter addresses actions with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression and have been referred to in UNSC resolutions providing mandate of MINUSMA (UN Charter, ch 7; UNSC 2100, 2012). Chapter eight of the UN Charter regards support of regional arrangements for managing issues related to maintaining international peace and security (UN charter, ch 8).

In an increasingly globalized and interdependent world, with new emerging threats and conflicts a shift away from the traditional UN peacekeeping has occurred (Urquhart, 2009).

Peacekeeping is becoming increasingly multidimensionaland no longer solely limited to UN led missions (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, Hugh, 2016).

4.2. Rational choice theory

The study will use the model of Rational Choice Theory. This theory regards the decision-making process, arguing that decisions are based on rationality and utility

maximization (O´Brien and Williams, 2016). With regard to peacekeeping contributions, the state would be considered the rational actor, in charge of deciding where and if to send troops.

This decision would be based upon an analysis of the benefits and costs for the country rather than a sole objective to help increase peace and stability in the region (O´Brien and Williams, 2016). A state can be considered to be a rational actor due to its ability to have preferences, collect information and make decisions and then carry them out (Elster,1989). Analyzing through the rational choice model could help provide insights into why some missions where prioritized over others.

In order to apply the theory of rational choice theory, this study draws upon the assumption that actions are explained through looking at the objectives that the actor were working for and how that action can be considered rational (Allison and Zelikow, 1999). Moreover, an

assumption is made that the actor acted based upon calculations and weighing of pros and cons in order to make the most rational choice. To understand if Sweden's actions have been

rational in regards to peacekeeping this study will analyze the foreign and security policy of Sweden.

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Rational choice theory is used in several different fields and is usually seen as an efficient tool for theory-driven social research. Rational choice theory entails a cluster of assumptions, one main assumption of rational choice theory entails that objectives of decision makers are generally consistent and that actors chose the best available option, thus making the most optimal decision, guided by preferences, beliefs and constraints in order to maximize goal (Wittek, Snijders, Nee, 2013). In regards to the preferences and objectives that guides rational choice it should be noted that actors are likely to have more than one preference or objective and thus these have to be ranked and prioritized (Cashman, 2014; Walt, 1999). Myerson (1991) defines a rational actor as an actor who makes consistent decisions in order to reach his goals, assuming that the goal of all actors is utility maximization. The assumptions can differ from different branches of rational choice approaches. Several different sub theories and approaches exists within the rational choice framework, for instance hyper rationality,

bounded rationality and procedural rationality (Wittek, Snijders, Nee, 2013; Allison, Zelikow, 1999).

Hyper-rationality is also referred to as a full rationality approach due to its assumption of actors access to full information in regards to decision making, i.e knowledge of all possible alternatives, outcome probabilities and consequences. In the case of hyper-rationality, the goal of decision making is utility maximization. Bounded rationality assumes that access to

information can be uneven and actors are usually not completely informed about all available options. Bounded rationality also believes that decision making is affected by selective attention and that the goal of decision making is rather to satisfy the goal than maximizing it (Wittek, Snijders, Nee, 2013). Procedural rationality differs in the sense that it is based on the assumption that decisions and behavior are influenced by previous experiences that have resulted in instinctual responses instead of being based upon intentional and deliberate costs and benefit analysis (Wittek, Snijders, Nee, 2013) .

Different aspects of the theory have been criticized, for example its assumptions, its model of human nature, and its inability to handle culture and identity. Cashman (2014) criticizes the Rational Actor Model claiming that it is unlikely for governments to make a completely rational decision due to several factors. For instance, lack of access to all available

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information; impact by needs and wants of political leaders, misinterpretation of information, lack of time needed for the process of making a rational choice and making speculations rather than predictions.

The concept of bounded rationality was first presented by Herbert Simon in response to the critique regarding the human nature aspect of rational choice model. This critique is directed toward the assumption that actors have access to all information needed to predict the

respective outcomes of the respective choices available and what choices are available, this is in line with Cashman’s note on rational choice (Allison and Zelikow, 1999; Cashman, 2014).

