Källmaterial
Arkivsamlingar
Adam Afzelius samling, Uppsala Universitetsbiblioteks Handskriftssamlingar
Volymer:
D 26: ”Bidrag till beskrivningar över Sierra Leone”. 12 omslag.
G 2 b: ”Brev till Adam Afzelius från utlänningar”. Personlig korrespondens. G 2 c: ”Brev från Adam Afzelius”. Personlig korrespondens.
Tryckt källmaterial
Afzelius, Adam, Adam Afzelius Sierra Leone Journal 1795-1796, red. Alexander Peter Kup (Uppsala, 1967)
Clarkson, John, Clarkson’s Mission to America 1791-1792, red. Charles Bruce Fergusson (Halifax, 1971).
-- Diary of Lieutenant J. Clarkson, R.N. (Governor, 1792), ed. J. de Hart, Sierra Leone Studies 8 (Mars, 1927).
Fyfe, Christopher, Sierra Leone Inheritance (London, 1964).
-- ’Our Children Free and Happy’: Letters from Black Settlers in Africa in the 1790s (Edinburgh, 1992).
Hoare, Prince, Memoirs of Granville Sharp, Esq. composed from his own Manuscripts, and other
authentic documents in the possession of his family, and of the African Institution. With Observations on Mr. Sharp’s Biblical Criticisms, by the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of St. David’s , 2 vol. (1820) 2. uppl. (London, 1828).
Hodges, Graham Russell, The Black Loyalist Directory: African Americans in Exile After the
American Revolution (New York, 1996).
Ingham, Ernest Graham, Sierra Leone After a Hundred Year (London, 1894).
Lambert, Sheila, ed., House of Commons Sessional Papers of the Eighteenth Century, 147 vol. (Wilmington, 1975-76).
Pettigrew, Thomas, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Late John Coakley Lettsom ...:With a
Selection from His Correspondence, 3 vol. (1817).
Africa: Intended more particularly for the service and happy establishment of black and people of colour, to be shipped as freemen under the direction of the Committee for Relieving the Black Poor, and under the protection of the British Government (London,
1786).
Digitaliserat källmaterial
John Clarkson, ”List of the blacks in Birch Town who gave in their Names for Sierra Leone in November 1791”: http://www.blackloyalist.info/sourcedetail/display/42 (hämtad 2019-12-16).
Litteratur
Vetenskaplig litteratur
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Tryckt litteratur från migrationsprocessernas samtid
A Friend To The West India Colonies, And Their Inhabitants, Cursory Remarks Upon The Reverend
Mr. Ramsay’s Essay On The Treatment And Conversion Of African Slaves In The Sugar Colonies (London, 1785).
Associates of the late Doctor Bray, An Account of the Designs of the Associates of the late Doctor
Bray: With an Abstract of their Proceedings (London, 1803).
Falconbridge, Anna Maria, Two Voyages to Sierra Leone, During the Years 1791-2-3, In a Series of
Letters: To which is added, A Letter from the Author, to Henry Thornton, Esq. M.P And Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company (London, 1794).
[Johnson, Samuel], Taxation no Tyranny; An Answer to the Resolutions and Address of the
American Congress (London, 1775).
March 1790. To which are added. Two Sermons; One Preached On Ragged Island on Sabbath Day, the 27th Day of October, 1787; The Other At Boston, in New England, On Thursday, the 24th of June, 1789 (London, 1790).
[Paine, Thomas], Common Sense: Addressed to the Inhabitants of America (Philadelphia, 1776). Ramsay, James, An Essay on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar
Colonies (London, 1784).
-- A Letter From Capt. J. S. Smith To The Revd Mr Hill On The State Of The Negroe Slaves: To
which is added An Introduction, And Remarks On Free Negroes &c. By The Editor (London,
1786).
Robinson, William H., ed., The Proceedings of The Free African Union Society and The African
Benevolent Society Newport, Rhode Island 1780-1824 (Providence, 1976).
Sierra Leone Company, Substance of the Report of the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone
Company to the General Court, Held at London On Wednesday the 19th of October, 1791: To Which is Added a Postscript (London, 1792).
-- Substance of the Report Delivered by the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, to
the General Court of Proprietors, on Thursday the 27th of March, 1794 (London, 1794).
-- An Account of the Colony of Sierra Leone, From its First Establishment In 1793: Being the
Substance of a Report Delivered to the Proprietors (London, 1795).
Winterbottom, Thomas Masterman, An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of
Sierra Leone; to which is added, an Account of the Present State of Medicine among them,
2 vol. (London, 1803).
