VVlnat is a vi!lage
a d
why?The origin and rationale of the medievL viyage
Fdats
OIssorz d-3bakin2 Thoncasson
-
TEIS
ARTICLE TEATS SOME of the central issues concerning the village. >or ck!e major par; of the previous rniilenniui~, the village was the centre of most people's life and production. Yiihar do we actupdip h o v v about this construction? So far, scholars have concentrated mainly on describing the village, its physicd stmcxure, forms and &u~?cdons, but have had far greater difficulty in addressing the quesrisnwhy did
thevilhge
appeb~r?Pre-feudal settlements tended not to be stationary but moved around within a ~ e s ~ u r c e area. I. bey could be described as conglomerations of individual f a r m rather than ~~iiiages. So the village can be said to appear in Europe roughly in the period 300-1200. It was discontinued in the 18''' and lYh centuries. The f0ri21-i- tion oE the village was <he result of rational decisions - a sacionale chat should be appreciated in the lighr of an integrated analysis of the feudai context and the individual farmers' alternatives. Economicdly, the \rillage was a m i x t ~ ~ r e ofpr~va.ie and cn!lective ownership on the one hand, individually cultilated plots, o c the othe:, scattered srrips, the open Geld system and the commons, The explanation for the appearance of these phenomena musc be sought in the "lztei~t ir,corneX they provided in the form of risk spreading, the possibility of ratio& agricultural work schedules, and the advantages of large-scale pasturage. But the existence of coilective ownership dso pres~~pposed the formation of a more or less homoge- neous class of farmers. When this was dispersed through socizl differentiarior;, and when o ~ h e r means of risk spreading and provision of labour appeared, the village was discontinued.
A
true forgery evidence once again,Uen~ik
janson
THIS
ARTICLE DISCUSSES a text called Annotations ex scriptis Karoli piscopiP,rosie~~- sis excerptd. Ex MS. O membmneo vetusto nu?zcpria?zum in lucemprolatce, which wasi'lrst published in Uppsda in the beginning of 1678. From these Annotationes i: became clear that the pagan ternpie Uppsda had stood in the village Old Uppsala, and that it in the
-
mid 12rh censury had been built into the medieval Ca<hedrdhB.bar a very long time the Annotationes was looked upon as obvious fabrication. Et seemed indisputable that this text had been created in the famoias academic ciash these pears over the iocaiisation of the Uppsda temple. Howevei; iia
1967
d ~ e Swedish historian Xjell Kunnlielz gave the Annotationes a reassessment. Me admit- - ted chat the text was a late fabrication, but argued that it was based oia a solid medieval source. Kw-nliens main argument was that the bishop KarB of V2sterb was unknown to :he scholars of the 1670s.It is maintained in this article that not only the form but also the contents very strongly prove Annotationes ro be a Bate hbricacion. It can furthermore be shovvn that the bishop Karl was discovered some time before rhe publication oEAnnota- tiones. The conciusive evidence of his existence was il; fact published together with the Annota,tion,rc in 1678. First to h o w about this evidence was people close to the pubiisher Olof Verelius, and a 1st of indicarions points to the hcr that the Annotationes was written in these circles ar this rime. There can certainly be no
doubt about that the Annatationes that is said to be excepz ex scr@tis &roli epis- copi Arosiensis is a solid forgery.
The Avznotatio~es can rherefore safely he taken awzy from the discussion of high medieval Swedish histony, and the article ends by pointing to the fact that we indeed !mow very lirrie about :he background ofthe enormous cathedral in Old - Uppsala. W ~ e n and. why was it built? Kt seems to have been founded well before
1
B64
~~1ae1-r it became the sear of rhe archbishop of Sweden. What was its purpose, whom stood behind it, and how old are the Chrisdan graves in the layers beneath it?The
Labour Market Pxxiesa d
Vocationd Training in Industry B9
18-1
97
1
- aSwedish model for centralised tripartite collaboration J T o ~ ~ §
Oloj~on
IN THE YEARS B E ~ E N 1945 and
1370,
vocational training in Sweden urndenvent a dramatic change. From having been a very peripherd phenomenon \\rich smalI resources, limited numbers of students and weak public sgpnort, voca:ional edu- - - cation was transformed into an expansive, diversified sector that evoked iarge so- cial imerest. A completely new rnodel for vocational training was developed. Theid
model of apprenticeships suppleillented by evening classes in vocational theo- ry was replaced by vocatior-rd training based drnost entirely on public, school- centred education.The
essay treats the various steps in this dev:lopment: the 194 1 decision on centralised apprentice-training schools to the government deci- sion in 1968 about the new, integrated "gymnasium". There was d i s t i ~ c r agree- men1 among the poiiticd parties as to ;he direction of vocational training policy The fundamental political ideas and principles for theno del
that was realised during the 1350s and 63s were laid dmvn by Liberal and Consei-vative politicians such as Bertil Ohlin and Giista Bagge in government morions and propositions during the late 1930s and early 40s. The main ingredients in the Social-Democra-. tic policy during the first post-wzr declides had thus already been specified in an earlier phase.Wllaat, then, are the chief explanations for the emergence ofthe Swedish model of vocational training!