Additionally Cashman states that bounded rationality recognizes the limitations that are in place in most types of decision making processes, thus the theory of bounded rationality is more useful in assessing real world situations where circumstances are limited, as Cashman explains it rather “imperfect rationality” (Cashman, 2014, pp. 121).

The common assumption that rational decisions are driven by maximization of the person's own-well-being have been criticized, Sen recognizes that it is important to recognize that various motivations exists and decisions can still be rational even if not driven by selfish reasons. Motivations can differ and does not always entail the pursuit of one owns preferences or interests, thus rationality does not always entail making the most beneficial decision to fulfill or increase one owns welfare. If motivations are driven by other factors, for example a sense of duty, a sense of moral, commitment or influence of others, decisions made in respect to these can be rational even if outcome does not result in gain of the person's own well-being (Sen, 1994).

Despite criticism rational choice remains an important and widely used theory proving that despite the critique the theory is still regarded as efficient and pertinent, and thus cannot be discerned (Wittek, Snijders, Nee, 2013). March and Olsen (1989) criticizes the logic of

consequences that characterizes rational choice approaches, arguing for other factors affecting decision making process, for instance the logic of appropriateness. The logic of

appropriateness states that a collection of interrelated rules and routines exits that determine the appropriate action and thus introducing the importance of rule governed behavior into

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rational choice approaches (March, Olsen, 1989). In this study it can be beneficial to integrate the logic of appropriateness into rational choice theory.

When applying rational choice to the findings of this study, the core concepts of Rational Actor Model (RAM) will be used. In the analysis the actor will be seen as a unitary decision maker, with a set of objectives and preferences. The conflict in Mali and the invitation to contribute by the UNSC provided Sweden with a situation where the actor had to make a decision. The model provided by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow in Essence of Decision (1999) revolves around four core concepts; objectives, alternatives, consequences and choices.

This analysis will attempt to understand an action by an actor through looking at these four concepts in order to explain a phenomenon by relating the goals and calculations of the actors, in this case the Government of Sweden. These four concepts are considered factors leading up to a decision resulting in an action (Allison and Zelikow, 1999).

The objectives are found in the values and interests guiding preferences of an actor. These preferences are used to rank possible alternatives and later to make the most optimal decision for maximizing those preferences. Alternatives entails the set of options available for the actor in the situation. Further the actor has to consider that with every alternative there are different outcomes and consequences that have to be considered before being able to make a chose the most optimal alternative. Thus, the fourth concepts regard choice, selecting the alternative that is the best available option in regard to payoff of preferences, which is evident after rating the consequences. I.e. the function of choice is value-maximizing within special constraints.

Allison and Zelikow argues that the Rational Actor Model regards consistent behavior of an actor. Thus, consistency will also be looked at in regards to decision making of the

Government of Sweden. Inference from the RAM model claims that an action carried out by a government follows choosing the most utility maximizing available alternative and in this lies the explanatory power of rational choice, i.e. looking at the motivations behind the action (Allison and Zelikow, 1999). In the analysis the findings will be looked at through using the concepts of RAM; objectives, alternatives, consequences, choice and consistency. Relating the analytical framework to the findings in order to provide an explanation of the decision by The

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Swedish Government to contribute to MINUSMA and whether it was rational according to the concepts of RAM.

Chapter 5: Findings

5.1 The evolution of peacekeeping

The first United Nations Peacekeeping operation was an observatory mission, implemented in 1948 to monitor the agreement between Israel and its Arab neighbors, the operation was named the United Nation Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO). In 1956, the first armed UN operation was implemented following the Suez Crisis, United Nations Emergency Force 1 (UNEF 1). These operations tend to be labeled the beginning of peacekeeping, so-called traditional peacekeeping. In its early days, the main objective of peacekeeping operations was to aid in creating a peaceful transition to independence and was dominated by UN-led

operations (Urquhart, 2009; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, Hugh, 2016).

Since 1948 the United Nations have deployed 71 PKOs and currently there are 13 active UN PKOs around the world with 95 423 personnel being deployed (UN Peacekeeping, 2020).