Periodika från migrationsprocessernas samtid
Diverse artiklar från följande tidningar. Samtliga återfinns i databasen 17th and 18th Century Burney Newspapers Collection som är tillgänglig via Stockholms Universitetsbibliotek.
Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser. London. General Evening Post. London.
Morning Advertiser. London. Morning Herald, London. Public Advertiser. London.
Digitaliserat material från migrationsprocessernas samtid
Benjamin Marston, ”Benjamin Marston’s Diary 1782-1787”. Tillgänglig på hemsidan
Summary
This thesis has aimed to examine the two British Sierra Leone colonies of 1786 and 1792 from a perspective of migration history. Instead of focusing attention on its peculiar origins and ties to ideas and political reform programmes hostile towards transatlantic slavery and slave trade, I've opted to closer investigate the resources of the colonies' migrants, how this effected the migration and migration routes available, as well as placing the two migrations next to other forms of early modern migration as a comparison. Importantly, this thesis has also taken a closer look at the integration of the two migrant groups in their recipient area from a functionalist viewpoint. By examining several various sources (letters, pamphlets, passenger lists, unpublished manuscripts and leftover notes from both migrants and the migrations' organizers) I've first chartered the migrant’s various resources, sketched a demographic profile and collective requisites. Thereafter, a closer look at how migration came to be tied up with collective action has been used, in order to highlight the migration's relation to political and social ideas of the time. Finally, I've followed the migrating people's result a couple of years after arrival.
The people migrating from London in 1786 and Nova Scotia in 1792 shared much of the same background. Through a quantitative method applied to various name and passenger lists left by The Committee for the Relief of The Black Poor and the Sierra Leone Company agent and later governor John Clarkson, I've concluded that an unusually large proportion of migrants hailed from regions of North American slavery where a more diverse set of skills were usually available to the slave population, and where means of acquiring independent resources were more frequent. Especially experience of slavery in urban environments seem to be proportionably vaster than the overall populations. The two groups also shared (at least to a larger extent) military experience from the American revolution and a collective requisite of being subjected to the chattel principle, at least if they resided close to a transatlantic trade route.
There were of course notable differences. The would-be migrants of London largely consisted of young men, while those signing up in British Canada were to such an extent made up by families and extended families that it rightly could be described as a family migration. However, the family component was not completely absent from the migration in 1787 either. It increased steadily in 1786 and the scheme received a large influx of women during 1787, prompting this thesis to suggest an interconnected marriage migration. Importantly, the socioeconomical status also differed between the two migrant groups. In Nova Scotia and New Brunswick labour was abundant but the labour force scarce, thus setting the stage for exploitation of African Americans forced into wage labour by an ineffective land distribution plan overseen by corrupt officials. Nevertheless, and although this did create segregation, the situation was much more dire in London where the groups'
acquired skills had no real demand on the labour market. I've here also highlighted how the London would-be migrants lacked access to working class mutual aid societies and seasonal migration routes, probably because of their lack of local contacts outside London. This made them one of many highly mobile subsistence migration groups during this time, commonly referred to as 'vagrants'. Most notably, the first Sierra Leone coincides with the development of a new policy towards subsistence migration by the local authorities, who during the 1780's began favouring exporting social problems.
What the London migrants did possess then, was a symbolic recognition from a larger part of metropolitan polite society and beyond. This thesis has argued that the incentive of
philanthropists and the government to organize and finance the first migration to Sierra Leone in 1786 did not stem from abolitionism (which didn't crystallize until late 1787), but rather from the place African American loyalists had been given in the war propaganda at home, and the military use they filled abroad. This was a resource the migrants themselves could and would use both in London and British Canada to secure financial means, educational assistance and transport to a new continent. However, this recognition was also capitalized upon by contenders of the metropolitan political field by actors who made them a part of their strategy to have religion play a larger part in public and private life. While this strategy is concurrent with previous research about the said actors (evangelical Anglicans who would later spearhead the abolition campaign), how this effected the migrant group has not previously been covered. In this thesis, I've argued that it gave the migrants a bargaining position that they also used against the actors of the political field when in conflict. By drawing attention to themselves and their benefactors as sharing a membership in the Christian nation worldwide, they would describe their situation as a result of trusting their sponsors’ moral ideal and force their patrons into action.
Previous research has given much attention to the cultural, religious and political
expressions of the new arrivals in Sierra Leone, especially the group emigrating from Nova Scotia in 1792. Highlighting influences from religious denominations and different strands of radical republicanism as well as a commitment to equality in men, these works often characterize the