Attempts to make vocational crzining more attractive and to divert the flow of studei~ts :o theoretic4 courses led to the prolongation of compulsory unspecidi- sed rraining and the postponemenr ofrhe differentiation stage to ever higher age- levels.
'h
the Social-Democratic n~inisrers ofeducation, JosefVVeiner in the 1950sand Range: Edenman in the 1960s, this gradual exrension of the compulsory, undifferentiated schooi was ucfortunate or rather ir was a nigk:~mare scenario. Ye: it vvas the natural consequence ofthe attempt to provide more space for vocatioi~al training that set the compass for most of the post-war educarjonai reforms.
What part did the labour markex parties play? in practice, the proposals for vocational training connected to working iife and directed towards apprentice-.
ships, put fo~ward
by
the Swedish Confederation ofTrade U ~ ~ i o n s(EO)
and the Sxvedish Employers' Coefederation(SAF),
were not redised!. Demands in this direction were voiced on several occasions during the 1 340s and 5Os, particularly by the joint orgaiaisatioi~, the Labour Marker Vocational Council. Tlae mail1 ex- planation \u~.~hy LO's and SAF's intentioiasdidn't
succeed was in het the srrel:_grb afthe member organiszrions and their highly centrdised m-uctilres. The agreemen: that was reached in co~+instion to t h e Saltsj~bad negotiarioni led to a centralisa- tioR of power and decision-making functions within both LC? and SAE The par-
lies devised a patzern for negotiation w1ae1-eby the head organisations would draw up the framework, \vhich ~vould then be subdivided at central and local leve!s. The negotiating mandate thar was thereby created for the cenrrai units of the head organisations constituted a corner-stone in what came to be known as The S l ~ e - dish Model.
But the emergence of these highly cen~tralised organisarional strhictures also meant something else. Within the framework of rhe public institutions, increa- sing opportu.nities for tripartite collaboration were created. Athough :he corpora- tive departmental structures in Swedish politics date back to the years around the end of the First '&'orld b a r , :he real breakthrough o c a r r e d afier the Second Krorid War. Vocational training was one of the areas where the collaboration bet- ween public institutions and party organisations wouid be mosr far-reaching The negodating mandate created by the head organisations via the Saltsjsbad Agree- ment put the psr.;ies in a stronger position vis-a-vis the state. This strength b u n 4 its expression in the design of the reforms. One of the chief motives behind the decision to establish rhe National Board oEVocational acd Technical Educarion was in fact to create an arena for tripartite collaboration in the area of vocational training. So instead of developirag the vocational training pr-ovided bp industry, the party organisations de~roted x o s t of their resources to public, school-centred educatioil, The party organisations became a part o f t h e public educational orga- nisation. In this way, the attitude towards the importance and functon of the t~aining wzs affected. Instead of seeing the training in a narrow ~locariond per- spective, the co-responsibility for the training in publicly run sLnools afforded a broader view. This could encompass consideration Doth for students) need For personaiiv-development training ia their education and for the long-term requi- rements of indusrry regarding Iaboun- and competence.
The ove~al: conclusion about the interests behind the specir'nc Swedish model ofvocational training is that b o ~ h state and party organisarions coratributed to the emergence of an educational model that they at iirst both v i a ~ t e d to prevent. The state wanted to block the growth of lengthy undifferentlated courses of training.
i he parties, in their turn, were opposed to vocaiional training being transformed in:o a public-educatiocal matter. At the same time, the students and their parents wanted something else. The reform strategies of the state and rile parties therefore had to be fashioned in relation to an educationd issue that proved to be dif5cuPt to control. In the attempt ;o influence these demands, they created something quite different from what any of the participants had envisaged V~hen rrhe reform process began.
DIE
ERSTEV DEUTSCHEN VEREINE in Stockholm vmrden als Folge des steigenden Z/ereins&tivismus und Nacionalismus in der zvieiten Malfte des13.