There is also a growing number of non-un peacekeeping operations conducted by other actors, for example the EU and NATO. NATO's most recognized peace operations include ISAF, the NATO led operation in Afghanistan, KFOR in Kosovo and IFOR in Bosnia. ISAF was

implemented in 2001 and was active until 2014, Sweden was an active contributor throughout the whole period and contributed at most with 1000 military personnel (Försvarsmakten n.d).

Sweden have also contributed to KFOR who was implemented in 1999 and is still active (Försvarsmakten n.d)

Figure 1 provides an outlook on how many peacekeeping operations have been UN led in comparison to non-UN led peacekeeping. One advantage of UN peacekeeping operations is

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Figure 1: Number of multilateral peace operations, by type of conducting organization, 2008-17

that they tend to be discerned as more neutral than non-UN operations (Bara and Hultman, 2020). However, an advantage to non-UN peacekeeping operations is that they in some cases can be deployed faster, deployment of UN led operations can take a long time due to

bureaucratic processes (Bara and Hultman, 2020). A significant rise of non-UN peacekeeping operations can be seen following the end of the cold war, however in regards to size UN operations tends to be greater (Bara and Hultman, 2020 ;Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016) .

Since the first UN peacekeeping operation the configuration and execution of PKOs have evolved and now entail a broader set of missions, facing different challenges and are no longer solely dominated by United Nations (Urquhart, 2009; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, Hugh, 2016;

Karnst, Mingst, 2009). Urquhart argues for the complexity of peacekeeping and emphasizes the need for new approaches to achieve successful multifunctional peacekeeping missions (2009). For instance, following the end of the cold war, peacekeeping operations changed, becoming more complex and multidimensional (UN peacekeeping n.d; Urquhart, 2009).

Broader set of tasks were given to peacekeeping operations, moving away from solely leaning on the military to include administrative workers, humanitarian workers, police, and so on (UN Peacekeeping n.d). When the cold war ended, a rapid increase of peacekeeping operations

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occurred, with 20 new operations being implemented between 1989 and 1994. However, in the mid 1990s the pattern changed again following a general dissatisfaction towards UN

peacekeeping due to actions for example in Rwanda and Yugoslavia where UN operations failed to decrease violence and conflict, resulting in less support for UN-led PKOs (UN Peacekeeping n.d; Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016) .

Since then, the complexity and width of peacekeeping operations have continued to grow.

Today peacekeeping operations are faced with many challenges and remain dependent on different actors and special capabilities (UN; Urquhart, 2009; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, Hugh, 2016; Karnst, Mingst, 2009). One example is the increased need for intelligence and surveillance capabilities, where Sweden have become an important contributor (Utrikes-och försvarsutskottet, 2013; Nilsson and Lindell, 2015).

5.2 Sweden’s involvement in peacekeeping

Sweden has a long history of supporting peacekeeping operations, but along with Sweden's foreign policy the pattern and trends of participation in peacekeeping have changed. Before the 1990s and joining the European Union, Sweden had a long history of following a policy of neutrality. In theory this still stands but in reality, it is evident that when becoming a member of EU and creating closer ties to NATO, the neutrality policy is not as evident as it once was, rather the policy of solidarity has taken precedence (Österdahl, 2009).Promotion of peace and development have been an important aspect of Sweden's foreign and security policy, thus including involvement in PKOs (Wolke, 2019; The Swedish Defense Commission secretariat, 2020) .

In the eyes of the Swedish population, studies have shown that participation in operations led by the UN is perceived to be more neutral and following traditional peacekeeping than those led by for example NATO and the EU that sometimes are perceived to be more as peace enforcement operations. In reality the operations are more alike but due to how they are perceived, UN led operations are usually more favorable in the eyes of the population (Wolke, 2019; Bara and Hultman, 2020). Sweden are and have been involved in PKOs led by different regional organizations, IGOs and coalitions, however Sweden remains dependent on a

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mandate by the UNSC before contributing to any peacekeeping operation, this in line with Sweden´s policy of non-alignment (Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016; Wolke, 2019) .

