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SCANDIA : Tidskrift for historisk forskning

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j.

B. D. L. Striimberg

The Swedish kings in progress -

md

the centre of power

THIS ARTICLE DEALS with the problem of what we can know about Swe- dish rulers' choices of residences during the centharies before Stoc&olm became the country's capital city - when kings, queens and regents still Ped a migrating l i k Statistical evidence based on royal documents (the value of which remains very uncertain, especially concerning the Middle Ages, when source material is very scarce) gives the impression that Stockholm and the region around that city held a very prorni- nent position as royal residence long before a state bureaucracy was permanently established there. The statistically founded preliminary conclusion about an early concentration of royal presence in this area is then tested against the evidence of several other types of sources: archaeological, narrative, geographical. The general impression (bound to be hypothetical) is that Stockholm grew into its role as capital city s80wly and gradually. The choice of this place as the bureaucratic centre of the Swedish state administration in the 1680s was unproblematic, because royal presence had by then been especially c8osePy connected with Stocho%m for centuries.

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Eb be

Gert Rasmxssen

W e await y o u any h o u r

The Limhavn letters as sources for t h e Malmsaa conspiracy 1458- 1659

BY T H E PEACE treaty o f R o s k l d e i n February 1658 Denmark surrendered

t h e whole o f Eastern Denmark t o Sweden. Six m o n t h s later a war broke o u t between t h e m o k i n g d o m s , during w h i c h patriotic circles i n t h e surrendered regions o f Scania and Bornholm began co-operating w i t h t h e Danish government. -

T h i s article is a n investigation o f t h e secret correspondence b e m e e n t h e Danish government and t h e conspiracy i n Scania ( S k i n e ) . T h e s e letters are k e p t i n t h e National Archives in StockRoPm. T h e material constitutes a small part o f t h e extensive collections o f legal documents f r o m t h e trial after t h e exposure o f t h e conspiracy. During t h e working process this writer has succeeded in bringing t o light additional letters o n t h e subject as compared t o t h e material u p till n o w available t o historical research. V e can n o w establish that today

47

or 48 letters i n varying states o f preservation are k n o w n , constituting t h e written c o m - munication between Copenhagen and t h e conspiracy. T h i s material has Been identified according t o author, t i m e , and place and has furthermore been examined and interpreted thoroughly. T h i s author's hypothesis o n t h e composition of t h e sources appears born t h e appendix.

T h i s investigation shows that t h e former picture o f th e history o f th e conspiracy can b e elaborated as well as revised o n important points. T h e secret correspondence across Oresund dates from SeptemberIOctober

IQ58 till MarchlApriP i n t h e following year. T h i s study demonstrates a

development i n three phases. I n t h e first phase until t h e end of October, t h e conspiracy received o n l y limited moral support f r o m the Danish government i n Copenhagen, w h i c h was under Swedish siege. But w h e n this was broken b y a D u t c h relieving force o n October 29, t h e second phase began, w h e n the government actively joined t h e preparations for a recapture o f Mvlalm~. During this period w e can almost follow t h e w o r k day b y day. T h e Danish plan o f attack, w h i c h was sanctioned

by

t h e king o n December 2, failed, however, d e n put i n t o action. T h e first t i m e

in t h e night between December 18 and 13, w h e n pack ice prevented t h e relieving ships f r o m leaving Copenhagen, and later o n December

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26-27', when the ships grounded on the island o f SaPthoPm. Bn spite o f tireless efhrts by the patriotic circle, the idea o f active relief was now abandoned in Copenhagen. Bn this third phase the government imagined a recapture by the patriotic circle alone

-

the same model as the people o f the island o f Bornholm had realised earlier. Following the repulse o f the Swedish attack on Copenhagen on February 10-1 1 , Copenhagen had other military objectives.

The responsibility for the failure lies with the Danish government for its changing and often half-hearted support and its unfortunate choice o f commander-in-chief for the action in Malrn~. The decisive factor, however, was the weather conditions.

The work o f the conspiracy originated in the demands o f the mo- ment. Besides the endeavours to reconquer Scania it included a steady and extensive intelligence service in favour o f Copenhagen. This went on through the whole lifetime o f the conspiracy. Perhaps the greatest achievement o f the conspiracy was communicating the Swedish plan for the attack on Copenhagen as early as January. But by October the Swedish provisions along Oresund restricted the actions o f the patriotic circle. By the following year these were further constricted by the enemy's constant patrolling in connection with &is preparations for the attack on Copenhagen.

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Fredrik Persson

The dmgelroaas peninsula

T h e use of histoq in tsdafs Scmian regiondism

Ha IS WELL attested that t h e use o f history has played a central role for national projects. Since

B339

Scania ( S k i n e ) , th e southernmost province o f Sweden, has been t h e setting for a trial f o r m o f regional self-govern- m e n [ under t h e n e w political and administrative u n i t Region Skdne. T h e article underlines t h e role o f history i n connection w i t h today's Scanian regionalism b y analysing t h e information material pbablished b y Region Skdne and

by

the independent lobby b o d y T h e Foundation for the Future o f Scania (StifXsen Skdnsk Fmmtid, SSF).

A t h o u g h there are different nuances in t h e picture o f t h e province's history as painted b y t h e t w o coPlections o f material, t h e shared features are such that o n e can speak o f a Scanian historical drama. T h e y paint a picture o f a lost golden age, emphasizing elements o f political autonomy, t h e n a harsh period o f decline w i t h t h e transfer o f t h e province f r o m Denmark t o Sweden i n 1658, foBPowed b y cultural repression and heroic resistance, w h i c h is n o w developing i n t o a Scaniana renaissance in t h e guise o f regionalism. Sweden and t h e Swedes are consistently described as a brutal enemy, and t h e cultural and historical c o m m u n i t y w i t h Den- mark is underlined. T h i s , together w i t h a primordial identification o f a distinctive Scanian identity, makes history i n t o a n explicit argument i n today's politics for continued or increased regional self-government. T h e f o r m taken b y the drama and t h e occurrence o f classical national regalia such as t h e red-and-yeBBow flag and a coat o f arms m a k e Scanian nationalism seem Pike a blueprint o f classical nationalism, as analysed so acutely by Eric ~ o b s b a w n a a , - h t h o n y D. SmithPa, and others. ~ o ; conti- nued w o r k w i t h such problems

it

m a y therefore b e relevant t o launch t h e concept o f regionationalism, w h i c h i n its tentative form should

be

eanderstood as: t h e construction o f an imagined unity and c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h t h e political use o f history, intended t o find arguments for regional self-government w i t h i n t h e framework o f , and at the expense o f , a n existing nation state.

Fanslation: Alan C~ozier

References

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