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Freedom of expression, association, and assembly

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5 General human rights issues

The SOE also prohibited exchanging any message through the internet, mobile telephones, writing, television, radio, social media, or other means of communication that may cause a riot, disturbance, suspicion, or grievance among persons. Police used suspicion of individuals possessing or distributing such media as a premise to enter homes without a warrant. The SOE prohibited any individual from exchanging information with a foreign government in a manner that undermined national sovereignty and prohibited political parties from briefing journalists in a manner deemed unconstitutional or that undermined sovereignty and security. Individuals self-censored because of these prohibitions. The protests and demands for change were driven by the EPRDF’s attempts to impede criticism through intimidation, including continued detention of journalists, those who express critical opinions online, and opposition figures. Additionally, the government monitored and interfered in activities of political opposition groups. Some citizens feared authorities would retaliate against them for discussing security force abuses. Authorities arrested and detained persons who made public or private statements deemed critical of the government under a provision of the law pertaining to inciting the public through false rumors.” (USDOS, 13 March 2019, section 2a)

Please see section 2.3.1 for further information on the proposed law on hate speech, the Organization of Civil Societies Proclamation and the electoral law, and section 5.2 for freedom of the media.

5.1.1 Treatment of political opposition groups and activists

In January 2018 hundreds of political prisoners were released, including OFC chairperson Merera Gudina (Freedom House, 4 February 2019). In February 2018 Bekele Gerba, OFC deputy chair, was released (Freedom House, 4 February 2019, section B2; USDOS, 13 March 2019, section 1e). In May 2018 the government pardoned Andargachew Tsige, who had been sentenced to death for his membership in the banned opposition group Ginbot 7 (Freedom House, 4 February 2019, section B1) and charges against Ginbot 7 leader Berhanu Nega and Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed were withdrawn (USDOS, 13 March 2019, section 1e). In July 2018 a “widespread amnesty for thousands of individuals charged with treason and other crimes against the state” was approved by parliament (Freedom House, 4 February 2019, section B1).

According to Freedom House “opponents of the EPRDF have found it nearly impossible to operate inside Ethiopia and were subject to prosecution under restrictive antiterrorism and other legislation” (Freedom House, 4 February 2019, section B1). However, with the implementation of changes by the government of Abiy Ahmed the conditions for opposition groupings improved (Freedom House, 4 February 2019, section B2).

In its human rights report published in March 2019 the USDOS provides the following overview on the situation of the opposition in 2018:

“The government, controlled by the EPRDF, called on all diaspora-based opposition groups, including those in armed struggle, to return and pursue nonviolent struggle. Virtually all major opposition groups, including OLF, Oromo Democratic Front, ONLF, and PG7, welcomed the request and returned to the country. On February 14, authorities released

65 Mamushet Amare, former leader of the All Ethiopian Unity Party, whom authorities had

detained on terrorism-related charges since March 2017. Constituent parties of the EPRDF conferred advantages upon their members; the party directly owned many businesses and allegedly awarded jobs and business contracts to loyal supporters. Opposition parties reported they rented offices and meeting halls in the Amhara and Oromia Regions without difficulty. There were reports unemployed youths not affiliated with the ruling coalition sometimes had trouble receiving the ‘support letters’ from their wards necessary to obtain jobs. Registered political parties must receive permission from regional governments to open and occupy local offices, with at least one major opposition party reporting it was able to open many offices during the year in advance of the 2020 national election. Laws requiring parties to report ‘public meetings’ and obtain permission for public rallies inhibited opposition activities.” (USDOS, 13 March 2019, section 3)

The USDOS report also notes the following regarding treatment of opposition members:

“Opposition members, journalists, and athletes reported ruling party operatives and militia members made intimidating and unwelcome visits to their homes and offices. These intimidating contacts included entry and searches of homes without a warrant. There were reports that authorities dismissed opposition members from their jobs and that those not affiliated with the EPRDF sometimes had trouble receiving the ‘support letters’ from their kebeles (neighborhoods or wards) necessary to obtain employment.” (USDOS, 13 March 2019, section 1e)

According to Amnesty International 1,200 youths were arrested for taking part in protests on 15 September 2018 in Burayu (AI, 24 September 2018). In June 2019 the OFC accused “the government of closing down a branch office of the party in Guji zone” and “harassing party members in the region”. According to the government, “the offices were closed on grounds that they were not operating in accordance with the law” (Borkena, 21 June 2019). After the assassinations on 22 June 2019 (see section 2.5) activists and members of the opposition National Movement of the Amhara were targeted in arrests (AI, 9 July 2019). In August 2019 University lecturer Firew Bekele was charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP). He is accused of writing a book criticizing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (AI, 20 September 2019).

In October 2019 a protest planned by the Addis Ababa Baladera Council against “ownership claim by Oromo politicians over Addis Ababa” was canceled. Eskinder Nega (see also section 5.2.1), the leader of the Baladera Council said that “the council called off the demonstration for two reasons: the first being not to go against law and order and second was to stop the arrest against members of the council.” Eskinder did not say how many members had been arrested. (Ezega, 13 October 2019)

For further information on the treatment of political opposition groups and activists please also see chapter 2.

5.1.2 Treatment of human rights and women’s rights activists

In the first half of 2018 very few local human rights groups operated, because of significant government restrictions in place. The Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) was the only

local independent human rights group operating in the country. According to the USDOS, the government’s distrustful and wary attitude regarding domestic and international human rights groups and observers “appeared to be changing”. USDOS further mentions the establishment of the Consortium of Ethiopian Rights Organizations on 16 August 2018 by four local charities and rights organizations. It focuses on advocacy for human rights groups. (USDOS, 13 March 2019, section 5)

Please see the following link for the website of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO):

EHRCO - Ethiopian Human Rights Council: Home, undated https://ehrco.org/

In August 2019 the Consortium of Ethiopian Rights Organizations (CERO) notes the establishment of a National Human Rights Defenders Coalition in collaboration with the Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE) and EHRCO (CERO, 6 August 2019). According to its website, the AHRE wants to advance the work of Ethiopian human rights defenders and perform advocacy and related tasks. It describes itself as a “non-governmental, non-partisan, and not-for-profit organization” (AHRE, undated).

According to Freedom House’s report on civil rights in 2018 “NGOs can now more freely organize public events, renew registration, and make public statements that are critical of the government without facing harassment or intimidation by authorities.” (Freedom House, 4 February 2019, section E2)

In October 2018 human rights lawyer Henok Aklilu was arrested at his office in Addis Ababa along with his friend Michael Melak. Henok Aklilu is known for representing persons accused of terrorism-related offences. After three days in jail the two were released. (AI, 22 October 2018)