In the mid 1990s there was a shift in military and political attention in Sweden, contributions to UN peacekeeping dropped and increased focus where directed towards EU and NATO led operations. Different explanations to this have been provided, for example a push factor was the general disappointment with the performance of UN at that time, for example after failures of UN peacekeeping operations in Rwanda, former Yugoslavia and the Balkans. Other factors regarding security developments closer to home was also significant in pulling Swedish focus away from UN peacekeeping, EU and NATO opportunities were also pull factors. (Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016; Försvarsdepartementet, 2013). Following improved relations with Russia and a softening of NATO's focus, an opportunity of cooperation with NATO opened up, moreover NATO´s effectiveness in the Balkans increased interest in NATO. In 1995, Sweden became a member of the EU, since the EU have remained an importance platform for Swedish security and foreign policy (Nilsson and Zetterlund, 2016; The Swedish Defense Commission Secretariat; 2015 ; 2020).

Figure 2 displays the number of Swedish soldiers being involved in respectively UN led and non-UN led international operations from 1964, showing the drop of troop contributions to UN led operations mentioned above following the 1990s. Figure 3 further presents how Swedish contributions to peacekeeping between 1994 and 2016 have differed in regards to UN led and non UN led operations. In April 2020, The Swedish Armed forces were active in 11

international operations, four of these are UN led, three are led by the EU, two are led by NATO and two are led by other coalitions, furthermore the troop contribution to MINUSMA are significantly higher than to any other active operation. These operations are almost solely limited to Africa and the Middle East (Försvarsmakten; 2020).

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Figure 2: Number of Swedish Soldiers in international operations from 1964 until 2017

Figure 3: Swedish contributions to peacekeeping 1994-2016

Sweden have been a significant contributor to NATO's operation in Afghanistan, ISAF from the beginning of 2002 until 2014 when NATO closed down the operation. At most, Sweden had around 1000 persons deployed by the Swedish Armed Forces at the same time and

throughout the period a total of around 7000 Swedish soldiers and officers have been deployed in Afghanistan working with ISAF. Nilsson and Zetterlund (2016) argues that as ISAF was closed down, being the only international operation where Sweden had a substantial troop contribution, a window opened for another operation to take its place, referring to MINUSMA.

This statement is further discussed by Koops and Tercovich (2016) who notes that

speculations regarding a return of peacekeeping contributions from European countries was made as NATO started to phase out its operation in Afghanistan and troops were drawn back.

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5.3 The conflict in Mali and MINUSMA

Following independence from France in the 1960s, Mali has been characterized by instability and recurring violence. Tensions between ethnic minorities, socio-economic marginalization of the rural population in the north, environmental shocks, instability between north and south regions and weak governance are all factors contributing to the current situation of conflict and instability that characterizes Mali (Maiga, 2016; Nyirabikali, 2015).

There are several actors involved in the conflict, including IGOs, NGOs, rebel groups, and other states. Following neglect by the government, the North of Mali became an area with less government control, and thus deteriorating security. There are several rebel groups active in the country, for instance ethnic groups calling for autonomy of theregion they call Azawad located in Northern Mali, violent jihadist groups, and various armed groups with their own political and economic agenda (Nyirabikali,2015; Africa Renewal n.d). The destabilization of northern Mali has been significantly impacted by regional developments and lack of efforts and cooperation to address these issues. These issues include transnational organized crime, smuggling, recruitment and alliances of extremist groups. Further on, distrust among the neighboring states have further been a major obstacle to regional cooperation of security issues (Lacher,2013). Due to the vulnerability of the region, neighboring states such as Algeria, Libya, Niger and Burkina Faso have intervened as mediators in order to counter spread of terrorism as well as to gain larger influence over the Sahel region (Chauzal, Van Damme, 2015; Lacher, 2012). Spread of conflict and issues over borders have also been present, for instance the extremist group Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQUIM), arised from conflict in Algeria in the 1990s but have since spread and also taken up hold in Northern Mali,

recruiting and striking alliances with Malian population. Thus, improvement of regional cooperation is important to stabilize the situation in the Sahara Sahel region, including northern Mali (Lacher, 2013).