Jd~rhunderts gegriindet. Die Zal? der Vereine, die Arfangs nnr zwei war, nahm nach der Reichsgr;indu~g187'
schniell zu u ~ d 13'14 gab es bereits enva zvvanzig deratsche Vereiize in StocM~olm. Die Mirglieder in denverelnen waren R.eichsdeutsche oder sch~vedische Untertanen deurscher Herkunft.Vie4e deutsche Vereine waren satzungsgernass Vereinigungen zur Pflege von Geselligkeit und deutscher Lebensart. Dazu gab es liereine deren Zweck haapt- siiclaiich mit VVohltiitigkeits-, Kultur-, Sport- oder Berufsfragen zusammenhing. Die meisten Vereine Tvaren nach den Statuten unpolitisch, obwoh! ihre Tatigkeit in der ganzei-i Zeit :7or d e n zxveiten VVeitluieg ~ o n einern scarlien konsenrativen
t war. Nationalismus geprxg.
Voia den grbsseren Vereinen spielte die Deutjche Gesellscha3, die 1320 ihre hijchste Xnzahl Mitgiieder, ganze 200, erreich~e, so~vohl eine fkihrende als auch verbindende h l l e zwischen den verschiedenen deutsci?en 'aiereinen ir? Stock- holm. Der k r e i n Sing zum Beispiel Bereits im 19. Jairhundert an, grbssere patri- otische Feste, zu denen auch ein weiterer G e i s ausserhdb des eigenen Vereins eingeladen wurde, zu arrangieren. Die guten Beziehungen zur Deutscinen Ge- sandtschafi und die Tatsache, dass dle deurschen Gesandten Ebrenrnitghieder der Deutschen GejeLhchaj!? waren, vergrbsserce die Bedeutung des liereins.
Deutschlands Tkrlust irn Erscen VUe'elckrieg hatte keinen d i r e k t e ~ negativen Einfluss auf die deutschen Vereine in Stochoirn. Erstens n&.m Schwieden nich:
an dem IQieg teil und die Derrtschen in Schweden konnren ihre Verei~~stiicigkeit wahrend des HGieges fortsetzen. Zweitens gab die schwedische kbcigiiche Familie,
die durch Kijnigin Victoria unb IGo~zprinzessin Sibylla nahe Familie3beziehung- en zu Deutschiand h a m , der Deueschen Gelneinde in der Stadt ~ l n d der~tscherr Wohitadgkitsvereil~kn 6ffentIich ihre Unzerstiitzung. Dagegen sind die Girt- schaftlichen Kiisen Anfmp der 20er irnd 30er Jahre in der Mirgliederaahl Jer deutschen Vereine und in der Vereicsratigkeir spiirbar.
Das deutsche lkseinsleben in Stoclkhoim bliihoe in der zweiten Hdfte der 20er Jzhre und die Zeit diiekt nach der M a c h t i ~ b e r n ~ r n e Hitlers, beide Zeiten ~virt- schafclichen und nationelien Aufsch~wngs in Deucschland. VViinrend der ers:eil Periode nahm die Zusarnmenarbeit der verscbiedei~en Vereine zu. 1928 wurde Der Ausschzm del. deutschen K~eeine in Stockholnz gegriindet. Der Vorsrand des Aus- schusses ~ m r d e danach als Reprssentant des ganzen Deuachtums in Srocholrsi angesehen. Dazu wurden zwei neue Vereine, ei~z K~lrurverein und ein Sportver- ein, gegrijndet. In der zaveiren Periode nacla 1333 wurde die Vereicsdrigkeit vom 1?4atioealsozialisms in Deutschland beeinflusst. Die Mitglieder der derLtschen
Vereine, -iron denen ein grosser Peii deutsch-nationd gestimmt war, hiessen die neue Regierung unrer Hitler willkornmen.
1933
wurde eine Meine Ortsgruppe derNSDAP
in Stockholm gegriiadet. Diese Ortsgmppe trachoete nach einer Gleichschdtung $er deutschen Veiereinsrii- tigkeit und nach einer auf nationdsozialistischer Basis ailfgebauten, Dachorganl- sation. P936 hatren sich die meiseen deutschen Vereine in Stockholm, mis Aus- n d m e der Gemeinde und des Dcutscljen HiiFwereins, an die ein Jahr vorher ge- griindete Dachorganisation, Deutsche Riilonie, angeschPossen.Die Opposition gegen die G!eichschdultungs~rersuche der NSDRP-Brtsgrcppe drang rlie in den Vereinen durch. Erstenzs durfien die alren deutschen Vereine, im Gegensatz zu Lkniichen Gleich~chdtun~sprozessen in anderen Landern, ~veiter- hin Sesrehen. Zweirens seace $er ehenalige Vorsitzernde des fr~heren Aussch~isses der deurschen lieseine, der schwedischer Untertan und deshdb kein IVSDN- Mirglied war, als Vorsitzender der neuen Dachorganisation fort.