Following a military coup d’état in Mars 2012 and increased pressure from the international community, an agreement was signed with the supervision of the Economic Community of West African States⁽ECOWAS), resulting in implementation of transitional authorities. In early January 2013 armed groups started moving towards Bamako and Southern regions of

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Mali, Mali´s transitional authorities requested military support from France and by end of January the Malian forces had with support from France, Chad and Niger regained control over most part of the country. Since then some progress was made, legitimate and fair

elections were held and a new constitutional and democratic government was set up. The most prominent issue for Mali at this time was to communicate with legitimate parties of the

conflict working for a sustainable peace, as well as managing the deteriorating security situation (Prop 2012/13:173).

UNSC resolution 2056 from July 2012 by the UNSC, proclaimed the situation in Mali a threat to international peace and security in the region. In reference to chapter seven of the UN charter, the resolution called upon actions to be taken to restore the constitutional order, to protect human rights, to protect the territorial integrity of Mali, to fight terrorism, and for UN to support mediation efforts. The resolution further calls upon the Secretary General to oversee the request of ECOWAS for a UN mandate to implement a stabilization force, and mainly for the Secretary General to take charge in the development and implementation of an integrated strategy in cooperation with regional actors with objective to include issues of security, governance, development, human rights and humanitarian issues (UNSC 2056, 2012).

Later on in October 2012, UNSC resolution 2071 continues to express concern for the deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in the Sahel region. The instability

characterizing Northern Mali and concerns of the presence of armed groups, proliferation of weapons, and presence of criminal networks emphasized the need for an urgent response in order to enhance stability in the whole region. Following a request by the transitional government of Mali to receive support from an international military force to assist Malian forces, the resolution called upon the international community to cooperate to support the defense and security forces of Mali (UNSC 2071, 2012). UNSC resolution 2085 was passed in December 2012 and with reference to chapter seven of the UN charter supported the

implementation of An African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA), and further called upon the secretary general to establish a UN presence in the country (UNSC 2085 ,2012).

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Following above mentioned UNSC resolutions, the European Union in January 2013, decided to establish the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM) to provide education and training for the Malian forces also emphasizing the importance of reaching peace and stability in the Sahel region (EUTM n.d). The Swedish government decided by the end of January 2013 to contribute with a maximum of 15 persons during a maximum of 15 months (Prop 2012/13:

173).

Following a request by the transitional authorities of Mali to implement an UN mission in order to help restore the state´s territorial authority and stabilize the region, UNSC resolution 2100 was passed (Prop 2012/13:173). In April 2013, the UNSC resolution 2100, supported by chapter seven of the UN charter, set up a UN led stabilization mission in Mali, MINUSMA whom AFISMAs military forces would be integrated with. In the beginning of May a request was sent out to all UN member countries asking for contributions to MINUSMA (UNSC 2100, 2012) MINUSMA was implemented in June 2013 following resolution 2100 from the Security Council with the objective regain control of the northern regions and promote peace and stability. The core mandate of MINUSMA in accordance with UNSC resolution 2100 is:

1. Stabilization of key population centers and support for the reestablishment of State authority throughout the country

2. Support for the implementation of the transitional road map, including the national political dialogue and the electoral process

3. Protection of civilians and United Nation’s personnel 4. Promotion and protection of human rights

5. Support for humanitarian assistance 6. Support for cultural preservation

7. Support for national and international justice” (UNSC:2100, 2013 p.7-8)^.

During the summer of 2014 a process of negotiations between the Malian government and several of the rebel groups was initiated. These negotiations took place in Alger and were led by the foreign minister of Algeria. and in February 2015 an agreement of a ceasefire was signed (Prop 2014/15:68). During the negotiations representatives from both MINUSMA, EU

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commonly called the Algiers Agreement. The parties of the Algiers Agreement include the Malian government and two different coalitions of armed groups, the Coordination of Azawad Movements (CMA) and The Platform. The main difference between the two groups lies in their respective objectives, while the CMA is driven by pursuit of autonomy of Azawad, The Platform consists of groups who still sees Mali as an unitary state but demands to resolve the existing issues in regards to socio-economic grievances (Prop: 2015/16: 119); Nyirabikali , 2015). The agreement is supported by the international community both financially and politically. The agreement entails issues regarding decentralization, institutional issues, defense and security, economic development and reconciliation. It also entailed that a process of DDR is to be prepared and implemented through support of MINUSMA. The peace

agreement created better prospects for future peacebuilding but the presence of terrorist groups continued to be a serious threat to peace and security (Prop: 2015/16: 119).

The implementation of the peace agreement has met several obstacles and the process has been slow. When the transition period ended several tasks that where to be carried out during that time were left unresolved. Mostly due to lack of consensus on how to implement the

agreement. The main advancement has been seen in the initiating of a DDR process and joint patrolling. But rebel groups that are signatories to the agreement have repeatedly acted against it, adding on the increase of terror attack by violent Islamist groups, organized crime, and vulnerability to environmental change it is evident that the security situation in Northern and Central Mali has worsened. Spillover effects have also been evident in regional areas such as Burkina Faso and Niger as well as in Europe due to increased irregular migration and

transnational organized crime. The UN has implemented an international commission of inquiry in accordance with the peace agreement. Despite some progress following the signing of a peace agreement, threats still exist and require more work in order to enable long term peace and stability in Mali (Prop: 2016/17:128 ; Prop 2017/18: 180 ; Prop 2018/19:69).

In April 2019 the prime minister of Mali along with his government resigned following public protests, criticism by the opposition and threat of vote of census by the parliament. Later on in the beginning of May a new government, including members of the opposition, was presented by new Prime Minister Boubou Cissé. Moreover, the security situation remains serious with

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several threats. Armed conflicts, environmental degradation, droughts and floods caused by climate change, lack of access to basic necessities and lack of state presence are all factors to the deteriorating security and stability situation of Mali (Prop: 2019/20: 29).

5.4 Sweden's relationship with Mali

MINUSMA was initiated in 2013 with the purpose to support the Malian government in reassuring control over the northern region. The decision for Sweden to contribute to

MINUSMA was taken during the spring of 2014. Sweden contributed with intelligence forces in order to contribute to MINUSMA mandate in accordance to UNSC resolution 2100 and thus improve stability and security (Försvarsmakten, n.d ; UNSC 2100: 2012). In the next section, all propositions regarding the Swedish decision to participate in MINUSMA will be looked at in chronological order to find arguments and patterns explaining the decision to contribute to MINUSMA.

What motivated Sweden to contribute to MINUSMA following a period of low participation in UN led peacekeeping operations? First one could look at what interests and previous relations Sweden has in Mali. Since 2001, Sweden has implemented a long-term bilateral development cooperation with Mali in order to strengthen democracy, equality and human rights, to increase security and stability, decrease environmental impact, an building capacity through

peacebuilding. Moreover, in 2010 Sida’s office in Bamako was turned into an embassy resulting in further connections with Mali. Sweden has also contributed to EU led operations in Mali, both the civilian education operations EUCAP Sahel Mali and the military education operation EUTM. In regards to trade, Sweden does not have strong connections to Mali. Both import and export to and from Mali is rather modest (Regeringskansliet, n.d)

5.5 Propositions regarding Swedish participation in the UN stabilization mission in Mali

Following the first proposition resulting in the first decision for Sweden to contribute to MINUSMA there have been propositions each year suggesting to extend Sweden´s

contribution to MINUSMA and providing information on the situation in Mali as well as the core tasks and objectives of Sweden's involvement. All propositions follow the same pattern in

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regards to motivations and incentives to why Sweden are contributing to MINUSMA. What differs are the concrete information on what contribution are to consist of, and general updates on the evaluation of the situation in Mali (Prop 2012/13:174; Prop 2013/14: 189 ; Prop

2014/15:68 ; Prop 2015/16: 119; Prop 2016/17: 128; Prop; 2017/18:180 ; Prop 2018/19:69 ; Prop 2019/20: 29) .

In order to contribute to peacekeeping activities, Sweden are dependent on a legitimate

mandate under international law. In all of the existing propositions it is argued that the mission has a clear mandate following a request by transitional authorities of Mali and an existing UNSC resolution. Thus it is noted that a prerequisite for the suggested contribution in each proposition is a UNSC resolution extending the mandate of MINUSMA in accordance with chapter 7 of the UN charter (Prop 2012/13:174; Prop 2013/14: 189; Prop 2014/15:68 ; Prop 2015/16: 119; Prop 2016/17: 128; Prop; 2017/18:180 ; Prop 2018/19:69 ; Prop 2019/20: 29).

Proposition 2012/13: 173 by the Swedish Government proposes to the parliament that a Swedish force consisting on a regular basis of 70 persons but if needed can be enhanced to a maximum 160 persons should be available to participate in MINUSMA throughout a period of maximum 12 months. Further, the proposition states that a possible civilian contribution to MINUSMA will be looked at in the future (Prop 2012/13:173). In proposition 2013/14:189 the Swedish Government moves to extend Sweden's contribution to MINUSMA, increasing the force available to a maximum of 400 persons and with 250 persons being deployed on a regular basis. In proposition 2012/13:173 the government stated that they were to look into further possibilities of contributing to MINUSMA in 2014, and on the 12th of February 2014, Sweden received a request from the UN asking for troop contributions to MINSUMAs

intelligence unit, AFISU. Thus, the proposal states that Sweden's contribution should consist of an intelligence unit to support AFISU, a national support unit, a qualified medical

component and staff officers (Prop: 2013/14:189).

In June 2014 the UNSC passed resolution 2164 extending the mandate of MINUSMA with one year. Resolution 2164 provides MINUSMA with themandate to perform these main tasks: providing support to security, stability, and protection of civilians; supporting the

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national political dialogue and reconciliation process, supporting the state in regaining control of the country; rebuilding security sectors, promote and protect human rights, support

humanitarian assistance and protecting UN staff; and protect and preserve Mali's cultural legacy. The mission is mandated to take all necessary measures in fulfilling the tasks of the mandate (Prop: 2014/15:68). Proposition 2014/15:68 suggests an increase of number of

persons available to MINUSMA, from the previous standard of 250 persons being deployed on a regular basis to 320, and a maximum of 470 persons if needed. Further developments

include the establishment of Camp Nobel in Timbuktu. Following incapability by the UN to provide the Swedish forces with a base, the Swedish Armed Forces constructed Camp Nobel in the fall of 2014 and beginning of 2015 with a capacity for around 300 persons. The Swedish contribution will continue to consist of an intelligence unity working in AFISU, a national support unit, a qualified medical component, and staff officers, but moreover personnel for maintenance and drift of the base Camp Nobel will be added (Prop 2014/15:68).

In June 2015, UNSC passed resolution 2227 who further extended the mandate of MINUSMA with one year. The main tasks of the mission remain the same as proposed in previous UNSC resolution 2164, adding on the task of providing support to the parties in fulfillment of the peace agreement. Proposition 2015/16:119 suggest that the Swedish troop contribution on a regular basis should continue to consist of 320 persons and that if needed it could be extended to a maximum of 470 persons. The Swedish troop contribution shall continue to consist of the same structure as before. Moreover, the Swedish Government was preparing to contribute with a transportation aircraft to improve tactical air transportation of MINUSMA (Prop 2015/16:119). In June 2016 UNSC resolution 2295 was passed extending the mandate of MINUSMA with one year, until 30th of June 2017. The main tasks of the mandate remain the same as in previous but adding on the right to give support in areas of stabilization projects, DDR processes, sanctions committees and preservation of Mali's cultural heritage (Prop:

2016/17:128). Proposition 2016/17:128 suggests that the Swedish troop contribution on a regular basis will continue to consist of 320 persons but if needed be reinforced to a maximum of 470 persons. In addition to the previous structured contribution, Sweden will contribute with a tactical team and transportation aircraft throughout a period of six months, with up to 60 persons being deployed (Prop 2016/17:128).

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In June 2017 the UNSC passed resolution 2364, extending the mandate of MINSUMA with one more year. Proposition 2017/18:180 suggests that the Swedish troop contribution on a regular basis should continue to consist of 320 persons but if needed be extended to a maximum of 470 persons. Moreover, the structure of Sweden's contribution remained the same. In addition, Sweden will contribute with a tactical team and transportation aircraft throughout a period of six months, with up to 60 persons being deployed. For future contribution beyond the current period, the Swedish Armed Forces and the Swedish government came to the conclusion that restructuring of the Swedish troop contribution is needed (Prop:2017/18:180). In June 2018 UNSC resolution 2423 was passed, extending the mandate of MINUSMA with one more year until June 2019. Proposition 2018/19:69 suggest that the Swedish troop contribution will proceed to consist of the same capacity and units as before. But following December 2019 a dismantling process of the current Swedish

intelligence unit and of the Swedish base, Camp Nobel will be initiated. Thus the Swedish troop contribution will continue to consist of 320 persons on a regular basis but successively decrease along with the dismantling process. Simultaneously planning and preparation of a new Swedish troop contribution based in Gao will occur.

In June 2019, the UNSC passed resolution 2480, extending the mandate of MINUSMA with one year until June 2020. In the extension a strategic priority was added to the mandate stating that the operation is to support the implementation of a Malian led strategy to protect civilian, decrease violence, increase government presence and restore governance in Mali. Proposition 2019/20: 29 suggest to extend the Swedish contribution to MINUSMA to December 2020. The Swedish troop contribution are to consist of a rifle company based in Gao, a national support unit, a qualified medical component as well as a troop continuing the dismantle process of the previous troop contribution and infrastructure in Timbuktu. In proposition 2017/18:180 it was stated that a future troop contribution from Sweden would require restructuring, this entails the dismantlement of Camp Nobel and the introduction of the rifle company. On a regular basis around 220 persons are to be deployed but if needed a reinforcement up to 470 persons shall be available. It is recognized that the security situation in Mali and the region is unstable and thus generates possible risks for the deployed troops. Throughout the operations, The Swedish

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Armed forces are tasked to evaluate the situation and degree of risk. With respect to this threat, it is stated that Sweden should always be prepared to reinforce the troops or execute an

evacuation strategy if needed. Moreover this operation entails a substantial financial cost, which will be drawn from the defense budget (Prop 2012/13:174; Prop 2013/14: 189 ; Prop 2014/15:68 ; Prop 2015/16: 119; Prop 2016/17: 128; Prop; 2017/18:180; Prop 2018/19:69 ; Prop 2019/20: 29) .

The Swedish troop contribution to MINUSMA are motivated by both political, strategic, operational and tactical objectives. But the main objective remains to contribute to the fulfillment of MINUSMAs mandate in accordance to UNSC resolutions 2100 (2013), 2164 (2014), 2227 (2015), 2295 (2016), 2364 (2017), 2423 (2018) and 2480 (2019) (Prop 2019/20:

29).

Throughout the propositions it is evident that a lot of focus is directed towards emphasizing the importance of working with humanitarian issues, of Sweden's interest and will to provide aid and assistance in different forms, to promote peace and stability around the world and to protect human rights. This is evident through a recurrence of mentions of Sweden's generous pattern of support and contributions to several humanitarian organizations including the United Nations. A point is also made that the Swedish contribution is a way for Sweden to express its support for theUN and its peacekeeping operations and that it is a response to an evident call for assistance to UN activities. In the propositions it is stated that Sweden should contribute to MINUSMA because of the deteriorating humanitarian situation and the negative impact it has had in the region for example through the spread of terrorism. The worsening humanitarian situation is affected by high prices of dry goods, ecological degradation, poverty, vulnerability and droughts. Peace and stability in the Sahel region is stated to be of utmost importance to Sweden's government and Sweden argues themselves to be one of the largest supporters and donors to the Sahel region in response to the humanitarian crisis (Prop 2012/13:174; Prop 2013/14: 189 ; Prop 2014/15:68 ; Prop 2015/16: 119; Prop 2016/17: 128; Prop; 2017/18:180 ; Prop 2018/19:69 ; Prop 2019/20: 29) .

What motivates countries’ decisions to contribute to peacekeeping?

Bachelor thesis